System Justification

The world faces significant challenges pertaining to the depletion and degradation of environmental resources. A public that is increasingly aware of resource scarcity, understands ecosystem interdependence, and frames the current situation in comparison to previous conditions has become sensitized to the implications for personal and social justice. This chapter reviews research at the interface of justice and environmental issues. We discuss ways in which the natural environment presents a distinctive domain for justice research, and in particular the need to consider intergenerational justice and reasons for individual differences in justice perceptions. Because perceptions of justice and fairness are important determinants of policy acceptance, we consider some predictors of beliefs about environmental justice, and discuss the role of justice in motivating behavior. We close by identifying promising areas for future research.

The status-legitimacy hypothesis, which predicts that low-status groups will legitimize inequality more than high-status groups, has received inconsistent empirical support. To resolve this inconsistency, we hypothesized that low-status groups would display enhanced legitimation only when evaluating the fairness of the specific hierarchy responsible for their disadvantage. In a New Zealand-based probability sample (N = 6,162), we found that low-status ethnic groups (Asians and Pacific Islanders) perceived ethnic-group relations to be fairer than the high-status group (Europeans). However, these groups did not justify the overall political system more than the high-status group. In fact, M
aori showed the least support for the political system. These findings clarify when the controversial status-legitimacy effects predicted by System Justification Theory will – and will not – emerge.

Bu araştırmada, Kürt gençlerinin kimlik yönetim stratejileri, etnik kimlikle özdeşleşme düzeyleri, sosyal baskınlık yönelimleri ve sistemi meşrulaştırma eğilimlerinin yanı sıra, açık ve örtük biçimleri ölçülen dış-grup tarafgirlikleri kullanılarak etnik kimlikleriyle ilgili eylem ve hedeflerinin başlıca yordayıcılarının belirlenmesi amaçlanmıştır. Ayrıca, bahsedilen değişkenlerin etnik kimlikle ilgili eylem ve hedef yönelimleriyle ilişkileri kıyaslamalı olarak incelenmiştir. Araştırmaya 125 Kürt erkek üniversite öğrencisi katılmıştır. Analiz sonuçları kimliği destekleyici eylem ve hedeflerin rekabet stratejileriyle olumlu, hareketlilik ve kategorizasyon stratejileriyle ise olumsuz ilişkilere sahip olduğunu orta-ya koymuştur. Yol analizleri genel olarak etnik kimlikle özdeşleşmenin rekabet stratejilerini olumlu, kategorizasyon stratejilerini ve dış-grup tarafgirliğini olumsuz yönde yordadığını göstermiştir. Sistemi meşrulaştırmanın hareketlilik ve kategorizasyon stratejilerinin yanı sıra, dış-grup tarafgirliğiyle de olumlu yönde ilişkili olduğu saptanmıştır. Sosyal baskınlık yönelimi ise sadece hareketlilik stratejilerini olumlu yönde yordamaktadır. Kimlikle ilgili eylem ve hedefler-in en güçlü yordayıcıları ise, sırasıyla, etnik özdeşleşme ile açık ve örtük dış-grup tarafgirlikleridir. Bu bulgular göz önüne alındığında, Sosyal Kimlik Kuramı ve Sistemi Meşrulaştırma Kuramı'nın ana değişkenlerinin Sosyal Baskınlık Kuramı'na göre, çeşitli strateji tercihlerini ve etnik kimlikle ilgili eylem ve hedefleri belirlemede daha başarılı olduğu söylenebilir. Araştırmada ele alınan kuramsal değişkenlerin her birinin farklı stratejileri açıklamada öne çıkıyor olması, bu değişkenlerin ilgili çalışmalarda birlikte ele alınmasının önemine işaret etmektedir.
Abstract This study aims to identify the main predictors of Kurdish youth's actions and goals related to their ethnic identities by using identity management strategies, ethnic identification, social dominance orientation, and system justification, as well as explicit and implicit outgroup favoritism. Also, the relationships of these variables with the action and goal ori-entations regarding ethnic identity were examined comparatively. The sample consisted of 125 Kurdish male university students. Results showed that identity-related actions and goals positively related to competition strategies and negatively related to mobility and categorization strategies. Path analyses revealed that ethnic identification predicted competition strategies positively, whereas it predicted categorization strategies and outgroup favoritism negatively. System justification predicted mobility and categorization strategies and outgroup favoritism positively. Social dominance orientation could only predict mobility strategies positively. The most powerful predictors of actions and goals related to ethnic identity were the variables of ethnic identification and explicit and implicit outgroup favoritism, respectively. Although the main variables of Social Identity and System Justification theories are more efficient in predicting various strategy preferences and identity-related actions and goals, compared to Social Dominance Theory, findings point out the importance of using these variables together when studying the identity management strategies.

In two studies, we examine how different processes might underlie the political mobilization of individuals with marginalized versus privileged identities for left-wing activism (LWA) versus right-wing activism (RWA). In the first study, with a sample of 244 midlife women, we tested the hypotheses that endorsement of system justification beliefs and social identities were direct predictors of political activism, and that system justification beliefs moderated the mobilization of social identities for activism on both the left and the right. We found that system justification predicted RWA only among those who felt close to privileged groups; the parallel reverse effect did not hold for LWA, though rejection of system-justifying beliefs was an important direct predictor. In Study 2, we replicated many of these findings with a sample of 113 college students. In addition , we tested and confirmed the hypothesis that LWA is predicted by openness to experience and is unrelated to RWA, but not that openness plays a stronger role among those with marginalized identities. These two studies together support our overall hypothesis that different personality processes are involved with

The purpose of the present study is to explore the organization of communicative memory among Hungarians. We were also interested in the factors possibly influencing the composition of communicative memory, such as conspiracy beliefs and system justification. The study involved 339 participants who were asked to name the three historical events that have occurred during the lifetime of people they personally knew and had the most significant impact on their country. A latent class analysis was conducted to explore possible associations of event choice with conspiracy beliefs and system justification. The results showed that the most frequently selected events partly corresponded to the Hungarian national historical canon, but progressive events significant on a European scale were also frequently nominated. The latent class analysis revealed two historical profiles. One was characterized by a progressive and Eurocentric view of history, whereas the other showed a canonical historical view with victimhood orientation. The analysis showed that individuals who believe in conspiracy theories were more likely to select events corresponding to the national historical canon, whereas system justification was unrelated to event choice. The results are discussed in terms of the importance of cultural memory and the measured individual constructs in the forming of communicative memory.

Özet
Bu araştırmada Türkiye'de yaşayan Türk ve Kürtlerin birbirlerine karşı olan önyargılarını ve sosyal mesafe düzeylerini yordayan psikolojik değişkenlerin neler olduğunu tespit etmek amaçlanmıştır. Bu bakımdan, her iki etnik grubun dini ve politik yönelimleri, sistemi meşrulaştırma düzeyleri, sosyal baskınlık yönelimleri, değerleri ve etnik kimlikleriyle özdeşleşme düzeyleri temel değişkenler olarak incelenmiştir. Yaş ortalaması 31 olan bir örneklem üzerinden Türki-ye'nin dört farklı şehrinden veri toplanarak her iki grubun birbirlerine karşı olan tutumları ölçülmüş ve bu tutumların olası nedenleri incelenmeye çalışılmıştır. Çıkan sonuçlar Türklerin Kürtlere yönelik önyargılarını yordayan en önemli değişkenlerin Türk kimliği ile yüksek özdeşim göstermek ve sağ-kanat politik yönelime sahip olmak olduğunu, sosyal mesafe düzeyini yordayan en önemli değişkenin ise sağ-kanat politik yönelime sahip olmak olduğunu göstermiştir. Kürtlerin Türklere karşı önyargılarını yordayan en önemli değişkenin ise Kürt kimliği ile yüksek özdeşim kurmak ol-duğu bulunurken, Türklerle beraber yaşama arzusunu arttıran tek değişkenin muhafazacı değerler olduğu görülmüştür. Çıkan bulgular sosyal kimlik, sosyal baskınlık ve sistemi meşrulaştırma kuramları temelinde değerlendirilmiştir. Ayrıca elde edilen bulgular, Kürtlerle Türklerin modernizasyon sürecinin ve uluslaşma pratiklerinin muhtemel farklılığı çer-çevesinde de tartışılmıştır.
Abstract
This study aimed to identify the psychological variables that predict prejudice and social distance levels of Turks and Kurds living in Turkey towards each other. For this purpose, religious and political orientations, levels of system justification, social dominance orientations, values and levels of identification with their ethnic identities of the two groups were investigated. On the basis of a sample with an average age of 31, data were collected from four different cities in Turkey and the attitudes of the two groups towards each other were examined. The results indicated high identification with Turkish identity and right-wing political orientation as the most important factors predicting the Turks' prejudice towards Kurds; and right-wing political orientation as the most important factor predicting unwillingness to live together with them. The most important factor predicting the Kurds' prejudice towards Turks, on the other hand, was high identification with Kurdish identity, while willingness to live together with the Turks was only predicted by conservative values. The findings were discussed on the basis of social identity theory, social dominance theory and system justification theory. Moreover, the findings were evaluated in terms of the possible differences in Turks' and Kurds' modernization and nationalization processes.

This entry discusses the psychosocial concept of immanent justice. The entry starts with a brief introduction of the term justice and describes its relationship to the concept of immanent justice. It then highlights the implications of immanent justice in the real world with a discussion of perceived injustices and the relationship between immanent justice and principles of equity. Next is a review of the literature on immanent justice research and the scientific discussion on the factors that may promote or challenge this type of belief. Finally, with the goal of promoting peace and justice between and within groups around the world, this entry offers insight into issues related to immanent justice such as structural inequalities, social justice, and inclusion.

In a landmark 1994 publication in the British Journal of Social Psychology, Jost and Banaji proposed the existence of a novel, fundamental system justification motive that drives social behaviors. More specifically, they proposed (a) that people have an epistemic need to support social hierarchies and societal systems, (b) that this system justification motive is inversely related to personal and group interests among members of low status groups, and (c) that it is stronger and more effective for people who are disadvantaged by societal systems than for those who are advantaged by them, especially when personal and group interests are weak. This system justification theory (SJT) has faced theoretical opposition from social identity researchers (e.g., Spears et al., 2001; Reicher, 2004; Rubin and Hewstone, 2004). In addition, evidence against the theory has recently accumulated from large scale cross-national studies (e.g., Brandt, 2013; Kelemen et al., 2014) and experimental studies (Trump and White, 2015; Owuamalam et al., 2016). In the present article, we re-examine the key cognitive dissonance assumptions for SJT's central proposition that support for unequal systems should be higher among members of disadvantaged groups than among members of advantaged groups when personal and group interests are weak.