Toponymy (Geography)

The present MA thesis aims to estimate the expansion of the Old Elamite kingdom in one of its glorious periods. In about 2000 BC the UR III Empire had been destroyed by the allied groups with the Šimaškian Kingdom being one of them. Following the destruction of this powerful empire, Khuzestan came again under the direct reign of the Elamites.
The Elamite Kingdom, first Šimaškian and then Sukalmakhs, and the Mesopotamians had prosperous relations until the attack of Hammurabi, the Babylonian King in ca. 1700 BCE. Over the span of three hundred years (1900-1600 BCE), Elam underwent one of its most powerful periods. During these three hundred years, the Elamite Kingdom had
established borders in the Western part; but there is little known about the Elamites frontiers in the East, North and South.
In this thesis, attempt is being made to discover those parts of Iran, which could have been under the influence of the Elamite Kingdom. Archaeological and written sources have been used for this purpose. Due to differing contents of the said materials and their different in methodological approaches, the writer has endeavored to arrive at
conclusions by studying each source separately , then comparing the two together, and finally attempting to interlock them together.
For the first chapter, Elamite and its neighbors toponyms were collected via written sources, i.e. Elamite and Mesopotamian texts. In the same chapter the role of various tribes of the Eastern sector of Mesopotamia were investigated. In the second chapter, through studies of archaeological data, number and size of the archaeological Sites in seven geographical districts were clarified including: Khuzestan,
Fars, Central Zagros, Bakhtiari Mountains, Pusht-i Kuh, Kerman, and the Northern Coast of the Persian Gulf.
In the third and final chapter, results of the first and second chapters were analyzed and submitted to comparative evaluation. In the first part, Elamite toponyms were classified and compared. Second section, comprising the archaeological data, were processed in the same manner.
Final section attempts to present a unified picture through both textual and archaeological data in order to establish the size of Elamite Kingdom over the three hundred years (1900-1600 BCE) period.

Enquanto disciplina focada no estudo sistemático e científico dos nomes de lugar de um determinado território e/ou área linguística, a toponomástica costuma envolver uma certa perspetiva diacrónica. Este aspeto pode ser comprovado com facilidade naqueles autores e contributos mais clássicos ou tradicionais, muito voltados para a dimensão eti-mológica da toponímia, quer dizer, para a identificação da forma linguística da qual o topónimo deriva, a sua atribuição a um estrato linguístico mais ou menos bem definido e, com certeza, a reconstrução do processo de evolução formal experimentado pelo étimo até ao período histórico escolhido como termo ad quem do estudo (e que, já agora, costuma vir a coincidir com os tempos atuais).

Previous research on toponymy analyses the roots and meanings of place names. However, the advent of the Critical Toponymy Theory has added a new dimension to the study of toponymy, particularly, focusing on the politics of naming. Theorists have looked at how place naming and renaming is a common strategy used by rulers to achieve legitimacy for their social, political, and national objectives. New governments, who assume power through means such decolonisation or the removal of despotic regimes or being elected, then change the name of existing places to reflect the incoming order. This piece reflects on various examples worldwide and illustrates that toponymic renaming, in some cases known as “toponymic cleansing”, has been and continues to be used by modern governments. Notwithstanding, the individual socio-political experiences of various countries also shape the extent to which toponyms are modified, ultimately showing that place names intersect with politics, society, language, geography, history, landscaping, and culture of a locality.

In 2008, many residents of what was then Van Riebeeck Street in the small city of Potchefstroom in South Africa defied the city council’s renaming it Peter Mokaba Avenue by erecting replica Van Riebeeck Street signs on their private property. Our interviews with these residents revealed a theme of moral, discursive and spatial straying and lostness. To explain this lostness we first show that Van Riebeeck and Mokaba are the master signifier and abject other of modern South Africa’s symbolic order. Second, we demonstrate how this symbolic order is inexorably linked to the racialised relations of production embodied in planned urban spaces such as Potchefstroom. Preserving the spatio-symbolic coincidence forged in the 1952 Van Riebeeck festival that tied Van Riebeeck, the bringer of modernity, to the Foreshore Plan, its first spatial manifestation, is what motivates this privatisation of toponymy. To move Mokaba from abject other to signifier of a new mythology that fails to coincide with the unaltered spatial embodiment of racialised relations of production is to stray too close to the uncomfortable message of Peter Mokaba – namely that the revolution has yet to happen.

Of the myriad characteristics that may define or identify a certain entity; animate or inanimate, name is perhaps one of the most significant portals providing access and passage to the inner most sanctum sanctorum of a specific entity and this becomes even more prominent when one observes the names of places. Toponymy gains prominence as identities traceable on maps as a place name is the primary identifier of locating a place in myriad spaces and places. But since change is the only constant in this world, toponymy as well is subjected to it. Numerous reasons may be attributed to toponymic erasures, erased-preservations and even unchanged existence. Toponymy is within the purview of transcultural dynamics as it intends to be a comprehensive methodological approach to understand myriad ways in which urban space is (re)produced and (re)shaped through numerous negotiations and transformations in the form of resistances, adaptations and adoptions.
The urbanscape of Delhi, with its myriad urban villages is an exemplifier of diverse, inter-related and interactive toponymic identities as microcosmic reflections of the macrocosm of Delhi in context of nature, people, functions and patterns. This toponymy does not exhibit a simple, generalized or coherent facade rather is entwined in class, caste, spatial location, resistance and acceptance to stereotypical norms of development, changing times and reality. The toponymy of these urban villages began in rurality, in social structures and stratification, entwined in socio- cultural topographical space and which is now subjected to the influences of politics, power and transculturalism in the context of urban development.
Toponymy of Delhi is an alternate as well as a different approach towards understanding the diverse transculturations- spatial and socio- economic that the urban villages of the city undergo in order to emerge as the contemporary entities of urbanism and urbanization. Toponymy is also rooted in the broader narrative of urban regeneration which is aimed at transculturations for specific people at specific places bringing dynamism and negotiation as key points of interaction.

The paper Paper: [ www.kuasu.cpier.kyoto-u.ac.jp/wp-content/uploads/2017/.../1-3.-Kriti_Kanaujia.pdf ] has been published as part of 9th Next-Generation Global Workshop proceedings, 26-27 September, 2016, Kyoto University, Kyoto, Japan. http://www.kuasu.cpier.kyoto-u.ac.jp/program-enterprise/proceedings_9thnggw/

Past studies on Singapore toponymy have mainly focused on etymological aspects of individual street names as distinct units, overlooking the relevance of naming practices across different languages. Singapore odonymy is still a largely unexplored field. An investigation into naming strategies in Singapore street names can provide deeper insights not only into the field of Historical Toponomastics, but also shed light on both the history of Toponymy in the local context and among different ethnic groups "en masse". This paper explores trends in naming practices in Singapore odonyms belonging to three different languages, namely English, Malay, and Chinese. A randomized sampling of 50 street names from each language was collected and analyzed according to specific naming strategies, highlighting the following categories: descriptive, commemorative, thematic, and borrowing. Results show tendencies towards naming strategies of commemoration and borrowing for English-derived odonyms, descriptive for Malay street names, and a strong preference for commemorative naming for the Chinese-derived ones. Further examination of the odonyms suggests a combination of social, political, and historical-geographical factors underlying these multi-faceted naming processes. This paper aims at being a starting point for a series of studies on the almost unexplored field of Singapore Toponymy, developed through an approach that considers the social and sociolinguistic perspectives besides the conventional historical and etymological methods.

Studying Old Tibetan (OT) documents can help us to unravel and thus better comprehend particular stages in the development of a lexeme that at first view gives the impression of having been coined in its ultimate form in only one step. Using the oldest extant sources on written Tibetan I will attempt to puzzle out the history of the compound mya ngan and to demonstrate the influence a multilingual and multicultural environment of Central Asian oases could have wielded on the formation of Tibetan language. The paper also endeavours to trace the origins of one of the most important Buddhist terms in Tibetan: mya ngan las ʼdas pa. It is perplexing and indeed rather uncommon that a nominalised verbal phrase of five syllables was chosen to render a simple Sanskrit lexeme – nirvāṇa.

When you look on a map of locations for places which have 'Cripplegates' and add them to other locations which mention 'cripple' an interesting pattern emerges. The vast majority of these places are in the South East of England or the North West of England. None of them are north of the Humber. Clearly the word 'Cripplegate' is not a dialect word. As to its origin, it seems likely the word was first used when England and Wales were one entity.

Very few people know that a possibility of reconstructing protolanguages or protoforms was probably first suggested as early as in the 16th century by Miechowita while discussing the origin of the name of Hungarians and that of Yugra. Miechowita’s “Treatise on the Two Sarmatias” was once an extremely important source of knowledge of the geography and history of East Europe. Although much was written on its significance in correcting more or less unlikely information concerning these subjects his linguistic material was actually ignored. The aim of this study is to examine what was known about East European languages in the early sixteenth century.

I propose the latin locution *aquae dirrama, "watershed, rivers dividing line ", as possible etimology of spanish toponyme Guadarrama.

Propongo la locución latina *aquae dirrama, "divisoria de aguas", como posible etimología del topónimo español Guadarrama.

Целью исследования является изучение процесса коммодификации топонимии как социально- и культурно-географического феномена в рамках концепции критической топонимики. Выделены две доминирующие группы акторов, три стратегические топонимические практики и три типа топонимической коммодификации – туристическая, инфраструктурная, джентрификационная. Сформулированы основные географические проблемы, сопутствующие коммодификации топонимов: пространственная социальная поляризация и формирование искуственного геокультурного пространства. Резюмируется, что данные процессы нивелируют возможные позитивные результаты коммодификации топонимии и могут привести к более комплексным трансформациям в пространственной организации общества.1 Ключевые слова: критическая топонимика, коммодификация, топонимия, стратегические топонимические практики, географическое пространство.

The goal of the paper is to examine a series of neoliberal toponymic practices as a multidimensional strategy on the example of the urban onomastic system of the city of Toronto. The study applies a complex geographical onomastic approach through the lens of the theoretical concept of critical toponymy. Consequently, several neoliberal toponymic practices have been identified, including commodification of the high-rise buildings’ names, toponymic (re)branding as an element of the neighbourhood’s marketing, touristic commodification of the urban ethnonyms, and continuous marginalization of the indigenous toponymy. The study reveals that monopolized by the powerful corporate businesses and authorities, the neoliberal toponymic nomination in the city of Toronto is a multifaceted process that creates a modified, artificial, and privatized urban geo-cultural space with a set of spatial characteristics which in most cases are completely alien to the local populations.

Целью работы является изучение серии неолиберальных топонимических практик как многомерной стратегии, изменяющей геокультурное пространство городов, на примере урбонимической системы города Торонто. В исследовании применен комплексный гуманитарно-географический геоономастический подход через призму теоретической концепции критической топонимики. Выявлен ряд неолиберальных топонимических практик, включающих коммодификацию названий высотных зданий, топонимический (ре)брендинг как элемент маркетинга районов, туристическую коммодификацию городских этнонимов и постоянную маргинализацию топонимии коренных народов. Исследование показывает, что монополизированная мощными корпоративным бизнесом и технократическими органами власти неолиберальная топонимическая номинация в городе Торонто является многогранным процессом, создающим модифицированное, искусственное и приватизированное городское геокультурное пространство с набором пространственных характеристик, совершенно чуждых местному населению.

After the First World War, the German colonial empire was put under the mandate of the League of Nations. Day-to-day administrative affairs in former German Togoland were handed, under the stewardship of the League of Nations, to the United Kingdom and France. The shift from German to French administration in the eastern part led to the implementation of numerous changes including the renaming of places in the capital city Lomé: each and every name relating to Germany being banned and replaced by others relating to France or French colonial history. Another limited round of place renaming took place from 1960, in celebration of the country’s independence from French colonial rule. The 1967 military coup meant political and military empowerment of people from the North over the political elite from the South showing in many ways where the new power came from. Place renaming occurred again, even in rural areas. In the 1970s, a name cleansing – topononymic as well as patronymic – took place under the new political ideology of “African authenticity”. Nevertheless, by law, each and every Togolese citizen had to change his/her name to an “authentic” one, with no means of escape since new identity documents were no longer issued with former Christian names. Allowing individuals to keep their former Christian names was a strong demand in the national sovereign conferences that took place in the 1990s. Nowadays, and despite other social priorities having to be achieved quickly, place renaming still occurs according to two principles dealing with power, although in very different ways. In the Litimé, a remote rural area which is a former frontier where land issue is at stake after the saturation of settled land, competition over land ownership is set between local people and foreign settlers. Traditional leaders, in cooperation with the ruling party, tried to take over the local toponymy in an attempt to remove the names of settlements and neighbourhoods with foreign origins. In the capital city, at the time of the so-called “political opening”, symbolic places (landmarks) continue to celebrate the memory of the former dictator through brand new names, even if symbolic concessions are made in an attempt to bring balance and honour the memory of the leaders of the independence movement. A century after the first colonial toponymic struggle in Togo, political place name issues are still on the agenda of both central power and local stakeholders.

Les initiatives se multiplient pour dénoncer le privilège accordé aux hommes dans les odonymes commémoratifs de personnalités des grandes villes occidentales. Autrement dit, il devient de moins en moins supportable que le grand livre commémoratif et identitaire que constitue le répertoire des noms de voies et de lieux accorde un privilège inouï aux hommes et évite même soigneusement certaines figures féminines. Ce marquage symbolique et matériel du paysage contribuant grandement à la perpétuation de stéréotypes patriarcaux. L’émergence simultanée d’une préoccupation post-moderne prend des formes différentes selon les acteurs qui s’emparent de la question et selon les caractéristiques et la localisation des collectivités qui mettent en œuvre des politiques dédiées. Ainsi un important champ contemporain de la toponymie politique, à savoir la promotion des noms de femmes dans l’odonymie, doit être étudié en combinaison avec des éléments de contexte géopolitique qui permettent d’expliquer les différentes formes que prennent les politiques et les revendications en la matière.

Рассматриваются возможности использования концептуальной модели «место как палимпсест» в геотопонимических исследованиях геокультурного пространства на примере Западного Полесья Беларуси. Отмечается, что топонимия как палимпсест характеризуется многослойностью, полифонией и множественностью измерений. Констатируется, что значительный интерес представляют изломы геотопонимического палимпсеста, отражающие этноязыковые контактные зоны и дающие представление о предшествующих слоях.

Ключевые слова: геокультурное пространство, место как палимпсест, геотопонимические исследования, Белорусское Западное Полесье.

In this article, the main aspects of the critical toponymics development as a branch of geography are considered. It is noted that, in contrast to the traditional linguistic analysis, the key focus of research in this field of study is directed toward a critical understanding of the socio-political and symbolic role of toponyms, the toponymic nomination policy and its results, as well as related processes. The main problems of critical toponymics are revealed, including the shortcomings of the theoretical and methodological basis, the uniformity of the structure and content of scientific works, the English-speaking hegemony in the studies, and the actual absence of geographical works in this direction in the post-Soviet realm. A number of new directions of critical analysis in geo-toponymic studies of the post-Soviet realm are proposed: identification of universal laws of toponymic production of space (toponymic universals); the study of the regional spatial symbolism of toponymy; the analysis of current trends in toponymic policy, as well as the toponymic nomination practices in different regions and at various levels, including the territories with multi-ethnic composition and indigenous toponymy; the study of the functioning of toponyms within the semiotic landscape in the context of emotional geography; the analysis of the toponymy of geo-ecological problems and landscape transformations, and the role of administrative power, business entities and the local populations in these processes. The importance of including the post-Soviet geographers in the international agenda of critical toponymic analysis is pointed out. K e y w o r d s :critical geography, critical toponymics, toponymic politics, toponymic nomination,
urabanonym, geo-toponymic research.

На основе комплексного гуманитарно-географического геоономастического подхода в пределах геокультурного пространства выделена ономастическая страта и систематизированы ее основные таксоны – домены. Рассмотрены корреляционные связи между ономастическими единицами и основными компонентами геокультурных комплексов. Отмечены современные проблемы динамики ономастической страты, в том числе коммодификация ономастических доменов и исчезновение ономастических элементов в геокультурном пространстве в связи с геодемографическими факторами и антропогенной трансформацией территориально-хозяйственных систем. 
Ключевые слова: культурная география, геокультурное пространство, географическая ономастика, ономастическая страта, топонимический домен, антропонимия.
Within the geocultural space, the paper distinguishes the onomastic stratum and systemizes its main domains on the basis of an integrated cultural-geographic geoonomastic approach. As a result, a correlation between the onomastic units and the components of the geocultural complexes is revealed. In addition, some cultural- geographic problems of the dynamics of the onomastic layer are identified including the onomastic strata's commodification and the disappearance of the onomastic elements in connection with the geodemographic factors and the anthropogenic transformation of the territorial systems. 
Keywords: cultural geography, geocultural space, geographical onomastics, onomastic stratum, toponymic domain, anthroponymy

Представленные в статье данные вопреки стереотипному мнению свидетельствуют о значительной роли земледелия у прибалтийско-финского населения Обонежья. Субстратные топонимы прибалтийско-финского происхождения указывают на существование в крае укрепленных поселений (городищ) и сельских населенных пунктов, о наличии земледелия и животноводства, добычи полезных ископаемых, кузнечного ремесла, смолокурения, неоднородности этнического (языкового) состава населения, использовании волоковых путей и определенных, совпадающих с природными, границ. Наличие топонимических калек указывает на былое прибалтийско-финско-славянское двуязычие, а адаптация топонимов в форме полукалек и хорошая сохранность микротопонимии – о постепенном обрусении местного прибалтийско-финского населения, произошедшем в довольно позднее время.

Die vorliegende Studie bildet eine Ergänzung meiner bisher erschienenen Aufsätze zum westeuropäischen Einfluß auf das Osmanisch-Türkische. Unten werden nämlich diejenigen europäischen Lehnwörter dargestellt, die im Osmanisch-Türkischen neben ihrer ursprünglichen Bedeutung auch eine appellative besitzen bzw. ausschließlich als Appellativa vorkommen. Hierbei werden die vermutlich schon auf europäischem Sprachboden zu Appellativa gewordenen Wörter ebenfalls berücksichtigt, weil eine strenge Unterscheidung zwischen diesen und den erst im Osmanisch-Türkischen zu Appellativa gewordenen Wörtern nicht immer gut durchgeführt werden kann.

Penny lane est devenu un métatoponyme, peut être même le métatoponyme par excellence. En effet, le toponyme a aujourd’hui acquis une renommée mondiale qui en fait un haut lieu de la culture occidentale en tant qu’icône de la pop music. Le toponyme a ainsi connu une trajectoire allant du désignateur de lieu ordinaire, choisi pour cela indépendamment de son signifié originel (John Penny, marchand esclavagiste), dans une œuvre relevant du genre de la pastorale suburbaine, vers un désignateur de haut lieu patrimonial et touristique. Parallèlement, le tournant mémoriel et réflexif postcolonial a rattrapé le toponyme en rappelant son signifié originel et en jouant sur sa notoriété dans un autre registre pour attirer l’attention sur la question mémorielle d’une ville impliquée dans la traite esclavagiste. Le toponyme est alors mis en avant pour sa valeur pédagogique mais est absous de toute obligation d’épuration toponymique compte tenu de son autre valeur patrimoniale positive et d’échelle mondiale.

The Gazetteer Framework Project aims to improve integration of, access to and use of data held in different government systems- through the development of a framework to manage gazetteers (directories of place names or identifiers with associated location information). The Gazetteer Framework is envisaged to provide a mechanism to link spatial data to support a range of development, humanitarian and environmental activities at different scales. The disparate systems which require integration to support operational outcomes typically employ different approaches to the use of gazetteers. Consequently, it is time-consuming and expensive to discover, access, interpret, transform and integrate information from different sources referenced using different gazetteers. Furthermore, when data changes the process must be repeated.

A particular challenge in this process is the interpretation and matching of spatial identifiers across multiple datasets i.e. determining whether different data sources are using the same or different place names and associated locations/boundaries to reference information. Therefore, to enable multi-sector analysis and the development of coherent, complimentary, multi-sectoral responses, it is critical that the spatial dimension of information held by agencies working in different sectors can be easily understood.

This project aims to re-engineer gazetteer data management, publishing and access mechanisms through the use of “game changers” in computing and networking (ICT) infrastructure. These include the use of LinkedData mechanisms and “cloud computing” to provide a ubiquitous, Web accessible and flexible infrastructure for to enable the resolving of spatial location identifiers providing links to definitions, spatial representations and related data.

The project is being funded by the Australian Agency for International Development (AusAID) and the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation (CSIRO)and is initially focused on supporting Social Protection outcomes in Indonesia. The project has been jointly developed by CSIRO
and the Office of the Assistant Secretary-General and Chief Information Technology Officer (ASG/CITO) of the UN Secretariat and is a deliverable of the Centre of Excellence for UN Spatial Data Infrastructure (CoE4UNSDI). The CoE4UNSDIaims to support development of standards and best practice methodologies for provisioning core datasets used within the UN System by strengthening capacities to create, maintain and publish spatial information. Within this context the UN Gazetteer
Framework aims to provide standardised and easily exploitable means to reference geographic locations to support applications of the UNSDI.

As part of the UNSDI Standards and Best Practices activity the project intends to collaborate with relevant expert groups including UNGEGN. UNGEGN members are encourage to actively participate in this project and plan to avail themselves of the infrastructure being developed to support their ongoing activities. Demonstrations of the Gazetteer Framework will be provided during the UNCSGN and UNGEGN members are invited to discuss collaboration potentials with the project team members.

The article focuses on toponyms and anthroponyms of Veps origin on the territory of Southeastern Lake Onega region. The linguistic, archeological and historical evidence made by the author indicate that the Veps language was brought to the territory of the Southeastern Lake Onega region from the Souththwestern Lake Ladoga region in 10–13th century. The process of language shift (from Veps to Russian) ended in 18–19th centuries.

В статье рассматриваются топонимы и антропонимы вепсского происхождения Юго-Восточного Обонежья в соотношении с данными археологии и историческими источниками. Полученные данные свидетельствуют о том, что вепсский язык распространился в Юго-Восточное Обонежье из Юго-Восточного Приладожья в X–XIII вв. и поддерживался неоднократными миграциями. Процесс смены языка (с вепсского на русский) завершился в XVIII–XIX вв.

The focus of the toponymic research recently has been directed from the traditional linguistic and socio-onomastic methods towards a critical analysis of the spatial politics of naming and the studies of the socio-political role of the place names as the symbolic landscape components. The (re-) naming of the streets and other geographical objects has been a valuable tool for the political regimes to legitimate their symbolic power. The goal of this study is to analyze the relationships between the political power, the toponymic practices, and the symbolic landscapes on the example of the eclectic urban toponymic space of Minsk, the capital of Belarus, through the prism of the critical toponymic approach. Based on the archival and cartographic research, as well as urban field expeditions, the study reveals that the modern toponymic system of the city of Minsk has several elements that can be connected to an assortment of the symbolic spatial strategies of nation-building adopted by the governing authorities. The findings indicate that the urban toponymic space of Minsk is symbolically motivated, and that the heterogeneity of the contemporary urban toponymy reflects actual political agendas of the independent Belarusian state.

As a geographical theoretical concept, the term palimpsest reflects the vision of the landscape as a multilayered structure that emphasizes the coexistence of multiple visions and impacts of different
cultures on the landscape (Mitin, 2010). The aim of the paper is to apply the conceptual model of place as palimpsest for studying the regional patterns of the Belarusian urban toponymic landscapes and their symbolical transformations using critical toponymy approach. The study reveals that the
urban place names as palimpsest can be characterized by multiplicity of layers, complex
interrelationships between the various historical toponymic components, and polyphony. The
findings show that the process of (re)writing of urban symbolic landscape is based on erasing, reconstruction, and coexistence of the past layers of palimpsest. Because the street names can be considered as an instrument of political power, some elements of these layers can be restored or completely deleted several times depending on the ideological preferences of the ruling political regimes.

Many names have been used for
the different places of Isla del Coco, and some have changed over time. Studying different historic sources,
seventy-six names of the main topographic features were collected for Isla del Coco National Park, Costa Rica.
These names could be grouped in four main categories: those associated with the British traveler’s visitations,
the ones related with the republican period of Costa Rica and those linked with the island’s terrestrial and marine
flora and fauna. The methodology used allowed the proper documentation of seventy-one names. This method-
ology and the publication of this dictionary intend to generate a feedback regarding the naming of topographic
characters of Isla del Coco.

В статье рассматриваются вопросы дословного перевода на русский географических названий и апеллятивной лексики вепсского и карельского происхождения на территории юго-восточного Обонежья. Также представлены примеры топонимических калек и влияния народной этимологии на современных вепсских территориях (в частности, на примере вепсских и русских названий деревень в селе Шимозеро). Проведено количественное и территориальное распределение топонимических калек и их языковая атрибуция. Затронуты вопросы народной этимологии в топонимии и ошибки этимологической интерпретации топонимов. По данным анализа топонимических калек установлено время былого использования прибалтийско-финских языков на изучаемой территории. Полученные результаты соотнесены с данными других наук.

Maps without toponym is blind maps, imagery without names in top of it is hard for us to understand for which location the imagery stand for. Place names should be verified and validated to maintain its unique, the consistency and accuracy also to understand the meaning behind the geographical names. In Indonesia, toponym is part of basic geospatial information that mentioned in Act Number 4 Year 2011 about Geospatial Information. According to Presidential Regulation Number 112 Year 2006 about National Team for Geographical Names Standardization mentioned that accurate information and data about the geographical names should be achieved and realizing the national gazetteer so there is a similarity of topographical names in Indonesia. Based on several disaster evidences in Indonesia, peoples are always looking for geographical names as the first key to enter relevant information. The accurate and consistent writing in geographical names play important roles in the maps and imagery. There is a need to build national gazetteer for disaster management and many other purposes because it is basic element for communication extensively in support social development, economic, conservation, and national infrastructure.
KEY WORDS: Maps, Imagery, Disaster Management, Toponym, Gazetteer

Review of a major work on the ancient toponyms of Andalusia recorded in the ancient written sources, including some remarks on the place names Cádiz or Cáliz from Gades, Getares from Cetariis, some toponyms formed with the feminine suffix -aria, Jaulón from Saudo, Uche from Urci, the names of villae formed with a person’s name and the suffix -ana or -iana, the supposed toponym Baetis that we identify with Italica, the allocation of Nabrissa, Colobana, Asido and Hasta to the conventus Gaditanus instead of conventus Hispalensis, or the Celtic toponyms located between Seville and Ronda: Siarenses Fortunales, Callenses Aeneanici, Acinippo, Arunda, Saepo, Salpesa and Serippo.