- Political scientist specialized in Brazilian politics.edit
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Research Interests: Humanities and Art
Participação de Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida em 19 de agosto de 2019, no Centro de Pesquisa e Formação do SESC/SP. Transcrita pelas editoras do dossiê.
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Resumo O artigo discute os determinantes das opiniões dos brasileiros sobre a integração da economia brasileira aos mercados globais, analisando dados de survey nacional, realizado no âmbito do projeto “O Brasil, as Américas e o mundo”.... more
Resumo O artigo discute os determinantes das opiniões dos brasileiros sobre a integração da economia brasileira aos mercados globais, analisando dados de survey nacional, realizado no âmbito do projeto “O Brasil, as Américas e o mundo”. Mostramos que os brasileiros, em boa medida, são favoráveis à abertura internacional de nossa economia e que suas atitudes são guiadas tanto por motivações econômicas como por ideias e valores políticos. A baixa exposição da economia brasileira à concorrência externa parece contribuir para a existência de opiniões favoráveis a maior acesso a bens importados. A posição ideológica, por sua vez, age como um filtro dessas percepções independentemente das condições econômicas dos indivíduos. Assim, evidências indicam que a posição do indivíduo como consumidor, sua ideologia política e suas visões nacionalistas influem em suas opiniões sobre globalização e livre comércio. Os resultados confirmam estudos anteriores sobre o mesmo tema feitos em países em des...
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This article analyzes the structure and the stability of Brazilian public attitudes toward foreign policy issues. It argues that Brazilian attitudes on foreign affairs are more structured and stable than has previously been believed. It... more
This article analyzes the structure and the stability of Brazilian public attitudes toward foreign policy issues. It argues that Brazilian attitudes on foreign affairs are more structured and stable than has previously been believed. It asserts that deep and historical beliefs about Brazil’s role in international affairs, such as pacifism and protagonism, are responsible for creating reasonably consistent and stable public attitudes toward specific foreign policy preferences. The argument builds on the model proposed by Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley (1987) in their study on the coherence of US public opinion on foreign policy issues. The article uses survey data from two national samples undertaken in 2014 and 2019 (about 1,800 respondents each). The samples are part of the “Brazil, the Americas and the World” project, which conveys information about Brazilian public opinion on foreign policy issues.
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Research Interests: Humanities, Political Science, Brazil, Brasil, Left, and 3 moreIzquierda, Lula, and Partido Dos Trabalhadores
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In this paper, we apply the concept of entrepreneurial powers to analyze Brazil’s participation and influence in international crises. Following Ravenhill (this journal issue), we consider three dimensions of entrepreneurship: (a) the... more
In this paper, we apply the concept of entrepreneurial powers to analyze Brazil’s participation and influence in international crises. Following Ravenhill (this journal issue), we consider three dimensions of entrepreneurship: (a) the intention to convince others according to an actor’s interests; (b) the use of skilful politicians and bureaucracies to persuade partners; and (c) a proactive foreign policy that “sells” its position regarding the issues at stake. We argue that two other factors should be considered for a more encompassing view of entrepreneurial powers. First, the position of the involved great power on the crisis or in its negotiation. Second, that regional politics matter to entrepreneurial powers. We develop our argument using two case studies of success and failure respectively: the 1995 Cenepa War between Peru and Ecuador mediated by Brazil, and the 2010 Iranian nuclear deal sponsored by Brazil and Turkey.
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This article uses the concept of entrepreneurial powers to discuss how and under what circumstances Brazil successfully accomplishes its goals in international crises. The concept of entrepreneurial power focuses on systematic evidence of... more
This article uses the concept of entrepreneurial powers to discuss how and under what circumstances Brazil successfully accomplishes its goals in international crises. The concept of entrepreneurial power focuses on systematic evidence of middle-power behavior and its relation to foreign policy tools. Brazil resorts to three agency-based foreign policy tools that are the substance of its entrepreneurial power. These instruments are always mediated by a structural condition, the dominant power pivotal position in the crisis. This study applies qualitative comparative analysis methodology to 32 international crises since the early 1990s in which Brazil played a role. It finds that for regional crises, the use of only one agency-based tool is sufficient for success, regardless of the dominant power position; and for global crises, the use of only one agency-based tool is a necessary and sufficient condition for Brazil to accomplish its goals, despite the dominant power position on the ...
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What democracy means for Brazilian local elites: Is competitive politics fully accepted? How much room should be allowed for societal forces participation? How Brazilian local elites political attitudes compare to their similar in old and... more
What democracy means for Brazilian local elites: Is competitive politics fully accepted? How much room should be allowed for societal forces participation? How Brazilian local elites political attitudes compare to their similar in old and new democracies. Based on survey data from the research project Democracy and Local Governance, the paper compares the political attitudes of local leaders in Brazil and 23 other countries regarding their support for democracy, elitism, liberalism, decentralized government and preferences for consociative or majoritarian politics.
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Este artigo aborda a questão democrática enfocando a dinâmica da política local no Brasil. À luz das evidências políticas que embasaram o importante papel do município como alicerce da democracia, estabelecida pelo modelo federativo... more
Este artigo aborda a questão democrática enfocando a dinâmica da política local no Brasil. À luz das evidências políticas que embasaram o importante papel do município como alicerce da democracia, estabelecida pelo modelo federativo resultante da Constituição de 1988, como a dinâmica de transferência de recursos e o desenho das políticas sociais, o trabalho analisa de forma geral o mapa de valores e opiniões de elites e lideranças locais com relação a atribuições e competências de diferentes níveis de governo. Os dados analisados provêm da pesquisa Democracia e governo local, realizada com 450 lideranças de municípios brasileiros.
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O artigo discute os determinantes das opiniões dos brasileiros sobre a integração da economia brasileira aos mercados globais, analisando dados de survey nacional, reali- zado no âmbito do projeto “O Brasil, as Américas e o mundo”.... more
O artigo discute os determinantes das opiniões dos brasileiros sobre a integração da economia brasileira aos mercados globais, analisando dados de survey nacional, reali- zado no âmbito do projeto “O Brasil, as Américas e o mundo”. Mostramos que os bra- sileiros, em boa medida, são favoráveis à abertura internacional de nossa economia e que suas atitudes são guiadas tanto por motivações econômicas como por ideias e valores políticos. A baixa exposição da economia brasileira à concorrência externa pa- rece contribuir para a existência de opiniões favoráveis a maior acesso a bens impor- tados. A posição ideológica, por sua vez, age como um filtro dessas percepções inde- pendentemente das condições econômicas dos indivíduos. Assim, evidências indicam que a posição do indivíduo como consumidor, sua ideologia política e suas visões na- cionalistas influem em suas opiniões sobre globalização e livre comércio. Os resultados confirmam estudos anteriores sobre o mesmo tema feitos em países em desenvolvi- mento.
Research Interests:
This article analyzes the structure and the stability of Brazilian public attitudes toward foreign policy issues. It argues that Brazilian attitudes on foreign affairs are more structured and stable than has previously been believed. It... more
This article analyzes the structure and the stability of Brazilian public attitudes toward foreign policy issues. It argues that Brazilian attitudes on foreign affairs are more structured and stable than has previously been believed. It asserts that deep and historical beliefs about Brazil’s role in international affairs, such as pacifism and protagonism, are responsible for creating reasonably consistent and stable public attitudes toward specific foreign policy preferences. The argument builds on the model proposed by Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley (1987) in their study on the coherence of US public opinion on foreign policy issues. The article uses survey data from two national samples undertaken in 2014 and 2019 (about 1,800 respondents each). The samples are part of the “Brazil, the Americas and the World” project, which conveys information about Brazilian public opinion on foreign policy issues.
Research Interests:
In this paper, we apply the concept of entrepreneurial powers to analyze Brazil's participation and influence in international crises. Following Ravenhill (this journal issue), we consider three dimensions of entrepreneurship: (a) the... more
In this paper, we apply the concept of entrepreneurial powers to analyze Brazil's participation and influence in international crises. Following Ravenhill (this journal issue), we consider three dimensions of entrepreneurship: (a) the intention to convince others according to an actor's interests; (b) the use of skilful politicians and bureaucracies to persuade partners; and (c) a proactive foreign policy that ''sells'' its position regarding the issues at stake. We argue that two other factors should be considered for a more encompassing view of entrepreneurial powers. First, the position of the involved great power on the crisis or in its negotiation. Second, that regional politics matter to entre-preneurial powers. We develop our argument using two case studies of success and failure respectively: the 1995 Cenepa War between Peru and Ecuador mediated by Brazil, and the 2010 Iranian nuclear deal sponsored by Brazil and Turkey.
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Segmentos diversos de las capas medias de ingreso proporcionaron muchos los activistas de los diversos grupos que propulsaron las movilizaciones callejeras en Brasil, a partir de 2013. Mirar a las protestas puede ser una buena entrada... more
Segmentos diversos de las capas medias de ingreso proporcionaron muchos los activistas de los diversos grupos que propulsaron las movilizaciones callejeras en Brasil, a partir de 2013. Mirar a las protestas puede ser una buena entrada para comprender las percepciones y demandas políticas de los distintos grupos medios, bien como sus complejas relaciones con la dimensión institucional de la vida pública.
Sostenemos que los estratos medios son heterogéneos desde el punto de vista de los valores y preferencias políticas y sus diferentes grupos entretienen una relación más compleja y ambivalente con partidos y con el mundo de la política institucional. En la primera parte, describimos las principales manifestaciones callejeras de 2013 y 2015-2016 sus demandas y agentes movilizadores. En la segunda parte, utilizamos datos de encuesta, hecha con una muestra de personas en el estrato de ingreso medio, para explorar, de otra manera, la variedad de percepciones y actitudes políticas. En la tercera, discutimos las relaciones tensas y ambiguas entre los grupos protestatarios y la política institucional.
Sostenemos que los estratos medios son heterogéneos desde el punto de vista de los valores y preferencias políticas y sus diferentes grupos entretienen una relación más compleja y ambivalente con partidos y con el mundo de la política institucional. En la primera parte, describimos las principales manifestaciones callejeras de 2013 y 2015-2016 sus demandas y agentes movilizadores. En la segunda parte, utilizamos datos de encuesta, hecha con una muestra de personas en el estrato de ingreso medio, para explorar, de otra manera, la variedad de percepciones y actitudes políticas. En la tercera, discutimos las relaciones tensas y ambiguas entre los grupos protestatarios y la política institucional.
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This paper discusses relations between society and politics in Brazil, looking for continuities and change, by focusing on the recent political crisis leading to the impeachment of President Dilma Roussef and the end of the social... more
This paper discusses relations between society and politics in Brazil, looking for continuities and change, by focusing on the recent political crisis leading to the impeachment of President Dilma Roussef and the end of the social reformist experiment led by the Workers Party (PT). We search for evidences of changing relations between society and the political system by looking at two intertwined issues: street protests and public opinion support for government. We argue that underneath contingent government’s evaluation, related to how the public assesses its performance, lies a more permanent sense of disaffection regarding democratic representative institutions. We use data from Word Values Survey and European Values Survey to show, on one hand, that this is not a new issue in Brazil and, on the other hand, that is a trend the country shares with other contemporary democracies.
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The paper analyses the process leading to Brazlian President's impeachment focusing on leading actors strategic choices.
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The article try to reconstruct the process leading to the Brazilian President's impeachment with emphasis on leading actors strategic choices.
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In this paper we analyze the conditions under which Brazil successfully influences outcomes related to international security crises. We use the concept of entrepreneurial powers to frame our analysis, which is defined as a country’s... more
In this paper we analyze the conditions under which Brazil successfully influences outcomes related to international security crises. We use the concept of entrepreneurial powers to frame our analysis, which is defined as a country’s ability to successfully mobilize performative resources to accomplish its goals. We argue that chances of success are higher if a country is able to: (a) produce norms accepted and supported by others, and (b) spend moderate material resources to solve the crisis. However, these outcomes are also affected by (c) the preferences of the pivotal dominant power on the issue.Our argument is developed using two case studies of success and failure respectively: the 1995 Cenepa War between Peru and Ecuador mediated by Brazil, and the 2010 Iranian nuclear deal sponsored by Brazil and Turkey.
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In the last ten years, millions of Brazilians have risen from poverty and swollen the ranks of the group of mid-income earners. If these changes are undisputable, and their causes quite consensual, their nature, depth and consequences –... more
In the last ten years, millions of Brazilians have risen from poverty and swollen the ranks of the group of mid-income earners. If these changes are undisputable, and their causes quite consensual, their nature, depth and consequences – social as well as political – are controversial.
In the article, we first present the data on changes, the explanations for them and also summarize the discussion on their meaning. Then we explore their possible political effects, as they generate support for democracy and democratic values, as well as playing a huge role in electoral competition and social mobilization.
In the article, we first present the data on changes, the explanations for them and also summarize the discussion on their meaning. Then we explore their possible political effects, as they generate support for democracy and democratic values, as well as playing a huge role in electoral competition and social mobilization.
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Neste artigo mostramos que existe um descompasso entre os resultados produzidos pelo sistema político, desde que os militares deixaram o poder, em 1985, e a avaliação sobre a democracia brasileira que surge de repetidas pesquisas de... more
Neste artigo mostramos que existe um descompasso entre os resultados produzidos pelo sistema político, desde que os militares deixaram o poder, em 1985, e a avaliação sobre a democracia brasileira que surge de repetidas pesquisas de opinião. Sustentamos que a desconfiança em relação à democracia só poderá feri-la se e quando existirem lideranças dispostas a mobilizar esse sentimento contra o regime. Argumentamos, também, que as instituições existentes dão incentivos para que aquelas continuem fiéis ao jogo democrático.
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In this article, we use survey data from the project Americas y el Mundo on the perceptions of the Brazilian mass public to explore, at the level of ideas and beliefs, the ambiguities of the Brazilian relations to its regional... more
In this article, we use survey data from the project Americas y el Mundo on the perceptions of the Brazilian mass public to explore, at the level of ideas and beliefs, the ambiguities of the Brazilian relations to its regional surroundings.
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Este artículo discute los resultados de las elecciones presidenciales en Brasil, en 2014. Describe el proceso por el cual las instituciones políticas han predominado sobre los impulsos de cambio claramente existentes en la sociedad, que... more
Este artículo discute los resultados de las elecciones presidenciales en Brasil, en 2014. Describe el proceso por el cual las instituciones políticas han predominado sobre los impulsos de cambio claramente existentes en la sociedad, que se han puesto de manifiesto en las calles, en 2013. Sostenemos que no hay una vía directa conectando las calles a la arena electoral. La desconfianza y el descontento ciudadanos tienen que encontrar una traducción en términos de alternativa electoral creíble, o sea, percibida como viable y superior a las ofertadas por los partidos existentes. En general, algunos ciudadanos pueden arriesgarse a enfrentar los azares de las manifestaciones callejeras, pero la mayoría de los electores calcula de otra forma el riesgo de hacer una apuesta en quienes podrán beneficiarlos o perjudicarlos por los próximos cuatro años.
... superioridade dos regimes autoritários sobre as democracias para promover mudanças estruturais, na medida em que, sob os primeiros, era mais fácil assegurar insulamento e concentração de poder decisório na cúpula do sistema... more
... superioridade dos regimes autoritários sobre as democracias para promover mudanças estruturais, na medida em que, sob os primeiros, era mais fácil assegurar insulamento e concentração de poder decisório na cúpula do sistema governamental (Kauffman e Stallings, ...
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... Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida Department of Political Science University of São Paulo ... economic reforms are public goods, whose production faces collective action dilemmas ... Econômicoe Social (BNDES) due to unpayedunpaid... more
... Maria Hermínia Tavares de Almeida Department of Political Science University of São Paulo ... economic reforms are public goods, whose production faces collective action dilemmas ... Econômicoe Social (BNDES) due to unpayedunpaid debts; public subsidiaries no ...
The paper discusses the political dimensions of the crisis leading to President Roussef's impeachment in Brazil, emphasizing the estrategic choices of relevant actors.