- Ransford Gyampo is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Director of the Centre for European Studies, Unive... moreRansford Gyampo is an Associate Professor of Political Science and Director of the Centre for European Studies, University of Ghana, Legon. His research interests are in the areas of democratic governance in Africa, electoral reforms and politics, youth development and participation, as well as natural resource governance in Africaedit
Research Interests:
The second volume of the African Higher Education Dynamics Series brings together the research of an international network of higher education scholars with interest in higher education and student politics in Africa. Most authors are... more
The second volume of the African Higher Education Dynamics Series brings together the research of an international network of higher education scholars with interest in higher education and student politics in Africa. Most authors are early career academics who teach and conduct research in universities across the continent, and who came together for a research project and related workshops and a symposium on student representation in African higher education governance. The book includes theoretical chapters on student organising, student activism and representation; chapters on historical and current developments in student politics in Anglophone and Francophone Africa; and in-depth case studies on student representation and activism in a cross-section of universities and countries. The book provides a unique resource for academics, university leaders and student affairs professionals as well as student leaders and policy-makers in Africa and elsewhere.
Research Interests: Social Movements, Geography, African Studies, Higher Education, Corporate Governance, and 15 morePolitical Science, Africa, Governance, Politics, Student Engagement, Higher Education Management, Higher Education Leadership, Student Affairs, Student movements, Student Governance, Student representation, Student Politics, LC, DDC, and Representation Politics
Research Interests:
The essence of governance and representative democracy is for elected leaders to formulate and implement appropriate policies on behalf of the people to deal with the quagmires of poverty and under-development among them. In doing this,... more
The essence of governance and representative democracy is for elected leaders to formulate and implement appropriate policies on behalf of the people to deal with the quagmires of poverty and under-development among them. In doing this, sometimes it becomes necessary to consult the people, especially, the particular group that a policy is targeted at, to ensure that first-hand and adequate information is gathered to facilitate the design and implementation of appropriate policies to deal with that group’s problems. In Ghana, since 1992, development plans have been formulated and implemented with little or no participation of the youth even though they constitute the bulk of the nation’s labour force and voting population. The youth were also marginalized in the formulation and implementation of the National Youth Employment Programme, a programme intended to benefit them and to deal with unemployment among
The youths are the cohort in the age brackets of 15 African Youth Charter and Ghana’s 2010 National Youth Policy. They constitute the bulk of the labour and voting population in Ghana and other West African countries. Consequentl ensuring... more
The youths are the cohort in the age brackets of 15 African Youth Charter and Ghana’s 2010 National Youth Policy. They constitute the bulk of the labour and voting population in Ghana and other West African countries. Consequentl ensuring the appropriateness of development plans and their full and committed implementation. In pre since that fell within the jurisdict However, since the council of elders were representatives of the interest of the various families to which the youth also belonged, it was easy for the youth to be mobilized to implement development plans form through colonialism to post colonialism, the youths have played little or no role in development planning. Using Ghana’s Fourth Republic as a case study, this paper notes that the youth were assigned some role albeit weak, in d planning unlike other countries in the sub this role, the constraints they face and the implications of the nature of youth participation in development planning, policy implementation, and ...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Evidence from around the world has shown that oil discovery could be a curse or a blessing. In some countries such as Canada, Norway, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, and the United Kingdom, oil has proven to be a blessing. On the contrary, some... more
Evidence from around the world has shown that oil discovery could be a curse or a blessing. In some countries such as Canada, Norway, Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, and the United Kingdom, oil has proven to be a blessing. On the contrary, some sub-Saharan African countries such as Nigeria, Angola, and Equatorial Guinea are experiencing what is known as the ‘oil curse’. Ghana, on the other hand, started oil production on 15th December 2010, and endeavoured to escape the ‘oil curse'. This paper critically looks at eight years of oil production in Ghana using the resource curse as a framework. It argues that though it might be a bit early to decidedly say, Ghana’s oil and gas sector currently exhibit signs of both a curse and blessing, our paper reinforces existing scholarly work that points us to the challenge of establishing simplistic correlations between extraction and resource curse. It further provides some suggestions on how to address what we capture as signs of the oil curse. Ke...
Research Interests:
This paper examines Ghana's drive towards democratic consolidation and maturity after a third peaceful transfer of political power. It argues that even though some successes have been made, any attempt at describing... more
This paper examines Ghana's drive towards democratic consolidation and maturity after a third peaceful transfer of political power. It argues that even though some successes have been made, any attempt at describing Ghana's democracy as consolidated, would mean condoning mediocrity and lowering the bar of democratic consolidation. From the minimalists' view of democratic consolidation, the paper concedes the successes made after three turnover and peaceful transfer of power. 56 Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.10, no.5, 2017 However, this paper takes the view that Ghana's electoral processes continue to be saddled with monumental flaws that undermine the integrity of elections and poses a threat of democratic relapse. From the maximalists view, the study points to some successes in terms of the existence of a multi-party system, the implementation of some electoral reforms, the existence of vibrant civil society and media as well as the acceptance of democratic norms behaviourally, attitudinally
Research Interests:
Several arguments have been advanced either in support for or against the current mode of appointment of District Chief Executives (DCEs) and mayors in Ghana by the president. While some have argued that the current mode of appointment... more
Several arguments have been advanced either in support for or against the current mode of appointment of District Chief Executives (DCEs) and mayors in Ghana by the president. While some have argued that the current mode of appointment ensures control over affairs at the grassroots by the central government, others have strongly kicked against it on the grounds that it does not comply with the tenets of democratic decentralisation and therefore fails to give the masses the chance to adequately participate in the affairs of their locality. Political parties themselves in Ghana remain divided on the debate. While some have supported the call for direct election of DCEs and mayors by the people at the grassroots, others strongly feel the status quo must be maintained. This paper examines both arguments and provides various recommendations for the direct election of DCEs and mayors that address concerns from different quarters in a manner that ensures effective decentralization and political stability.
Research Interests:
It is a truism that the practice of democracy in its classical form as occurred in ancient Athenian Greek is no longer possible in the modern state. Selecting leaders to represent the interests of the citizenry, particularly in the... more
It is a truism that the practice of democracy in its classical form as occurred in ancient Athenian Greek is no longer possible in the modern state. Selecting leaders to represent the interests of the citizenry, particularly in the legislative arm of government is a crucial replacement of the Athenian-styled democracy. However, the quality of representation in many African democracies, including Ghana, is poor as legislators are unable to act in a manner that promotes the interests of their constituents. Indeed, findings of this study points to the fact that even though parliamentarians in Ghana visit their constituents regularly, there is no deliberate effort to dialogue and interact with their constituents on matters directly affecting them. The study concludes that the quality of representation in Ghana is undermined as there is inadequate connection between the interests of constituents and the decisions taken on their behalf by their legislators. Keywords: Parliament, Quality, ...
Research Interests:
The government appointed a Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) in 2010 to solicit popular opinion on the need to review Ghana’s 1992 Constitution. The review became necessary against the backdrop of perceived challenges of some... more
The government appointed a Constitutional Review Commission (CRC) in 2010 to solicit popular opinion on the need to review Ghana’s 1992 Constitution. The review became necessary against the backdrop of perceived challenges of some provisions of the Constitution that were believed to be obstructive to the maturation of Ghana’s democracy. In order to ensure that the opinion of the public constituted an essential part of the review process, a nation-wide popular opinion survey was conducted by the Governance Unit of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) to ascertain from the citizens regarding their views on aspects of the Constitution that should be reviewed. This article analyzes how the government responded to each of the issues raised by the public in the survey. The analysis shows that public opinion on critical aspects of the constitution that should be reviewed did not receive governmental attention. The article recommends that the government should work together with parliame...
Research Interests:
Every government desires to be efficient to be able to provide basic services for the total welfare of the citizens they seek to govern. But what makes for an efficient government? Big- or small-size government? This issue reflects... more
Every government desires to be efficient to be able to provide basic services for the total welfare of the citizens they seek to govern. But what makes for an efficient government? Big- or small-size government? This issue reflects widespread criticisms of governments in Ghana under the Fourth Republican dispensation, namely, that these governments have through ministerial appointments unduly expanded the frontiers of the state while at the same time touting the virtues of privatization. Indeed, the constitutional provision that empower governments to appoint ministers, section 78 (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, 1992, does not set an upper limit. As a result of this constitutional lapse, governments have appointed too many ministers culminating in the increase of the size of government. Using Ghana as a case study, but with emphasis on the Fourth Republic, this paper examines the concept of big government and its effect on government expenditure. It also makes appropriate recommendations for a small sized government capable of delivering quality services to the people without incurring much cost to the state and the entire citizenry.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
... 1998), Drah (2000), Gyimah-Boadi (2000), Frempong (2004), Ninsin (2004), Essuman-Johnson (2004), Gyampo and Obeng Odoom (2009), Whitfiled ... in parliament; Dr. Ekow Spio-Garbrah, a former presidential aspirant of the NDC; Alfred... more
... 1998), Drah (2000), Gyimah-Boadi (2000), Frempong (2004), Ninsin (2004), Essuman-Johnson (2004), Gyampo and Obeng Odoom (2009), Whitfiled ... in parliament; Dr. Ekow Spio-Garbrah, a former presidential aspirant of the NDC; Alfred Agbesie and Michael Teye Nyaunu ...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The youth in Africa have been an important political force and performed a wide range of roles in the political field as voters, activists, party members, members of parliament, ministers, party “foot soldiers,” and apparatchiks. Although... more
The youth in Africa have been an important political force and performed a wide range of roles in the political field as voters, activists, party members, members of parliament, ministers, party “foot soldiers,” and apparatchiks. Although political parties, governments, and other political leaders often exploit young people’s political activity, their participation in both local and national level politics has been significant. In the academic literature and policy documents, youth are portrayed, on the one hand, as “the hope for the future” and, on the other, as a disadvantaged and vulnerable group. However, the spread of social media has created an alternative political space for young people. Active participation of young people in politics through social media channels suggests that they do not lack interest in politics, but that the political systems in Africa marginalize and exclude them from political dialogue, participation, decision-making, and policy implementation. The so...
Research Interests:
Electoral violence often perpetrated by political party vigilante groups in Ghana has been a major setback to Ghana’s drive towards democratic maturity. In particular, acts and incidence of violence have been alarming during parliamentary... more
Electoral violence often perpetrated by political party vigilante groups in Ghana has been a major setback to Ghana’s drive towards democratic maturity. In particular, acts and incidence of violence have been alarming during parliamentary by-elections at the constituency level, which have often led to major casualties like deaths, injuries, destruction of property, inter-party conflicts, as well as social and communal tensions. Yet, very little attention has been given to electoral violence and vigilantism during parliamentary bye-elections. This study fills this gap by drawing on interviews, general observations, and archival sources to examine the causative factors for the persistence of parliamentary by-election violence, at the constituency level. The central questions addressed in the paper are: what is the motivation for the involvement of political party vigilante groups in parliamentary by-elections and associated conflicts?; what strategies do political parties use to mobil...
Research Interests:
The results of Ghana’s 2012 and 2020 elections were challenged in the nation’s Supreme Court. Even though the court processes in both cases did not alter the election results, they nevertheless exposed monumental flaws in the electoral... more
The results of Ghana’s 2012 and 2020 elections were challenged in the nation’s Supreme Court. Even though the court processes in both cases did not alter the election results, they nevertheless exposed monumental flaws in the electoral processes. The flaws in the 2012 electoral processes were exposed at the Supreme Court and featured in the final judgment of the court in a manner that allowed the Electoral Commission to initiate moves towards electoral reforms. However, the challenges of the 2020 elections, though exposed at the courts, were never featured in the final judgment of the Supreme Court. This paper discusses the implications of the 2020 election petition for the future of electoral reforms in Ghana. It argues that the rigid application of the letter of the law by the Supreme Court and the relegation to the background of the thorny issues of electoral challenges in the 2020 elections, would render the quest for further electoral reforms difficult. This would then make the...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This paper is the sixth in a series of publications aimed at addressing the severe challenges posed to Ghana’s effort at national development and cohesion by the practice of “WinnerTakes-All” (WTA) politics. It discusses WTA politics,... more
This paper is the sixth in a series of publications aimed at addressing the severe challenges posed to Ghana’s effort at national development and cohesion by the practice of “WinnerTakes-All” (WTA) politics. It discusses WTA politics, highlighting its dangers such as the conferment of excessive powers on the president, marginalization of perceived political opponents and the feeling of exclusion from the governance process by those who do not belong to the government/ruling party. It reviews the performance of Ghana’s current Council of State as a potential countervailing constitutional arrangement to bridle the excessive powers of the executive and promote inclusive politics. The paper finally makes recommendations to strengthen the Council of State as an effective check on the powers of the executive and mechanism for promoting inclusive politics in Ghana.
Research Interests:
This paper reveals a paradox of Ghana’s ‘successful democracy’. It demonstrates that the wave of ‘good governance’ in Ghana is more of an institutional imperialism than a democracy. As such, current approaches to consolidate democracy in... more
This paper reveals a paradox of Ghana’s ‘successful democracy’. It demonstrates that the wave of ‘good governance’ in Ghana is more of an institutional imperialism than a democracy. As such, current approaches to consolidate democracy in Ghana have been top-down, emphasising government, not governance; institutions not people. For this reason, the basic act of casting ballots is even problematic; hence between 1992 and 2008 the number of ballots wrongly cast has increased by 137 per cent. To make a bad situation worse, the people who cast valid votes do so based on factors unrelated to their welfare such as tribalism and kalabuleism. Ghana’s 'successful’ democracy has therefore disempowered the people, the main actors in a democracy
Research Interests:
Rights-based approaches to development tend to emphasise human rights, the right to participate in decision making, and rights to social services and goods such as water, housing, and even the city. They tend to exclude land, while land... more
Rights-based approaches to development tend to emphasise human rights, the right to participate in decision making, and rights to social services and goods such as water, housing, and even the city. They tend to exclude land, while land rights research tends to be focused on land law and law courts without analysing ‘the right to land’. It is possible for the courts to play a key role to shape the current transformation of property relations, especially when private property appears to be failing its supposed role as a social trust but, as we show with an original institutional economics methodology, data from court cases, and results from Afrobarometer surveys, the contribution of the courts can be severely constrained. Existing approaches to contesting land grabs – centred on (a) popular protests (b) international guidelines and (c) national laws from the executive and the legislature – are inadequate without the courts, but what the courts can do is contingent on how well cases a...
Research Interests:
In 2011, the Constitution Review Commission (CRC) recommended a national development plan that should be entrenched in the constitution and binding on successive governments. While accepting the need for a long-term plan, the... more
In 2011, the Constitution Review Commission (CRC) recommended a national development plan that should be entrenched in the constitution and binding on successive governments. While accepting the need for a long-term plan, the recommendation to make it binding on all regimes was rejected by the government. This paper examines the positive side of the recommendation. It argues that Ghana’sdevelopment planning process lacks broad participation. This heightens the feeling of marginalization usually associated with “Winner-Takes-All” politics and undermines inclusivity and policy continuity. The paper examines the current practice of development planning which is characterized by limited participation and also shows policy discontinuity resulting from abandoned plans and high cost of these in terms of development. It makes a case for an entrenched plan that can promote inclusive governance, policy continuity and accelerated national development. Introduction and background In 2010 the go...
Research Interests:
While there has been a long tradition in developmen t studies on analyzing types of participation and their effectiveness, the idea that participatio n is not stationary, but that it can evolve with variegated experiences is relatively... more
While there has been a long tradition in developmen t studies on analyzing types of participation and their effectiveness, the idea that participatio n is not stationary, but that it can evolve with variegated experiences is relatively unexplored. Th is paper takes up the challenge of showing how participation in development planning can change, the role of underlying institutions, and the implications of evolutionary participatory deve lopment for policy making. It uses a critical postcolonial approach and focus on the role of the youth in development planning in Ghana. It knits together the diverse processes and dynamics o f youth participation in postcolonial Ghana since the pre-colonial era, and teases out implicat ions of these 'participation moments', particularly, current moments, for national develop ment in Ghana.
Research Interests:
The 1992 constitution of Ghana gives the Executive President of Ghana enormous and extensive powers of appointment. This over the years has led to the manifestations of the Winner-Takes-All (WTA) politics. As a result, Executive... more
The 1992 constitution of Ghana gives the Executive President of Ghana enormous and extensive powers of appointment. This over the years has led to the manifestations of the Winner-Takes-All (WTA) politics. As a result, Executive Presidents of Ghana have exercised their powers of appointment to the benefit of only party apparatchiks and loyalists without recourse to appointment based on apolitical or non-partisan meritocracy. In this regard, many Ghanaians, irrespective of their competence, experience and expertise, are denied the opportunity to serve their country simply because they do not belong to the ruling party. We argue that, the 1992 constitution of Ghana gives the Executive President so much power in appointing state officials, which promotes WTA politics and deepens clientelism. The paper reviews the extensive powers of appointment of the President and practically examines how the exercise of these powers promotes WTA politics and clientelism. It discusses previous attempts at promoting inclusive government through appointments and the challenges encountered. The paper finally proffers policy recommendations on how the powers of appointment could be exercised in a manner that promotes inclusivity and, to some extent, meritocracy.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Ghana’s fourth attempt at constitutional democratic governance which started in 1992 has been plagued with negative acts of political vigilantism. Political vigilante groups play a key role in securing electoral victory for their parties.... more
Ghana’s fourth attempt at constitutional democratic governance which started in 1992 has been plagued with negative acts of political vigilantism. Political vigilante groups play a key role in securing electoral victory for their parties. But they are also key agents in pushing their parties to opposition. Vigilante groups, particularly those belonging to the party that won elections have over the years, taken the laws of the country into their own hands, forcibly ejected officials of previous administration from their apartments and physically assaulted them, as well as engaged in seizures of public property and assets in the custody of public officials in an uncoordinated manner. These acts have fuelled polarization in Ghana’s body politic and undermined the nation’s drive towards democratic maturity. What accounts for the rise in the activities of vigilante groups? How useful are these groups to political parties? In what specific ways do vigilante groups pose a threat to Ghana’s...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
PurposeDespite the recognisable importance of nation brand websites, they have seemingly not been the focus of dialogic communication interrogations of marketing and communications scholars. This paper is one of the initial attempts to... more
PurposeDespite the recognisable importance of nation brand websites, they have seemingly not been the focus of dialogic communication interrogations of marketing and communications scholars. This paper is one of the initial attempts to address such research lacuna. The paper aims to examine the dialogic potential of the Brand South Africa website and its effect on the country’s image, as well as the impact of this image on consumers’ (tourists) visiting intentions.Design/methodology/approachDrawing from the dialogic communication and impression management theories, the authors applied partial least squares structural equation modelling (PLS-SEM) to analyse data solicited from 672 participants via an electronic survey.FindingsThis paper demonstrates that the dialogic communication principles of the Brand South Africa website have positive influences on the image impression of South Africa. Country image impression was also found to have a significant effect on intentions to visit.Pra...
Research Interests:
This paper undertakes a five-year review of the management of oil revenues in Ghana since the commencement of oil production in 2010. Using reports from the Petroleum Transparency and Accountability Index, official records from key state... more
This paper undertakes a five-year review of the management of oil revenues in Ghana since the commencement of oil production in 2010. Using reports from the Petroleum Transparency and Accountability Index, official records from key state agencies, and interviews with core individuals within the petroleum sector, the paper assesses the quality of transparency and accountability in the management of Ghana's oil revenue. It argues that even though some progress has been made in the transparent and accountable use of oil revenues, more can be achieved if certain critical bills are passed and proactive interventions pursued without further delay on the part of government and policymakers within Ghana's petroleum sector. These would help prevent both potential social conflict that may result from a lack of information on how oil revenues are utilised and the corrupt use of oil funds by politicians and people in authority within the oil industry.
Research Interests: Business, African Studies, Economics, Public Finance, International Relations, and 15 moreAccountability, Petroleum, West Africa, Ghana, Economic policy, Good Governance, Transparency, Developing Country, Revenue, Crude Oil, Wirtschaft, Wirtschaftspolitik, Petroleum Industry, Transparenz, and Westafrika
Research Interests:
The social and political context within which political parties operate has significantly changed in the twenty-first century. The global breakthrough in social media offers numerous possibilities for meaningful and equal participation,... more
The social and political context within which political parties operate has significantly changed in the twenty-first century. The global breakthrough in social media offers numerous possibilities for meaningful and equal participation, as well as chances for new forms of transparency and accountability, in ways that were until recently, unimaginable. This study identifies and discusses the specific ways in which political parties in Ghana have deployed social media in advancing their interest. It raises the challenges that have been encountered by political parties in their quest to tap the advantages of social media in prosecuting their ultimate agenda of capturing political power. It argues succinctly that even though social media has broad advantages, it has severe challenges that undermines its effectiveness and nullifies any attempt to use it as a substitute to traditional media in Ghana. The study recommends an improved use of traditional media as a means of reaching out to p...
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Generally, the Church has played a critical role in Ghana’s drive towards democratic maturity. The Christian Council of Ghana, one of the foremost and well respected umbrella Christian Church Organizations makes a positive contribution to... more
Generally, the Church has played a critical role in Ghana’s drive towards democratic maturity. The Christian Council of Ghana, one of the foremost and well respected umbrella Christian Church Organizations makes a positive contribution to Ghana’s democratic consolidation process. As part of a broader civil society, the Christian Council, in spite of its financial challenges, has played a democracy-supporting role of fighting authoritarianism and contributing to the nurturing of democracy in Ghana when it was attained. So, what is the Christian Council of Ghana’s mission? What specific role has the Council played in fighting authoritarian regimes since independence? How has the Council contributed to democratic nurturing, maturity and consolidation in Ghana? These are the critical issues that the paper seeks to address using a qualitative research approach that largely thrives on secondary sources of information and views gleaned from interviews with persons associated with the Christian Council.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The 1992 Fourth Republican Constitution of Ghana categorically places a ban on chiefs from doing politics. Whereas some chiefs have shown respect to the ban on them from politics, others see the ban on them as discriminatory and against... more
The 1992 Fourth Republican Constitution of Ghana categorically places a ban on chiefs from doing politics. Whereas some chiefs have shown respect to the ban on them from politics, others see the ban on them as discriminatory and against their human rights. They see the injunction on them not to actively participate in electoral politics as so devastating and humiliating that, for the sake of protecting their interest and political self-preservation, they have adopted a number of political responses. One of these responses has been to adopt different ways of influencing the outcome of both national and local elections that have been conducted. To a large extent they have been successful because they are very influential people in their local areas of jurisdiction. The paper therefore recommends that in view of the fact that some chiefs would still want to bring their influence to bear on national politics either publicly or behind the scenes, an independent second chamber must be created and its membership must include chiefs who would be elected by the Regional House of Chiefs on a non-competitive and non-partisan electoral process to bring their influences and rich experiences to bear on policies and bills before forwarding them for presidential assent. In this way, chiefs are given the opportunity to play their role in national politics without subjecting themselves to the taunts and mockery that are characteristic of electoral politics.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Civil Society and many youth activists were elated when the youth, those aged between 21 and 40 years, were given prominence in Ghana’s parliament after the 2012 elections. Indeed, as many as 44 young people were elected during Ghana’s... more
Civil Society and many youth activists were elated when the youth, those aged between 21 and 40 years, were given prominence in Ghana’s parliament after the 2012 elections. Indeed, as many as 44 young people were elected during Ghana’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections. Prior to this, the number of young people in Ghana’s parliament was negligible. In view of the demographic advantage of the youth and their invaluable contributions to Ghana’s political history, there have been incessant calls for their representation and an eventual return to the days of the 1950s when politics was dominated by the youth. The outcome of the 2012 Parliamentary Elections was therefore hailed as unprecedented and described by many as a giant step towards youth representation in national decision making. However, a survey of all the young parliamentarians and some 4400 young people carefully selected through purposive sampling provides the basis for this paper’s thesis that the growth in the number of young ...
Research Interests:
Ghana discovered oil in June 2007 and commenced production inDecember 2010 under a peaceful democratic political order that isbeing hailed by all across the world as a beacon of hope. Basedon a desktop review, this paper examines how oil... more
Ghana discovered oil in June 2007 and commenced production inDecember 2010 under a peaceful democratic political order that isbeing hailed by all across the world as a beacon of hope. Basedon a desktop review, this paper examines how oil affects politicsand democratic development in Ghana. It argues that even thoughthere are efforts to protect Ghana from the ‘oil curse’ or potentialadverse socio-economic effects of oil production, conscious effortshave not been made to check the possible impact of oil productionon the nation’s democratic gains. Consequently, oil production hasresulted in tendencies that undermine democratic development,including politics of resource-patronage; high spending on socialservices such as infrastructure; high borrowing that increasesnational debt; and high corruption and perception of corruptionand security threats. The paper concludes with some theoreticaland policy implications of the findings for oil-producing countries inSub-Saharan Africa.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Following Ghana's December 2012 elections, there was a protracted election petition process at the nation's Supreme Court challenging the declaration of the winner as the duly elected presidential candidate. Even though the... more
Following Ghana's December 2012 elections, there was a protracted election petition process at the nation's Supreme Court challenging the declaration of the winner as the duly elected presidential candidate. Even though the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the declared winner, it made several recommendations that paved the way for numerous interventions aimed at putting together proposals for electoral reform to fine-tune Ghana's electoral processes. Several such reform proposals were submitted to the Electoral Commission by the end of 2013. Nevertheless, these were not implemented to guide the 2016 general elections. The successful conduct of the 2016 elections has therefore been described as a “miracle.” Why were the reform proposals not implemented? What is the current state of reform proposals submitted to the Electoral Commission? What is the way forward? This article addresses these questions.
Research Interests:
The discovery of oil should transform economies, since oil revenues can be invested in infrastructure and the non-oil sector. Whilst oil discovery has transformed the economy of countries such as Indonesia, Norway and UK, the story is... more
The discovery of oil should transform economies, since oil revenues can be invested in infrastructure and the non-oil sector. Whilst oil discovery has transformed the economy of countries such as Indonesia, Norway and UK, the story is different in Sub-Saharan Africa. Available evidence in countries like Angola, Equatorial Guinea, and Nigeria suggests that economic growth has an inverse relationship with oil production. Some researchers have attributed this to lack of quality institutions and the politics surrounding oil production. In this study, we take a critical look at the politics of oil production in Ghana and its potential implications for the oil sector and national development.