Political Reform

يتناول عبد الفتاح ماضي في كتابه عثرات في الميدان: كيف أخفقت ثورة يناير في مصر؟ الصادر عن المركز العربي للأبحاث ودراسة السياسات، المسار المتعثّر لثورة 25 يناير 2011 في مصر؛ باعتبارها جزءًا من نضالٍ ممتد في التاريخ الحديث للشعب المصري من أجل التغيير، وحدثًا أداره فاعلون داخليون وخارجيون بقناعات ومصالح مختلفة، وفي سياقات إقليمية ودولية غير مواتية.

يروم الكتاب فهم التحوّلات الكبرى التي طرأت على مسار الثورة، والبحث في عددٍ من القضايا المحورية، مثل دور النخب ومجموعة من جنرالات الجيش في الثورة، والعامل الخارجي والديمقراطية في مصر، وقضايا الهوية والتغيير في مصر.

مقدمات الثورة

يتألف الكتاب (300 صفحة بالقطع الوسط، موثقًا ومفهرسًا) من مقدمة وسبعة فصول وخاتمة.

في الفصل الأول، "مقدمات ثورة 25 يناير"، يعرض المؤلف مقدمات ثورة يناير، مع التركيز على إرث مرحلة مبارك في المجالَين السياسي والاقتصادي، موضحًا كيف أغلق نظام مبارك سبل الإصلاح السياسي التدرجي، وأفسد الحياة السياسية عقودًا طويلة، ما أدّى إلى إسقاطه وحزبه الحاكم عبر التظاهرات الشعبية. كما يعرض كيف ثارت قطاعات واسعة من المصريين ضد النظام، ودور الجماعات الاحتجاجية الشبابية والحركات الاجتماعية والعمالية في تعبئة الشارع ضد مبارك، ودور أدوات التواصل الاجتماعي والإعلام والجمعية الوطنية للتغيير وحركة 6 أبريل.

أما في الفصل الثاني، "اندلاع الثورة وردّ النظام"، فيرصد المؤلف اندلاع الثورة، وردّة فعل سلطة مبارك التنفيذية عليها، بدءًا من عناده وتهوينه شأن الحراك الشعبي ضده، مرورًا بخطابات التهديد والوعيد واستخدام القمع الوحشي ضد المتظاهرين، وانتهاءً بمحاولات التشبث بالسلطة وبدء تحرك الجيش.

تحولات الثورة

يُعنى المؤلف في الفصل الثالث، "تحولات الثورة المصرية"، بمسار ثورة يناير وتحوّلاتها، فيتناول تحول الثورة من كونها ثورة "ديمقراطية" تنادي بالحريات والعدالة الاجتماعية إلى ثورة "انتخابية"، من خلال البحث في الطريقة التي أدار بها الفاعلون السياسيون الرئيسون المرحلة الانتقالية بعد إسقاط مبارك (12 شباط/ فبراير 2011 - 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013)، مركزًا على انفراد المجلس الأعلى للقوات المسلحة بإدارة الدولة، واعتماد خريطة طريق تقوم على التنافس الحزبي الانتخابي قبل التوافق، وسلوك القوى السياسية التقليدية التي تصدّرت المشهد السياسي، إضافةً إلى غياب الحوار والتوافقات الكبرى. كما يتناول المؤلف تحوّل ثورة يناير مرة أخرى من كونها ثورة "انتخابية" إلى ثورة "مضادة"؛ من خلال عرض الطريقة التي أوقف بها جنرالات المجلس العسكري المسار الديمقراطي، وقادوا ثورةً مضادة أطاحت المكتسبات القليلة التي حققتها ثورة يناير، وأقامت نظامًا يقوم على الصراع الصفري مع القوى التي لا تصطف مع النظام. ويوضح هذا الفصل كيف كانت اختيارات النخب تُعبّر، في واقع الأمر، إمّا عن قناعات وأفهام مغلوطة، وإمّا عن مقدمات أيديولوجية متحجرة، أو مصالح ضيقة، أو نصائح غير مدروسة قُدّمت من أطراف مختلفة، أو عن خليط من هذا وذاك.

الحوار والتجربة الدستورية

ينصب اهتمام المؤلف في الفصل الرابع، "محاولات الحوار الوطني"، على محاولات الحوار التي جرت في مراحل مختلفة؛ حيث يبدأ بعملية الحوار التي بدأتها جماعة الإخوان المسلمين قبل اندلاع الثورة بشهور، واستمرت في الشهور الأولى للثورة، وتُوّجت بما سُمّي وثيقة التحالف الديمقراطي. كما يعرض المؤلف حوارات المجلس العسكري الحاكم حتى لقاء "فيرمونت" وانتخاب الرئيس محمد مرسي، إضافة إلى الحوارات التي أجراها هذا الأخير، ثم بعض المبادرات التي قُدمت بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013.

أما في الفصل الخامس، "التجربة الدستورية بعد الثورة"، فيقدم المؤلف الوثائق الدستورية التي ظهرت في مرحلة المجلس العسكري حين شهدت البلاد إعلانًا دستوريًا في 13 شباط/ فبراير 2011، ثم تعديلات دستورية متعلقة بـ 9 مواد من دستور 1971، ثم إعلانًا دستوريًا آخر في 30 آذار/ مارس 2011، ثم إعلانَين دستوريّين (في 25 أيلول/ سبتمبر و19 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 2011) يعدّلان إعلان 30 آذار/ مارس، ثم إعلانًا دستوريًا مكملًا في 17 حزيران/ يونيو 2012. كما يقدم المؤلف الوثائق الدستورية التي ظهرت في مرحلة مرسي؛ وذلك حين عرفت مصر في 12 آب/ أغسطس 2012 إعلانًا دستوريًا جديدًا (ألغى الإعلان الدستوري الصادر في 17 حزيران/ يونيو 2012)، والإعلان الدستوري في 21 تشرين الثاني/ نوفمبر 2012، ودستور 2012. ويقدم المؤلف، أيضًا، الوثائق الدستورية التي ظهرت في مرحلة ما بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013، وشهدت فيها البلاد بيان القوات المسلحة في 3 تموز/ يوليو 2013، وإعلانَين دستوريين (في5 و7 تموز/ يوليو 2013)، ودستور 2014.

جنرالات الداخل والعوامل الخارجية

يتناول المؤلف في الفصل السادس، "جنرلات الجيش وثورات الشعب"، بعض الجوانب ذات الصلة بعلاقة مجموعة من جنرالات الجيش المسيطرين على المؤسسة العسكرية بثورة يناير، فيعرض حالات مقارنة من خارج العالم العربي لإيضاح ما يأتي: سبب استيلاء العسكريين على السلطة، وطبيعة الحكم العسكري، وطريقة خروج العسكريين من السلطة. ثم يعرض باقتضاب الحالة المصرية، بدءًا من جذور تدخّل الجنرالات العسكريين في السلطة، وتطور أدوارهم السياسية والاقتصادية، مرورًا بالمغالطات التي ردّدها إعلام ما بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013 بشأن دور الجيش، وانتهاءً بالمخاطر المترتبة على طبيعة النظام الإقصائية والبوليسية؛ لا على الحياة السياسية والثورة فحسب، بل على المؤسسة العسكرية ذاتها والأمن القومي العربي أيضًا.

في الفصل السابع، "العوامل الخارجية والثورة المصرية" (الفصل الأخير)، يعالج المؤلف بعض الأدوار الدولية والإقليمية في مسار الثورة المصرية، فيتناول موقف القوى الغربية من مسألة الديمقراطية في البلدان العربية قبل ثورات 2011، ثم موقف الولايات المتحدة الأميركية وأوروبا وروسيا من الثورة المصرية، ودعم القوى الإقليمية نظامَ ما بعد 30 حزيران/ يونيو 2013، إضافةً إلى أثر استخدام خطاب الحرب على الإرهاب واستراتيجياته في مسار الثورة.

The interplay between bureaucracy and political dynasties is an interesting topic in the study of public administration and governance. For one, the parallel development of bureaucratic expansion and political dynasty entrenchment share an identical timeline in history, demanding fuller understanding and critical analysis of the implications that bureaucracy and political dynasties, or vice versa, have on each other and how their relationship influences policymaking and governance in the course of our history.

Parallel to Arab Nahḍah, Ottoman modernization program is associated with the Tanzimat, a period of drastic social, political and institutional transformation. The word tanẓīmāt itself, however, merely means “regulations” or “reorganization” and very little has been done in investigating the conceptual or ideational foundations of Tanzimat reforms. The question at stake here is how these series of reforms were justified and legitimized within the Ottoman political culture. Accordingly, this paper focuses on reform debates among Ottoman bureaucrats and statesmen in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and proposes the concept and doctrine of taǧdīd (renewal) as a key to understanding Ottoman reform and religious transformation. Ottoman reformers at the turn of 19th century resorted to the doctrine of centennial renewal in order to both criticize the moral shortcomings of Ottoman political system and legitimize innovation. Within this logic, Ottoman reformist sultans and politicians have frequently been referred to as muǧaddids, that is restorers. This paper will present an account of the concept of taǧdīd based on Ottoman political and historical writing from the period. I argue that Ottoman reform was inseparable from the logic of religious revival and that Ottoman debates should be considered as part of and discussed in relation to the 18th-century Muslim revivalism which has attracted growing attention in the last decade.

Published as Postill, J. 2014. A critical history of internet activism and social protest in Malaysia, 1998-2011. Asiascape: Digital Asia Journal 1-2: 78-103.

NB. THIS IS A DRAFT. SEE PUBLISHED PAPER HERE: https://www.academia.edu/6023457/A_critical_history_of_internet_activism_and_social_protest_in_Malaysia_1998-2011

This article asks two related questions. First, to what extent has internet activism shaped social protest in Malaysia from the late 1990s to the present? Second, what can the history of internet activism and social protest in Malaysia tell us, if anything, about the 2011 global wave of protests? To address these questions I first compare Malaysia’s techno-political path with that of two very different ‘emerging economies’, South Korea and Brazil, in order to contextualise the subsequent discussion. I then distinguish three key moments in Malaysia’s eventful history of internet activism and social protest, namely the 1998-1999 reformasi movement, the electoral ‘tsunami’ of 2008 (in which the ruling coalition lost its two-thirds majority) and the Bersih 2.0 rallies of 2011. I argue that Bersih 2.0 is best explained as both the latest episode in a series of uniquely Malaysian techno-political events and as a local variant of the global wave of protests of 2011 – a wave in which techno-libertarians such as hackers, online journalists and technology lawyers, as well as ordinary citizens using social media, played an important part. The article ends with a summary and with suggestions for further research.

This paper is an initial assessment of the current efforts at institutionalizing political party reforms. Specifically, it will provide an overview of current debates, within and initiatives of, two political parties in the area of party reforms. Looking at the experience fo the Liberal Party and Akbayan, the paper will argue for an institutional-competitive approach to political party reform that strengthens citizen-party linkage.

This dissertation aims to analyse the transformation of Ottoman reform debates from the late sixteenth century to 1876 when the first Ottoman constitution was promulgated, by tracing various concepts of reform used in different periods. In chronological order these concepts are ıslah (reform) in seventeenth century, tecdîd (renewal) at the turn of nineteenth century, tanzîmât (reordering) in the period leading up to the Tanzimat and terakkī (progress) during the late Tanzimat. Using the political writing produced by Ottoman bureaucrats (memoranda, treatises, chronicles, essays) and scribes, in each era I question how order is understood, how Ottoman decline is conceptualized, how tradition is reinvented and how innovation is justified. Through such questions, I seek to understand the logic of transformation in Ottoman political vocabulary accompanying the state transformation process and challenge some basic assumptions in the literature regarding Ottoman political language, Westernization and secularization. In my analysis I employ various revisionist approaches to the history of political thought mainly including Reinhart Koselleck’s conceptual history and contextualism of Cambridge School.

This monograph examines the convergence of the war on terror on Saudi soil, calls for and modest programs of political reform, and heightened post-9/11 tensions with the United States. Saudi Arabia has been condemned for its Wahhabist version of Islam, and linked to the growth of salafist extremism operating locally, regionally, and internationally. This monograph more clearly defines the background and nature of today's Islamic threat in Saudi Arabia, and argues for continuing counter- and anti-terrorist measures but also for political reform and development.

Author: Fareed Khan
Compliled from the writings and speeches of Howard Zinn, PhD.

Civil Liberties, Corporate Taxes, Corporate Welfare, Democratic Decay, Electoral Reform, Fascism, Free Speech, Free Speech Under Assault, Freedom, Freedom of Speech, Human Rights, Information Security And Privacy, National Security State, Neo-Fascism, Neo-Fascism In The U.S., Occupy Movement, Occupy Wall Street, Political Reform, Political Revolution, Privacy, Social Justice, Social Revolution, The 1 Percent, The 1%, The 99 Percent, The 99%, War Crimes

Se examina el proceso de reformas politicas en Colombia a partir de la Constitución de 1991 y como el mismo ha intentado resolver los problemas de la democracia en medio de una situación de conflicto armado interno. En tanto no se resuelva la confrontación interna ninguna reforma será suficiente ni eficaz.

The term ‘money politics’ is widely used throughout Southeast Asia, commonly as a vague but derisive label for political practices deemed unsavoury and in need of reform. But what is it, exactly, and how does it vary from one setting to another? Why is it important and what are its impacts? Throughout the region, large sums of patronage—particularistic benefits, including cash, goods, appointments, or other rewards—are distributed via clientelist and other political networks. Sometimes illegal or illicit, other times above-ground and tacitly condoned, such practices span the electoral cycle and deeply affect the quality and character of governance, democratic structures, and national integration.

In this talk, Hutchcroft will provide an overview of a major collaborative research project on money politics in Southeast Asia that traces the character, causes and implications of patronage in Indonesia, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Thailand.  He will pay particular attention to the May 2013 Philippine midterm elections and conclude by exploring prospects for political reform in the Philippines.

Resumen El objetivo de este artículo es describir los referéndums nacionales que se plantearon en Venezuela durante el gobierno de Nicolás Maduro, los cuales correspondieron, por separado, a una serie de iniciativas de reforma constitucional y de derogatoria del mandato presidencial. La perspectiva teórica empleada en el análisis es la doctrina de los jugadores con veto y su tesis sobre las lógicas competitivas o monopólicas de control de la agenda de los referéndums. Se maneja la hipótesis de que el nivel de control que tuvieron los respectivos promotores sobre las agendas de ejecución de las iniciativas planteadas, determinó la no celebración de sus correspondientes referén-dums. Mediante un enfoque empírico-inductivo, se pone en evidencia que el rechazo del oficialismo a la celebración de cualquier referéndum se ha debido, principalmente, al potencial efecto transformador que sobre el sistema político tendría en la actual coyuntura la utilización de este mecanismo de participación política.

The aim of this article is to describe national referendum initiatives launched in Venezuela during the government of Nicolás Maduro, which were linked, separately, to a series of constitutional reform initiatives and to presidential impeachment projects. The theoretical framework is the theory of veto players and, specifically, its thesis about competitive or monopolizing logics that control the referendum agenda. The research hypothesis is that the control level held by promoters on the agenda of political reform initiatives was one the main causes for the cancellation of the referendums that were mandatory. By means of an inductive-empirical method, it is shown that the rejection of referendums by pro-government political forces has been due, mainly, to the potential transformative effect that the use of this participation mechanism could have on the political system, given the current circumstances.

Abstract: The impact of British rule casts a long shadow over Irish history. While nationalist historians tended to blame Union with Britain for all the economic ills of the 19th century (O'Brien 1921), recent re-evaluations of both historical and recent Irish economic performance have been cause for a reappraisal of the economic relations between Ireland and Britain (Cullen 1969; Kennedy and Johnson 1996). The extent to which economic factors were important in Ireland's withdrawal from the United Kingdom will be examined ...

晁说之《儒言》作于北宋徽宗政和二年( 1112) ， 时值蔡京为首的新党当政。其书专为批评王安石“新学”所作: 在经学思想方面，晁说之批评了王安石舍弃汉唐注疏、统合六经的做法， 并对其废弃《春秋》， 推崇《周礼》以及宗尚孟子、杨雄，参合佛老进行了抨击; 在具体的学术方面， 晁说之认为王安石的学问有割裂琐碎、苟为异辞和牵强附会之病。此外，晁说之对王安石在变法过程中托古改制、党同伐异、滥用权势的做法也进行了含沙射影的批评。由于此书作于新旧党争激烈化的背景之下， 因而具有较强的时代性和针对性。在今天看来， 这部书除了对于我们认识晁说之的思想有一定意义外，对于研究王安石及其学术思想也具有重要的思想史及文献学价值， 然而历来并未有对此书的专门研究，而王安石研究者也较少注意此书，不能不说是一个遗憾。
Ｒuyan ( Statement of Confucianism) by Chao Yuezhi was composed in the 2nd year of Zhenghe( 1112 C． E． ) of Huizong’s reign in Northern Song Dynasty， when the New Party was in power． It specifically criticized Wang Anshi’s New Theory． In the aspect of Confucian thoughts， Chao criticized Wang of abandoning the commentaries by Han and Tang scholars， synthesizing and integrating the six classics． Wang Anshi’s despising Spring and Autumn and praising Zhouli， upholding Mencius and Yang Xiong and introduction of Buddhist and Taoist thoughts were also blamed． In terms of concrete academic methodology， Wang was considered to bear the shortcomings of incomprehensive and trivial explanations and enthusiasm of novelty and new sayings， thereby making many eisegesis and wrong conclusions．Meanwhile， Chao Yuezhi made criticisms by innuendo on the implements of restoring the antiquities， alienating those with different views and abusing his power during Wang’s reforms． As this book was written under the background of severe party conflicts， it is of great contemporaneity and pertinence． Except for its significance for us to recognize Chao Yuezhi’s thoughts， this book is of considerable literature and intellectual history value to study Wang Anshi and his academic thoughts． However， there has not been any special research on it and it has seldom raised attention of researchers， which， I have to say， is regretful．

Security Sector Reform (SSR) holds different meanings and hence varying implications for recipients and donors. Therefore, as an initial point of departure it is necessary to offer a more precise understanding of what can the European Union (EU) offer as a donor to recipient nations in need of SSR? The empirical case of Georgia presents an interesting and challenging case for SSR. There have been a number of domestic and international conflicts in the post-Soviet era, which has left a volatile legacy. There needs to be a cautious and long-term approach that balances what Georgia needs and wants with what the EU can offer. Rather than a narrow approach to the SSR programme, a broader and more encompassing assistance needs to be undertaken in order to affect a more stable and sustainable change. This process shall require talking and offering, but also
listening to what Georgian officials request and desire.

The impact of British rule casts a long shadow over Irish history. While nationalist historians tended to blame Union with Britain for all the economic ills of the 19th century (O’Brien, 1921), recent re-evaluations of both historical and recent Irish economic performance have been cause for a reappraisal of the economic relations between Ireland and Britain (Cullen, 1969; Kennedy and Johnson, 1996). The extent to which economic factors were important in Ireland’s withdrawal from the United Kingdom will be examined in this paper. A secondary aim is to assess the economic consequences of independence in the interwar period. There were many economic reasons up to 1913 as to why Ireland should separate. UK policy was determined by majority voting and policies were suited to the needs of industrial workers in Britain, rather than agricultural workers in Ireland. This led to increased spending beyond the means of Ireland which caused transition difficulties on independence. Finally the consequences of separation in the north and south of Ireland are examined. Evidence suggests that separation led to short term economic difficulty. In the longer run the south benefited from independence due to weakness in British institutions and the incentive structures created during the interwar period.

Some process: 40 years of re-organising Norwegian archaeology
The main objective of this paper is to investigate the historical background of the so-called ‘regionreform’ recently proposed by the Norwegian Government with special emphasis on the Cultural Heritage Management (CHM). The paper presents a critical inquiry into re-organisations within the Norwegian CHM in the 1980- and 90’s, a process known within academic research and official State documents simply as ‘the reorganisation’. The re-organisation involved four vital events: (1) the transformation of the Directorate for Cultural Heritage into a central body in the administration and located directly below the Department of Environmental Protection in 1988, (2) the de-centralisation of the district authority from the university museums to the county councils in 1990, (3) the creation of NIKU (The Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research) in 1994, and (4) the displacement of exempt authority from the university museums to the Directorate in 2001. The paper focuses on the political processes these events were part of, especially on political strategies, discursive turning points and speech acts, drawing on theoretical and methodological aspects from Actor-Network-Theory. It is found that the ideas and strategies that were realised through ‘the re-organisation’ dated back to academic circles and cultural policies forged in the 1960- and 1970’s. It is concluded that the ‘regionreform’ was formed within a new network of textual references, but that the ideas behind it is thoroughly connected with the old re-organisation, and thus to discursive elements from the 1960’s.

Now, Egypt has entered a new phase in its foreign policies and the protection of its national security, starting with the fact that internal construction and building the elements of strength is the cornerstone of protecting Egypt and achieving its strategic goals in mobilizing the external environment to support the Egyptian interior.
If there is any lesson to be drawn from the USA experience in the Middle East, it will be the limits of any power's ability to change fundamentally other countries even if that power is super and the only super power in the world. Transformation of states is a historical process where there is no one approach that can fit all particularly in the highly diversified Middle East.

امیریحیی آیت‌اللهی (دانش‌آموخته‌ی حوزه‌ی علمیه‌ی قم) پس از به پایان بردن دوره‌ی کارشناسی در دانشگاه مفید، کارشناسی ارشد فلسفه‌ی غرب را با پژوهش درباره‌ی مفهوم سنت در دیدگاه ادموند برک (فیلسوف محافظه‌کار انگلیسی) از دانشگاه ملی دریافت کرد و اکنون در آلمان دوره‌ی دکترای خود را با پژوهش درباره‌ی «پیوند محافظه‌کاری ایرانی و اصلاحگری دینی» می‌گذراند. از او سلسله مقالاتی در «کتاب ماه تاریخ و جغرافی»، تارنمای «رادیو زمانه» و «بی‌بی‌سی فارسی» منتشر شده است. با او درباره مدارا گفتگو کردم و این ادعای شایع که ایرانیان اهل مدارا نیستند. آیت اللهی نقش حکومت را در شدت و ضعف مدارا در یک جامعه بسیار پررنگ می‌بیند.

Publisher: New Statesman
Author: Russell Brand
Date: Oct. 24, 2013

Political reform, Electoral reform, Tax Loopholes, Corporate Welfare, Corporate Taxes, The 99%, The 99 Percent, The 1%, The 1 Percent, Occupy Movement, Democratic Decay, Social Justice, Social Revolution, Political Revolution

Este trabalho analisa como se estruturam os órgãos colegiados de representação local no Chile e Uruguai. Para isso, é feita uma análise documental e bibliográfica sobre os dois casos, em seguida, se traçam os principais paralelos e diferenças dos órgãos representativos locais nos dois países. A análise dos dois casos pode ser útil para a compreensão do processo de descentralização latinoamericana que acompanha a redemocratização do continente nas últimas décadas: a natureza desse processo e por que lógica se orienta, quem são os principais atores políticos envolvidos e em que nível ele se encontra são algumas das perguntas que os casos uruguaio e chileno podem nos ajudar a responder.

Many electoral systems constrain voters to one or two votes at election time. Reformers often see this as a failing because voters’ preferences are both broader and more varied than the number of choices allowed. New electoral systems therefore often permit more preferences to be expressed. In this paper we examine what happens when cumulative voting is introduced in two German states. Even when we allow for tactical considerations, we find that the principle of unconstrained choice is not widely embraced by voters, although in practice, too, many seem to have preferences for more than just one party. This finding has implications for arguments relating to electoral reform as well as how to conceive of party affiliations in multi-party systems

Este proceso electoral en Hidalgo en 2016 se inscribe en una larga transición política inconclusa, de cuarenta años, de hegemonía política y de partido predominante que implica un bajo desarrollo en la competencia y competitividad electoral, con organismos electorales parciales, y una cultura política predominantemente corporativa y clientelar basada en prácticas de subordinación y la manipulación del electorado pobre y de bajos recursos que es susceptible de lealtad sumisa y de compra de voto.

Con esta elección (gubernatura, Congreso, municipios) Hidalgo sigue siendo un bastión de la hegemonía partidaria tradicional.

This paper analyzes data using quantitative methodology to uncover the formation of regional parties and their relationship with the national political party, and the emergence of an alternate political reform in India. It also discusses in detail disruptive election overthrows and strategies. Religion played a major role in Indian politics. While religion remains a driving force in the elections, regionalism mobilized voters. At the same time, regional political parties in India were created out of the need to promulgate a new ideology; most of them were formed out of the compulsion to oppose the powerful Congress governments in the states. India is a diverse country with different dialects, and belief saw the increasing affection of voters for their respective language, culture and tradition. The growing importance of regional political parties, also known widely as the era of coalition politics and courtship of political parties in India. Policy formulation, therefore, must truly be after due public consultation, for the public and in public interest. The rising tide of regional parties and now their consolidation based on local issues of immediate concern for their citizens has finally emerged as a stark reality acknowledged by all, even at the national stage.

Publisher: Toronto Star
Author: John Cartwright
Date: Dec. 11, 2010
http://www.thestar.com/opinion/editorialopinion/article/905536--corporate-greed-is-eroding-foundations-of-a-just-society

Democratic Decay, Political reform, Electoral reform, Corporate Welfare, Corporate Taxes, The 99%, The 99 Percent, The 1%, The 1 Percent, Social Revolution, Political Revolution, Social Justice, Canadian Corporate Taxes

Os efeitos produzidos pelo método de converter votos em cadeiras têm estado no centro do debate brasileiro desde a Constituição de 1988 e a reforma política nunca deixou a agenda do debate político, dentro e fora da academia. Os argumentos, no geral, dizem respeito ao fortalecimento dos partidos e ao aumento da accountability eleitoral. Este artigo se propõe a analisar os efeitos de mudanças dos distritos eleitorais. Essas questões estão inscritas em uma discussão mais ampla sobre os impactos do sistema eleitoral no sistema político, bem como sobre o equilíbrio delicado entre governabilidade e representação. Consequentemente, estão diretamente relacionadas à qualidade do sistema democrático.

Resumo: O texto empreende uma reflexão sobre o conceito de formação cultural [Bildung], que perpassa e está perpassado pela própria criação do sistema educacional alemão. Para isso divide-se em três momentos: 1) verificação das possíveis traduções ao termo na Língua Portuguesa; 2) apresentação da formulação do conceito no cenário intelectual alemão; e 3) descrição das condições históricas que tornaram esse um conceito-chave para o processo de reforma educacional alemão e para o pensamento pedagógico como tal. Palavras-chave: Formação. Reforma política. Sistema educacional.

O artigo explora os projetos de reforma política no caso brasileiro sob um aspecto inexplorado: as estratégias de maximização de ganhos eleitorais inerentes às propostas de reforma eleitoral. Para tanto, analisamos as Propostas de Emenda Constitucional (PEC) apresentadas no Congresso Nacional sobre a temática durante 29 anos da democracia brasileira e criamos uma base de dados com 493 observações com 52 variáveis que agrupamos em 5 categorias de análises. A partir da literatura (Benoit, 2007; Boix, 1999; Colomer, 2004, 2005, 2018), pretendemos inferir sobre os desenhos propostos nas PECs avaliando as possíveis perdas e ganhos estratégicos para os partidos. Os resultados apontam que as PECs não parecem guiadas por interesses estratégicos dos partidos, conforme a previsão da literatura. Ao contrário, a pesquisa sugere uma racionalidade normativa (sem maximização de ganhos).

El objetivo del artículo es reflexionar sobre las trayectorias de la reforma política del gobierno de Iván Duque con base en los estudios sobre reforma política para determinar sus límites y potencialidades dentro del contexto del sistema político colombiano. Para ello, se abordaron textos sobre sistemas de partidos y sistemas electorales, destacando sus componentes como ejes articuladores de análisis y los informes de seguimiento del Observatorio de Partidos Políticos como insumo de comparación. En la metodología se utilizó el método histórico-empírico y luego, el rastreó de procesos políticos. Se concluye que, si bien se han hecho avances importantes en materia de reforma política desde la promulgación de la Constitución de 1991 hasta hoy, aún quedan pendientes en la agenda varios temas cruciales para avanzar en la modernización política de Colombia como, por ejemplo, la validez del voto preferente. Esto no sólo es un desafío en términos de diseños institucionales sino también un reto que implica consensos políticos y la participación de la sociedad civil.

The aim of this article is to reflect on the trajectories of the political reform in Ivan Duque's administration based on studies of political reform to determine its limits and potentialities in the context of the Colombian political system. To this end, texts on party systems and electoral systems were addressed, highlighting their components as pillars for analysis and taking the monitoring reports of the Observatory of Political Parties as comparison points. Initially, the methodology used the historical-empirical method and then scanning of political processes. Although significant progress has been made in the field of political reform since the enactment of the 1991 Constitution to date, there are still a number of crucial issues on the agenda to advance the political modernization of Colombia, for example, the validity of the preferential vote. This is not only a challenge in terms of institutional designs, but also a challenge that involves political consensus and the civil society's participation.

In little over four decades, Brazil transformed itself from an authoritarian regime with low levels of associative life and few opportunities for public participation into a hotbed of “participatory democracy” in the global South. Nevertheless, despite the impressive advances of the post-1985 democracy, it is possible to say that today, participatory institutions in Brazil are experiencing a midlife crisis. That is, they can no longer be
considered to be novelties or democratic innovations as they had been previously treated by many specialists. Yet they have not achieved full maturity and thus cannot be viewed as systematic and defining features of government activity and  policy making in Brazil. In this short article, I advance a critical  assessment of the midlife of participatory institutions in Brazil. I
highlight the significant achievements of participatory institutions in terms of their diffusion, but I call attention to  current challenges that limit their effectiveness and full incorporation into the country’s administrative and political systems— challenges that must be urgently addressed by the  recently reelected PT-led government.

Conference Report Editor: Louise Klann
Associate Editor: Martha Lagace

Conference chairs: Augustus R. Norton and Hani Faris

Boston University Institute for the Study of Muslim Societies & Civilizations
Boston University Center for International Relations
&
Trans-Arab Research Institute (TARI)
With Support from:
Harvard University Center for Middle Eastern Studies