Sanja Stosic

This paper examines identitary symbols in the context of
Spanish cinematic discourse. In the frame of Francoist and Almodóvarian cinema and from the deconstructive and comparative approaches, this article argues that televisual narrative requires close reading in relation to the cultural and political context. Accordingly, each film as a mass medium, inherently transfers aesthetic ethos as well as ideological message. To support this point, this paper will analyze the main features of the Francoist and Almodóvarian cinema. Likewise, by
comparing Spanish cinema during Francoist era with the changing cinematographic politics of the Transition period (la transición), this article will reveal that the political shift also enabled a cultural and sociological shift which was reflected in the birth of new cinematographic topics and consequently Almodóvar’s new
representations of Spanish identity, as well as gender
identities. For this reason, identifying and understanding
identitarian symbols of Spanish film discourse from the
Francoist dictatorship era to a newly established democratic state not only outlines the social, cultural and political evolution of Spain, but also proves pivotal for the interpretation of Almodóvarian unique cinematic
expression and its impact on Spanish national identity.

The relations between China and Taiwan are widely considered "as one of the most sensitive issues," especially nowadays, in the era of U.S.-China strategic competition. For China, Taiwan's reunification is one of the key security issues. Within the scope of the new geopolitical dynamics in the existing world order, the goal of this paper is to address questions regarding China's-Taiwan policy as well as the U.S.-Taiwan policy, providing a comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding the nature of China and Taiwan tense relations. Starting from the premise that the changing policies related to China, Taiwan and the U.S., are related with the emerging global power shift, as well as with the redefinition of national interests of all the parties involved, by using qualitative data analysis, in this paper we will try to rethink how do changes in U.S.-China relationship and U.S.-Taiwan partnership may be primary triggers of the Taiwan Strait conflict scenario.

Having in mind the number of countries that have recognized the independently proclaimed state of Kosovo, contrary to the principles of international law that does not recognize self-determination and secession, as well as those countries that have not recognized it, it can be concluded that the area of Kosovo and Metohija, as an integral part of the territory of the Republic of Serbia, has no status of an internationally recognized country. On the other hand, taking into account the natural resources in the area of the Kosovo-Metohija basin, especially mineral wealth, Kosovo and Metohija with its geoeconomic potential has not accidentally found itself in the global geopolitical pattern defined by the US. By aggression on the FRY, that is, the RS, NATO forces led by the US brought the area of Kosovo and Metohija under control in the form of a protectorate of the already instrumentalized UN. Namely, in line with Joseph Nye's theory of "hard and soft power", the Kosovo-M...

The relations between China and Taiwan are widely considered “as one of the most sensitive issues,” especially nowadays, in the era of U.S.-China strategic competition. For China, Taiwan’s reunification is one of the key security issues. Within the scope of the new geopolitical dynamics in the existing world order, the goal of this paper is to address questions regarding China’s-Taiwan policy as well as the U.S.-Taiwan policy, providing a comprehensive theoretical framework for understanding the nature of China and Taiwan tense relations. Starting from the premise that the changing policies related to China, Taiwan and the U.S., are related with the emerging global power shift, as well as with the redefinition of national interests of all the parties involved, by using qualitative data analysis, in this paper we will try to rethink how do changes in U.S.-China relationship and U.S.-Taiwan partnership may be primary triggers of the Taiwan Strait conflict scenario.
Keywords: China, Taiwan, cross-Strait relations, Xi Jinping, the U.S.-China rivalry, Asia Pacific, Indo-Pacific, global power shift
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The old Silk Road, that connected the West and East, was a center of cultural and trade interaction in the Asian continent from China to the Mediterranean Sea, but in 2013 it was referred by the Chinese president Xi Jinping as "One Belt, One Road" (OBOR), which announced that China would fund a New Silk Road Economic Belt across Eurasia to connect China with Europe, the Middle East, and South Asia. Different from the old Silk Road, current Silk Road includes the flow of financial services, information, technology as well as the Chinese initiative to strengthen connectivity in Central Asia and beyond. Comparing the modern Silk Road with the old Silk Road, in this paper we focus on China's regional and international expansion, and the relevance of new Silk Road as one of the current largest programmes of economic diplomacy. Thereby, by using the qualitative descriptive methodology and interdisciplinary approach, this paper demonstrates that the new Silk Road comprises a new global order; therefore, it must be seen as the link between the past, present, and future. That is why its concept must be analyzed with reference to the old Silk Road, but also in wider geopolitical context.

This paper aims at examining the character of Spain's policy with reference to the Philippines and its sweeping social and religious consequences in the islands between 1565 and 1700. On their arrival in the Philippines the Spaniards found the people still under a tribal allegiance and under the Spanish influence in the sixteenth century a sudden change was made in the social condition of the islands. In 1572, the "galleon trade" was named for the huge ships that carried the merchandise from all over Asia

Полазећи од културолошког становишта да политички и медијски дискурс неумитно учествују у формирању националне колективне свести, у овом раду покушали смо да укажемо на заступљеност одређених медијских садржаја као стратешких средстава политичке комуникације. Критичким освртом и анализом садржаја медијског простора (првенствено локалних штампаних медија и телевизије) у Србији током 2015. године, указали смо на политику профитабилности или, у најмању руку, бездушну индиферентност према људским правима и личном достојанству човека. Наиме, политички и корпоратвни актери наставили су да прилагођавају своје комуникационе стратегије гајењу културе селебритија и таблоидизацији медијских садржаја који су суштински супротни потребама професионалног медијског извештавања, а концепт ријалитија опет је почео да се намеће као сурогат тема из свакодневног живота и садржаја обојених суровом економском реалношћу. Друштво спектакла и њему својствени закон тржишта оваплотили су се у медијској производњи среће и политизацији медијског простора, чинећи неименоване изворе главним изворима информација и величајући тематику актуелности или тзв. псеудодогађаја. На тај начин, под велом интереса различитих центара политичке и финансијске моћи, а изговором угађања интересовању публике, стратешки је спроведена скандализација медија и бескрајно заглупљивање народа. „Естетизација тривијалног“ не само да је обојила журналистички језик и избрисала границе пристојности у изражавању већ је и увела на велика врата медијску неписменост. Са друге стране, у фокус медија истовремено су стављени насиље и црне хронике, чиме је извршен девијантан утицај на систем друштвених вредности и интензивиран осећај несигурности грађана. Кључне речи: медији, медијски простор, јавна сфера, демократија публике, анализа садржаја, ријалити, таблоидизација

Over the past few years, we have witnessed growing political and social efforts of a significant part of the Catalan community for the independence of Catalonia and today Catalonia’s drive for independence has become almost a permanent part of the daily political agenda of not only Spain, but also the European Union. Although the Spanish Constitutional Court annulled Catalonia’s request for the start of the secession process from Spain, the Catalan’s officials led by Carles Puigdemont organized an illegal referendum on independence in 2017. During the independence process, two main argumentative discourse types have emerged – the hegemonic Spanish nationalist discourse and the secessionist discourse of self-determination of Catalonia. In order to present the peculiarities of the public discourse concerning the potential secession of Catalonia, the paper provides a critical review of the evolution of the political discourse of Catalan nationalism, stating that the right of the Catalan people to self-determination is primarily a socio-political phenomenon that should be understood as a part of the populist discourse inherent in the specific political project.
Keywords: Catalonia, Spain, discourse, catalanism, secession, democracy, populism.

The article examines the similarities and differences between the Cuban Missile Crisis, also known as the October Crisis of 1962, and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine crisis. Likewise, it brings to the fore echoes of possibility of a nuclear catastrophe used strategically by the super powers of the world in order to maintain their supremacy. The final conclusion of the article refers to the inevitable spread of nuclear weapons as a guarantors of peace and stability in an emerging multipolar order.
Keywords: Cuban Missile Crisis 1962, Russia-Ukraine crisis 2022, weapons of mass destruction, Eurasia, multipolarity

Since mid-March 2020 over 3 billion people have been confined
because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Thus, today's globalization has been
profoundly defined by flows of data and information as well as the
resurgence of the synergetic world-view that has become a methodological basis of the new living and educational paradigms. Surely, due to the COVID-19, the network space capabilities have conducted to the transition from education to self-education and the hypothesis that although the economy and society in Serbia were significantly impacted by the COVID- 19 crisis, the Government of Serbia, and representatives of both businesses and civil society have managed to impose short and long-term recovery solutions are discussed in this article. Overall, these results suggest that the implications caused by the pandemic on health system and sustainable development played a pivotal role in the establishment and maintenance of the new paradigms in all fields of life, especially in the field of education. In line with our findings, the aim of this article is to analyze situations in a holistic manner and explain the above-mentioned shifting paradigms, which shape the future of today's society. Consequently, we concluded that technology-driven shifts impacted by the COVID-19 crisis imposed the need for an individual emergency preparedness, as well as for an improved health security and stronger resilience of society and the economy to future potential shocks.
Keywords: COVID-19, shifting paradigms, education reform, online platforms, Serbia

In this paper I engage with the socio-political implications on Orthodoxy present in the age of dechristianization, which implicitly endorse a concept of Neoliberalism’s New World Order. Analyzing the nature of neoliberal era and its relation to global fascism, I find that Orthodoxy today must be engaged with historical and social affairs. Striving to impose legal-constitutional relations between Orthodox churches and states according to a putative Western model are surely undemocratic, and the equation of religious and national affiliation has caused politization of religion, inner secularization and, thus, emersion of a Christianity deprived of one’s own cultural heritage and the rise of new ethno-religious movements. Hence, political nationalism ignited many terrorist wars oriented to enhance local identities and artificial nation-states of their own, supported on transnational scale by the Catholic Corporatist model. Based on the study of the Ukrainian and Kosovo-Serbia crises, I offer some insights that might assist researchers while facing some challenges to modern Orthodox theology.
Keywords: Orthodoxy, dechristianization, globalism, political nationalism, Serbia, Ukraine

Nowadays, business is becoming more global and it is obvious that the constant influx of people from other countries and cultures is producing changes in the society structure and relations established between countries. In everyday society, interpreters are often engaged in mediating communication between clients who do not share the same language and who come from differing cultural backgrounds. In translation process, the translated text should transmit the same intentions as the original and the translation is bound by each language’s culture and system; it is not merely transcending between the source language (SL) and the target language (TL). Diplomatic translators must be familiar not only with international affairs, but also with the political, social and economic situation of their own countries. The translation of specialized texts
and official documents requires expertise and good understanding of linguistic as well as of pragmatic and cultural issues. This paper aims to describe the work in translation and interpreting in a diplomatic and business environment, especially with regard to rendering pragmatic commercial and principled political negotiation and cultural references from source texts.

Key words: translation/interpreting, business, diplomacy, pragmatics, culture.

У светлу новонастале светске ситуације изазване неминовним слабљењем економске, политичке и војне хегемоније Сједињених
Америчких Држава, немогуће је не приметити све већи значај геополитичког издвајања Бразила и његов успон у односу на остале
државе региона. Иако државници ове земље негирају било какав облик свесног вођења политике Бразила као регионалног лидера који се такмичи са САД, сам осврт на његову спољну политику и економски бум којим се Бразил од некадашњег дужника претворио
у финансијера не само земаља у региону, већ и самог Међународног монетарног фонда, говори више од било каквих речи. Чињеница
је да најновија светска дешавања имају за последицу не само транзицију америчког унилатерализма и новонастали савезнички однос између Бразила и бивше суперNсиле, већ и развој различитих
перспектива у процесу латиноамеричких интеграција. Сажетим прегледом аналитичке мисли водећих политиколога и дипломата региона, у овом раду је учињен покушај да се у ширем контексту сагледа нова улога Бразила, али и све присутније јачање левичарских социјалних покрета.
Кључне речи: регионални лидер, латиноамеричка интеграција, нестанак глобалне америчке хегемоније, геополитичка транзиција, демократизација, социјална реформа.

Полазећи од културолошког становишта да политички и
медијски дискурс неумитно учествују у формирању националне
колективне свести, у овом раду покушали смо да укажемо на
заступљеност одређених медијских садржаја као стратешких
средстава политичке комуникације. Критичким освртом и анализом садржаја медијског простора (првенствено локалних штампаних медија и телевизије) у Србији током 2015. године, указали
смо на политику профитабилности или, у најмању руку, бездушну индиферентност према људским правима и личном достојанству човека. Наиме, политички и корпоратвни актери наставили
су да прилагођавају своје комуникационе стратегије гајењу културе селебритија и таблоидизацији медијских садржаја који су
суштински супротни потребама професионалног медијског извештавања, а концепт ријалитија опет је почео да се намеће као сурогат тема из свакодневног живота и садржаја обојених суровом
економском реалношћу. Друштво спектакла и њему својствени
закон тржишта оваплотили су се у медијској производњи среће
и политизацији медијског простора, чинећи неименоване изворе
главним изворима информација и величајући тематику актуелности или тзв. псеудодогађаја. На тај начин, под велом интереса
различитих центара политичке и финансијске моћи, а изговором
угађања интересовању публике, стратешки је спроведена скандализација медија и бескрајно заглупљивање народа. „Естетизација тривијалног“ не само да је обојила журналистички језик и избрисала границе пристојности у изражавању већ је и увела на велика врата медијску неписменост. Са друге стране, у фокус
медија истовремено су стављени насиље и црне хронике, чиме је
извршен девијантан утицај на систем друштвених вредности и
интензивиран осећај несигурности грађана.
Кључне речи: медији, медијски простор, јавна сфера, демократија публике, анализа садржаја, ријалити, таблоидизација

When it comes to the level of social development before the Spaniards we can only speak of cultural diversity of the Philippines in terms of the civilization level because, as other Southeast Asian cultures, the culture of the Philippines must be analyzed only in the realm of parameters
of its own evolution. The pre-colonial Filipinos had the barangays as administrative units of government, which functioned much like a relatively small communities or city-states. However, the native population (Tagalog, Bisaya etc.) had its own culture and lifestyle no inferior than to that of other cultures. The cultural matrix and Filipino’s belief system were tightly bonded to the hierarchical management model in which the pre-colonial barangays represented loyalty to a particular datu. The principalía was the class that constituted a birthright aristocracy with claims to respect, obedience and support from those of subordinate status. Those carefully defined and nuanced differences in subordination level are crucial for the understanding of the premodern Philippines as well as of Southeast Asian culture As opposed to the pre-colonial aristocracy, the members of the upper class were more numerous, influential and
suited to facilitate the birth and conservation of the oligarchy of local government, so we can conclude that the Western influence was rather indirect and limited. When Spain was dominant and the Philippines were ruled by it via Mexico, the subject of the Silver Way initiated the early modern trade between Asia and Spanish America and Europe. With Manila as the entrepot that served as the start of the intercontinental chain of commerce and the transpacific Galleon trade, the milled Spanish dollar became the most accepted currency in the world. Trade in Manila was primarily controlled by Chinese merchants (Sangleyes) who exchanged Asian products (mostly silk and porcelain goods) for silver. Over the course of the 18th century, these were joined by the ships of European countries that established themselves in the region. By studying the birth of the global world, economic historians have pointed out the importance of the Asia-Spanish Transpacific trade in shaping the global economy of the early modern era. In this sense, it is possible to accept the use of the term “Pacific Rim” as the label for the Asian-Pacific Spanish Empire. This fact determined the social and economic development of Southeast Asia in the period from the 15th to the 17th century. In fact, recent studies of the region have certainly pointed out that fundamental changes in the field of material culture have occurred due to significant changes in lifestyle and structural assimilation into the European institutional framework.40) Despite the fierce opposition from religious orders, during the 19th century the Philippine economy and public administration suffered a radical change. Due to the enterprising Chinese mestizos who until 1876 already accounted for about 23% of total Malay Filipinos (indios) and mestizos, instead of religion and ethnicity the professional status became a sign of social identity. Marriages between Chinese mestizos and Malay Filipinos weakened the local government by forming a new social class who had the power to override the clergy. The newly created Spanish social order no longer exclusively settled in Manila and the Spaniards mixed with the local population and the Chinese, thus creating a new mestizo population. However, in order to maintain the prestigious status on the social scale
and highlight the “purity of origin”, the Spanish mestizos often called themselves Creoles (Criollos), although they no longer enjoyed the reputation of the former representatives of the old Spanish empire. In fact, as well as the members of the principalía and the Chinese mestizos, the Creoles fought also for power and social position and acted as rivals to the Spanish ruling class.
Key words: the Philippines, Spain, Hispanicization, Manila, political elite

The history of the Philippines from 1521 to 1898, also known as the Spanish Colonial Era, is based on the mode of indirect colonial rule through collaborating Philippine elite, which had important implications for patterns of social control. The subject of this work is the consideration of the Philippine national identity as the form derived from the Spanish colonial policy as well as of the Filipino collective self-consciousness. During the Spanish colonial period, the economy was based on exploitation, both of land and of Indian labor. The Spaniards introduced a centralized political and administrative system in the Philippines and left indigenous groups to administer their own affairs but under Spanish overlordship. While governmental authority was concentrated in Manila, local caciques extended their influence at the local and provincial levels. Until late in the Spanish colonial era, the parish priests was the only Spaniards in the archipelago. As the most remote of the Spanish colonies, and the one without treasured resources, the Philippines served mainly as a military outpost and as an entrepôt for the galleon trade between Manila, Mexico, China and Europe. For much of the Spanish Colonial Era, there was no substantial development of domestic industries or agricultural resources. As part of the encomienda, the datus (renamed cabezas de barangay or caciques) were responsible for local collection of the tribute, organization of labor and administration of justice. On the other hand, various religious orders enyojed great level of autonomy that increased over time, so the parish priest became the only representative of colonial authority in more than half the Philippine villages. Although the
Spanish colonial rule had vast cultural implications, its most profound influence was on the Philippine land-tenure patterns and national identity. Filipino nationalism began with an upsurge of patriotic sentiments and nationalistic ideas which Spain couldn’t recognize and interpret adequately. The sense of national consciousness came from the Creoles, the working class and the developmental ideologies of the intellectual elite who fought for political legitimacy. At the same time, folk Catholicism promoted a millennial inclination which facilitated peasant protests and rebellions. The transformation of Philippine society reached its climax with the emergence of regional power centers. During the late eighteenth century the regionalized pattern of growth in intra-Asian trade as well as the trade boom with European and American markets in the mid nineteenth century reinforced distinct regional corps. Instead of the Spanish colonial regime, Anglo-American trading dominated the Philippine export economy and established direct links with different parts of the archipelago, which thus contributed to a fragmentation of strong national identity. In that context, the national identity of the Philippines must be regarded as an important collective phenomenon and initiator for social and political action emerged as a consequence of the Spanish colonial policy as well as the result of traditional elite paternalism of political end economic Philippines’ elites and the inevitable influence of the international forces.
Keywords: Spain, the Philippines, colonial policy, mestization, national identity.

U nastojanju da široj javnosti „prodaju” određene političke ideje i vrednosti, u današnjem digitalizovanom medijskom svetu političke stranke u potpunosti su prihvatile preporuke reklamnih agencija i, za razliku od nekadašnjih krutih normi i pristupa lišenog kreativne slobode, u svojim kampanjama počele su da pribegavaju smelijem i originalnijem izrazu zasnovanom na upotrebi upečatljivih poruka, ali i često dvosmislenih i provokativnih slika i slogana. Sa druge strane, kao neizostavan element savremene političke komunikacije, u ambijentu duboke političke, društvene i ekonomske krize u kojoj su se našle kako Srbija, tako i Španija, upotreba društvenih mreža i novih tehnologija omogućila je razvoj video aktivizma u kome se kao dominantan vid političke borbe izdvojilo širenje raznih parodijskih video improvizacija i satiričnih poruka plasiranih u javnost delimično od strane samih političkih partija, a delimično od strane građana i novih medija. Sa ciljem da ukažemo na paralele u aktuelnim političkim kretanjima u Srbiji i Španiji i istaknemo svrsishodnost prisustva humorističkih elemenata u oblasti moderne političke komunikacije, u ovom radu ćemo analizirati neke od najpopularnijih komičnih sadržaja nastalih u okviru predizbornih kampanja obeju zemalja. Pristupajući problematici humora kao specifičnoj kategoriji uslovljenoj principima grupne dinamike i socijalne interakcije, posebnu pažnju posvetićemo njegovoj evolutivnoj dimenziji otelotvorenoj kroz masovnu upotrebu društvenih medija poput Fejsbuka, Tvitera, Jutjuba i sl. (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) i sve izraženije „postdemokratsko” raspoloženje građana.

Socio-political, economic and cultural changes, conditioned by
the concept of neoliberalism adopted by the most developed Western
countries, have brought into question the significance of national borders and have increased the level of their permeability. Undermining
primarily the economic as well as the political and cultural sphere of
society, the mechanisms of contemporary neocolonialism go beyond
the boundaries of national identity and lead inevitably to its cultural
and ideological reconstruction and deterritorialization. The aim of this
paper was to analyze the multiculturalism in today’s liberal democratic
states through the political and cultural prism, as well as the challenges
brought by the intensified migration, the development of fluid borders
and the eventual transformation of national identity. As a result of the
above mentioned phenomena, the paper has asserted that the traditional
concepts as the “politics of recognition” and the “politics of difference”,
which are based on culture as a key factor, are increasingly becoming
marked by the rise of a radical populism as the dominant aspect of actual political discourse. In this regard, today’s multiculturalism represents a failure of the integration model of different cultural and ethnic groups into modern and developed states. Globalization involves cultural pluralism, natural deterritorialization as well as the turbulence of migration, which are, in turn, directly related to adaptation and survival of the multiculturalism. Despite of its imbalances, the issue of multiculturalism is strongly affected by requirements for the recognition of different cultural and ethnic groups into the nation-state. In that sense, the nature of national identity becomes changed, but, paradoxically, strengthened, so we should bear in mind the importance of multiculturalism and immigration as key issues in contemporary reconstruction of the ethnicity. Reflecting the complexity of international relations as well as
the nature of refugee migrations, we highlight the economy and religion-based impact, so as the tendency of political parties to define
their programs through hostile and xenophobic attitudes, giving rise
to discrimination and shift to increasing tensions within the receiving
societies. Hence, in many European countries anti-immigrant rhetoric
disseminates in the public discourse, targeting immigrants, especially
Muslims, as sources of potential danger to society. Nevertheless, while
the ethnic groups are mainly concerned to ensure social recognition
of their cultural peculiarities, the ethnic minorities more frequently
promote the self-governing, autonomous position of the so-called “micro-nation” at the subnational level. Accordingly, in current Western
societies immigrant communities are considered to pose a threat to national values, so it is necessary for contemporary multiculturalism to
adopt some new strategies of transnational social relations.

Keywords: multiculturalism, culture, fluid borders, national identity, immigration

The transoceanic explorations organized by the Spaniards during more than three centuries (1565–1815) converted the sailing route Sevilla-Veracruz-Acapulco- Philippines into the backbone of commerce and, due to the Manila galleon trade, the capital of the Philippines emerged as an intersection of diverse cultural flows (Asian, Hispanic and Native) and main logistics base of the entire Orient. At the same time, the establishment of the European institutions, as well as the presence of the Eastern ideologies and Neo-Confucianism, contributed to the development of the Philippines as the only Catholic country in Asia, specific not only because of the Christianization of the Natives, but also because of the “Philippinization” of Christianity. Striving to point out the importance and the far reaching consequences of the conquest of the Philippines, in this paper we will try to give the appropriate critical analytical appraisal
of current research topic in the cultural-historical context and, besides cultural aspects of colonization, we will analyze the economic consequences of a trans-Pacific trade. In view of the strong multicultural foundations which existed in the Philippine society from the pre-Hispanic period towards the end of the Spanish regime, we will demonstrate that the basic socio-economic and political structure of Spanish rule in the Philippines was a unique cultural phenomenon which has generated not only the birth of globalization, but also the cultural syncretism and national growth of the Filipino community.

Key words: Spanish colonial period, Philippines, Manila galleon trade, Christianization, Japan, China’s “Silver Century”

Over the past few years, we have witnessed growing trend to political decentralization and radicalization on the issue of secession and its discourse. Although there are core differences between the Kosovo and Catalonias’ case, both cases represent types of intra-state conflict or disputes over self-determination which should be ended with some kind of a settlement. However, despite the trend by states and international peacemakers to seek to accommodate separatists with forms of territorial self government and democratic inclusion, ideology and public discourse stand out as the most important aspects of sub-national politics. In that sense, the Catalan independence vote surely did not affect only the region itself, it stirred up controversy in Serbia, which has had its own share of struggles with territorial unity as well. The main working argument of this paper is that the comparison between Kosovo and Catalonia cases shows that there are a lot of similarities but the differences prevail. Thus, the aim is to compare cases of Catalonia and Kosovo in terms of their secessionist discourse. Although the goals of both pro-independence movements are the same, their historical and political background is quite different as well as the discourse strategies based on the used methods, economic and social potential and main political actors involved (regionally and globally). Catalonia and Kosovo are historical provinces within the huge South European peninsulas – Iberian and Balkan. Catalonia is situated in the Northeastern corner of Spain and Kosovo in the center of the Balkans. Both regional centers - Barcelona and Pristina are slightly remote from the main capital – Madrid and Belgrade. In geographical terms the two provinces are different which gave them different opportunities for growth. While Kosovo is landlocked, Catalonia has a huge Mediterranean coastline and is close to France. Catalonian proximity to France as well as its coastline gave a lot of economic opportunities, whereas Kosovo’s topography resulted difficult for development of infrastructure but quite suitable for guerrilla fights. The demographical composition of Kosovo and Catalonia is quite different also. Definitely Kosovo Albanians and Catalans are the majority ethnic groups after the Second World War in both provinces. Kosovo declared independence from Serbia unilaterally in 2008. The declaration had
the support of the U.S. and major players within the European Union. As well as Kosovo, Catalonia has been a part of Spain since medieval times, but unlike in Kosovo, Catalan government is not supported internationally to declare its independence unilaterally, so their international realities are quite opposite. Moreover, the events in Catalonia and Spain are unfolding within the context of a democratic regime and in full
view of European and international actors, which was not the case in Kosovo in the 1980s and 1990s. After the disintegration of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in 1989, Kosovo emerged from a bloody conflict, with everyone at war. Language is a central part of the pro-independence movements in both cases. Catalan culture is very similar to the Spanish one, whereas the Serbian and Albanian are quite different in terms of language, religion and history. However, both communities preserve their own traditions and culture and have very strong national identity and sense of “self”. Albanian language was the only language in former Yugoslavia which did not belong to the South Slavic language group, so Albanian is not understandable for
Serbian and Slavic language speakers. Contrarily, Catalan has a lot of similarities with official Castilian, and the Catalans are bilingual (majority speak Catalonian and Castilian) while only Albanians in Kosovo born in or before the 1980-s speak Serbo-Croatian. Catalan and Kosovo Albanian nationalism revived gradually in the 1950’s and 1960’s. While Catalans used mainly peaceful methods of protest, Albanians turned into an organized violent resistant movement. After Franco died in 1975, the drive for independence started again and in 2006, Spain granted Catalonia “nation” status and taxation power. But Spain’s Constitutional Court struck down that move in 2010, arguing that while Catalans were a “nationality,” Catalonia was not a “nation.” A protest in favor of Catalonia’s Independence announced the beginning of a long political struggle. At the same time, Catalonia’s secessionist ideas entered a period of revival after 2008 as Spain entered a financial crisis. The Spanish Constitutional Court annulled Catalonia’s request for the start of the secession process from Spain, but the Catalan’s officials led by Carles Puigdemont organized an illegal referendum
on independence in 2017. The process became known as a Catalonia independence crisis followed by clashes with official Spanish authorities. Kosovo’s independence was ultimately the consequence of the break-up of the larger federation of which it was part – Yugoslavia, and international support generated after the war of 1998-99, while Catalonia’s bid for independence lacks such international support, and as a result, it is hard to imagine European nations and the US recognizing an independent Catalonia against the will of Madrid. In another words, what remains clear, is that
international support is a sine qua non in the quest for separate statehood with Kosovo being the exception in its achievement of self-determination and international
recognition rather than the norm.

Keywords: Kosovo (Serbia), Catalonia (Spain), public/political discourse, democracy, state, self-determination, seccesion

This paper aims at examining the character of Spain's policy with reference to the Philippines and its sweeping social and religious consequences in the islands between 1565 and 1700. On their arrival in the Philippines the Spaniards found the people still under a tribal allegiance and under the Spanish influence in the sixteenth century a sudden change was made in the social condition of the islands. In 1572, the "galleon trade" was named for the huge ships that carried the merchandise from all over Asia

U radu se najpre prezentuje uvodni teorijski i metodološki predložak katoličkog srpstva kroz istoriju. U radu je prikazano šta o svom etno-jezičkom identitetu kažu dubrovački i drugi Srbi katolici. Poseban aspekt rada čini prikaz Pokreta Srba katolika u Dubrovniku i njihov politički i nacionalni angažman od osamdesetih godina 19. veka pa do početka Prvog svetskog rata. Posebno je upečatljiva njihova nacionalna i kulturna delatnost kroz brojna kulturna, umetnička, književna i druga udruženja, zaključno sa najvišom nacionalnom kulturnom institucijom – Maticom srpskom u Dubrovniku. U radu je predstavljen i kraći pregled Srba katolika u Bosni i Hercegovini i Slavoniji, kroz prizmu kulturne, političke i nacionalne delatnosti njihovih najznačajnijih književnika, kulturnih i javnih delatnika. Najzad prikazan je proces gašenja katoličkog srpstva i njihovog pretvaranja u Hrvate, kojim je otpočeo proces političkog katoličanstva – stvaranja hrvatstva na katoličkim osnovama, što je postala dokt...

Zbornik „Istorija kao instrument geopolitike” koji je priredio dr Zoran Milošević, ima neospornu vrednost političkog projekta budući da osvetljava principe kreiranja istoriografskog narativa kao instrumenta legitimacije novih država ili nacija, nastalih u smeru stvaranja sintetičkih nacija koje su bile plod širih geopolitičkih interesa. Cilj ovog rada je da pokaže kako putem fragmentacije teritorijalnog suvereniteta slovenskih država i autonomnih težnji nacionalno nedefinisanih etniciteta u okviru širih geopolitičkih interesa, uz svesrdnu podršku kako regionalnih tako i globalnih sila, dolazi do redizajniranja postojećih etničkih identiteta i stvaranja novih nacionalnih identiteta kao geopolitičkog projekta velikih sila utemeljenog na razaranju jezičko-kulturnog jedinstva i versko-nacionalnoj konverziji država meta. U tom smislu, predstavljeno delo jeste svedočanstvo i slika današnjeg vremena u kome se svaki pojedinac suočava sa mehanizmima dehumanizacije, denacionalizacije i sveuku...

У раду се полази од премисе да хибридно ратовање подра-
зумева суделовање пропагандно-психолошких, информатичких и других операција, као и употребу конвенционалних и неконвенционалних тактика ради постизања политичких циљева, нарочито из области сепаратизма и сецесионизма. Стога, основни циљ овог рада је да пружи шири допринос разумевању савремене светске кризе која почива на суштинској промени традиционалних стратегијско-тактичких оквира ратовања и увођењу нових елемената, пре свега психолошког карактера, омогућених првенствено захваљујући убрзаном технолошком напретку. Закључци изведени у раду заснивају се на анализи претходних неколико ратова, односно разбијања вишенационалних и вишеверских држава (СФРЈ, СРЈ, Чехословачка, СССР, Грузија, Сирија, Либија, Украјина) „стратегијом изазивања унутрашње агресије по моделу удар споља снагама изнутра“ У свим фазама наведене стратегије готово пресудну улогу одиграле су психолошке, информатичке и медијске операције у којима су неизвесност, збуњеност и страх највише утицали на стање становништва.

Имајући у виду број земаља које су признале самостално
проглашену државу Косово, супротно принципима међуна-
родног права које не познаје самоопредељење и сецесију, као и
оне које je нису признале, може се закључити да простор КиМ-а,
као саставни део територије Републике Србије, нема статус међу-
народно признате државе. С друге стране, узимајући у обзир при-
родне ресурсе на подручју косовско-метохијског басена, а посебно
рудна богатства, нису се КиМ са својим геоекономским потенција-
лом случајно нашле у глобалном геополитичком обрасцу који су
дефинисале САД. Агресијом на СРЈ, односно РС, НАТО снаге
предвођене Америком ставиле су под контролу простор КиМ-а у
виду протектората увелико инструментализованих УН. Наиме,
адекватно теорији Џозефа Наја о „тврдој и мекој моћиˮ, косовско-
метохијска регија, или јужна српска покрајина, стављена је под
„тврду окупацијуˮ, односно патронат НАТО снага именованих као
КФОР. „Еластицитетˮ међународног права који карактерише поли-
тичке односе међу постојећим силама и центрима моћи у глобал-
ним размерама продукује висок степен међусобног надметања за
ресурсе, безбедност и економски престиж, при чему се повећава
потенцијал растућих конфликата. Стога, поред све израженијих
безбедносно-кризних аспеката, потребно је двојако сагледати гео-
економско и геополитичко место, значај и улогу КиМ-а, као једне
од тренутно највећих НАТО база у Европи и као империјалистич-
ког одраза САД и/или перспективног израза РС.

The global COVID-19 outbreak has exposed the complex global interdependencies, as well as local responses to the hereby addressed global issues and challenges. Bearing in mind that the COVID-19 pandemic has inevitably affected the existing socio-political structures and practice, through the holistic approach, we will analyze various topics in this paper, such as: the relationship between coronavirus and Europe's new political fissures; the repositioning of the US in relation to rising China's and Russia's superpower; the importance of health sovereignty; the impact of COVID-19 on global inequality, on digital transformation revolution and on fracture of society. Additionally, particular focus will be given on the relationship between COVID-19 and political leadership as well as local responses from Serbia.
Key words: COVID-19, the world's new fissures, geopolitical repositioning (US-China-Russia), Serbian response health sovereignty.

The study of the earliest history of the Serbs has been marked by the lack of sources in the period from the 7th to the 8th century. Namely, this period is known as Age of survival and renaissance of the Byzantine state (610–711) when there is no more great histories and the chronicles that replace them are characterized by a poorer historiographical value. Bearing in mind the difficulties related to the scarcity of reliable sources of information about The Legend of Pavlimir Belo, this paper presents
an overview of historical research of one of the most important documents for the earliest history of South Slavs – the De administrando imperio by the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (944–959), the controversial Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea, also known as Gesta regum Sclavorum, as well as the Annals of the Anonymous of Dubrovnik. In order to point out some of the peculiarities of mythologizing the earliest history of the Serbs, we relied on a belief that The Legend of Pavlimir Belo directly leads to analyzing the transition process from history to myth, or rather, finding the possibilities to reveal the real historical background beyond the myth. Hence, this paper deals with the critical analysis of the Constantine Porphyrogenitus’ work De administrando imperio made by the Byzantologist Tibor Živković, as well as the comparative analysis of Porphyrogenitus’ work and the Chronicle of the Priest of Dioclea (Gesta Regum Sclavorum) and the critical analysis of the Anonymous and later writers from Dubrovnik.
Keywords: Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, Dukljanin, Anonymous, mithologization, Radoslav/Pavlimir Belo

COVID-19 je suočio sve nacije sa mnoštvom situacija i problemima koji imaju ne samo kratkotrajne, već i dugotrajne implikacije na pitanja vezana za političko-ekonomski, ali i kulturni identitet zemalja zahvaćenih pandemijom. Suočen sa konstantnim izazovima krize izazvane koronavirusom, svet je postao neizvesno mesto u kome su jedino izvesne promene. Na osnovama pretpostavke o međuzavisnosti koje su posledica globalne povezanosti, a koje su direktno povezane sa aktuelnim krizama, u radu se analiziraju brojne kontroverze u vezi sa geopolitičkim preoblikovanjem kulturno-političkog identiteta Srbije i Kine. Cilj rada je da se ovom pitanju pristupi holistički, odnosno po principu cirkularne uzročnosti, tako da se svaka kriza sagleda i kao pretnja i kao prilika za tumačenje savremenih pitanja nacionalne bezbednosti i socijalne psihologije u procesu prilagođavanja i izgradnje strategije otpornosti kako Srbije tako i Kine. Ipak, zbog preopširnosti teme, odgovori Srbije na aktuelnu krizu bić...

Cilj ovog rada je sagledavanje mogućnosti kritičke analize diskursa da u skladu sa njenim polazištima, analitičkim metodama i teorijskim konceptima ponudi adekvatan tretman političkih problema, odnosno tumačenja političkih diskursa. S tim ciljem najpre smo prikazali glavna shvatanja i koncepte CDA, potom ih prikazali u kontekstu njihovog funkcionisanja spram distinktivnih odlika političkog diskursa.

Often when we are speaking a foreign language, we focus on its national identity which tends to be embodied in various stereotypes and widespreadcliches. Given the increased cultural heterogeneity of modern society, the cultural diversity awareness has become a key factor in the language teaching profession. Despite the fact that the process of stereotyping impliesthe preconceivedbeliefs, generalizations and often inaccurate judgment towards other people, teachers can use learner’s stereotypical knowledge as a way to promote the acquisition of intercultural competencein classroom practice.Bearing in mind that Spain has always been a multicultural society, as well as thesizeof theSpanish-speaking area, in this paper we will try to show how the most common cultural biases can be used asan effective tool to developthe affective and the cognitive component of language learning experience and ensure the learner’s ability to interact appropriately.In so doing, our starting point will assu...

Travelled in ancient times and Middle Ages, and still in use in the 19th century, the Silk Road is surely one of the oldest in human history. The Silk Road concept refers to the terrestrial and the maritime routes connecting Asia and Europe. Collectively, these routes are known as the “Silk Roads” because highquality silk from China was one of the principal commodities exchanged over the roads. The Maritime Silk Route, which is also referred to as the Maritime Silk Road, was “the first official international sea-trading route in Chinese history.” The cargo on the Silk Road also included many other goods like ceramics, glass, precious metals and spices, etc. However, traders from across the world also transported languages, technologies, artistic styles, religious beliefs, customs and people which enabled “transcivilizational” exchanges.

In this paper we discuss the impact and implications that the crisis caused by COVID-19 has on transformation of the Chinese political culture related to China’s
change and ambition to displace the United States as the leading world power, as well as on the Serbian political cultural identity related to its change in policy
framework amidst the ongoing pandemic war. However, due to the complexity of the topic, the second part of the research related to the analysis of President Vučić’s
response to the coronavirus pandemic and the full results of the research that embody the Serbian political culture will be published shortly. Also, by the politics of prevention, we interpreted firstly the possibility of scientific prediction and the capacity for controlled government intervention in social life. In that sense, we recognised that a range of public health measures including physical distancing, isolation, quarantine,
hand washing, wearing masks, the temporary closure of public spaces, testing and contact tracing is surely necessary to control the COVID-19 pandemic despite
the possible collective orientation in a distinctive ‘epidemic psychology’ that can activate other crises like anxiety and depression) and is rooted in the fundamental properties of human interaction and especially within a ‘fractured society’ Additionally, in this part of research we also addressed the questions related with “new era for socialism with Chinese characteristics” proclaimed by Xi Jinping in October 2017. It is clear that since Xi Jinping formally ascended to power in 2013, China has been entering the second, and current, stage of nation-promoting, with the goal of “building
group cohesion and group loyalty for purposes of the well-known superior “China Model”. The idea of a China-centric, integrated global order whose interconnectedness
is underpinned by China’s standards and “wisdom” is central to Xi Jinping’s vision of “Common Destiny” in the New Era. The initiative of building a community with a shared future is inspired by the traditional Chinese philosophy that reflects profound thinking on the future of mankind and embodies a spirit of humanity. In other words, countries may cooperate on mutual interests while preserving not only their diverse “social systems and development paths” but also, implicitly, a certain reserve and separation. The premises of a Community of “Common Destiny”, moreover, include a major departure from the past through “One Belt, One Road”, which seeks to build “policy, infrastructure, trade, financial, and people- to-people connectivity” linking China and maritime and continental Asia, Africa, Europe, Oceania, Latin America, and the Arctic. Today, mankind has become a close-knit community of common destiny shaped
by the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). International interests are highly convergent and nations are all mutually dependent on one another in order to prevent or reduce transmission of COVID-19 infection. In our concluding remarks, we stress that actual questions evaluate China’s possibility to seek an alternative global order and its nature in comparison with the role of the United States today, as well as the impact of the Communist Party of China’s (CCP) ideology and its invocation of “Chinese culture” on China’s ambitions to displace the United States as the leading world power. Likewise we outlined that the most important change is, change in behaviour and attitude of China.Evidently, China has moved away from its policy of
self-restraint. Now, it does not shy to engage in “tit-fortat” encounter. The new strategy is changing the rules of game and accelerating the process of change. The recent events suggest that China and USA will engage in a furious competition to secure their positions and interests at global level, which will affect the global order and individual countries. It will put pressure on countries to take a side; especially on the developing
countries like Serbia which will be under more pressure to accept the newest version of Chinese, American or Russian vaccine. Thus, national identity will exert a significant impact on both the Chinese and Serbian domestic political trajectory and foreign relations.

Keywords: Corona virus, COVID-19, the crisis, Serbia, China, political culture