Allende

Domestic is a term that encompasses intimate partner violence wherever it occurs and in whatever form. Galtung categorizes violence into three types of direct, structural, and cultural violence. The purpose of this article is to analyze Allende's Violeta (2022) based on Galtung's category of violence and Simeon de Beauvoir's feminist theory. This is a qualitative library-based study. Allende presents female characters who are victims of domestic violence at the hands of their husbands, their partners, and not their fathers. There are different types of domestic violence practiced against women and children in the novel due to the patriarchal perspective, culture, norms, and customs. Structural violence makes the role of cultural violence transparent. It is the role of cultural violence that legalizes structural violence. It is concluded that in order to eliminate domestic violence against women, the cultural violence resulting from the patriarchal system must be replaced with a new culture of anti-oppression, non-violence, and mutual understanding toward women.

SYNOPSIS: On the day of the attempted coup d'état, on Friday, June 29, 1973, known as Tancazo or Tanquetazo, President Salvador Allende wore business attire that reflected his professionalism and dignity in a critical situation. Despite the turmoil unfolding around him, Allende maintained an air of composure and steadfastness in his appearance. His clothing choices reflected not only his personal style but also his unwavering commitment, to his country and its people, as President of Chile.

Los hechos que llevaron a un trágico desenlace.

La historia política de todo país está repleta de sucesos fundamentales que merecen ser analizados con una mirada crítica y objetiva. Este es el caso del 11 de septiembre de 1973, una fecha que hasta el día de hoy divide a la sociedad chilena y de la cual se pueden realizar variopintos análisis, bajo distintos prismas que difieren radicalmente unos de otros. Esta misma lógica la podemos aplicar al momento de analizar el gobierno de la Unidad Popular, que, aunque es parte del proceso que terminó en el golpe de Estado y el inicio de la dictadura, se trata de un periodo que muchas veces queda fuera de los análisis de esta época.

El autor plantea que la división política chilena respecto de los hechos del 11 de Septiembre de 1973 exige, para alcanzar una concordia política que permita un orden al bien común, que ambos polos del espectro político asuman sus propios errores. De este modo, tanto la izquierda como la derecha podrían comprenderse en la verdad de los hechos y reconocer las injusticias del pasado. Sólo así será posible una reconciliación que permita construir un mejor Chile.

The presentation of a new book, "Raymond Depardon - David Burnett, Septembre au Chili, 1971/1973", that documents "the last photo of Allende", along with two photo reportages, was held in conjunction with the opening of the exhibition of the photographs it contains, on Monday, September 11, 2023, at the gallery Le Chateau d’Eau, Toulouse, France.
The visit of press and opening of the exhibition to the public were attended by the artists; French photographer Raymond Depardon and American photographer David Burnett. On behalf of the late presidential photographer Leopoldo Victor Vargas two of his sons were also present- Leopoldo (Polo) and Alex Vargas Caroca.
The exhibition was on display from September 11, 2023, until January 7, 2024.

Objetivo/Contexto: Este artículo analiza la respuesta diplomática de Corea del Sur a la victoria electoral de Salvador Allende; se centra en cómo la “vía chilena al socialismo”, con su respeto por las instituciones democráticas, por un lado, y su decisión de establecer relaciones con los países socialistas, por otro, puso en entredicho uno de los principios básicos de la política exterior surcoreana de la época, a saber, la ruptura inmediata de relaciones con aquellos países que reconocieran a Corea del Norte. Metodología: El análisis historiográfico se basa, principalmente, en el acervo documental de los archivos diplomáticos de Corea del Sur. Originalidad: Hasta la fecha, no existe ninguna publicación acerca de la posición de Corea del Sur frente al Gobierno de la Unidad Popular (UP). Con la incorporación de Corea del Sur como un nuevo actor nuevo “periférico”, este artículo presenta una mirada innovadora a los desafíos que la “Vía chilena” planteó a las naciones divididas, y tamb...

Chile was no exception to the reorientation of Latin American politics during the 1930s. Radical politics, mass mobilizations, and defeated coups established major reference points for the memory and behaviour of political actors during the Cold War. Salvador Allende's template for how to deal with a military coup in 1973, for instance, came from his experience as health minister in 1939. That year he witnessed the Popular Front government defeat an insurrection. Events earlier in the decade profoundly shaped the Pinochet regime (1973-1990)'s view of democratic political transitions and their potential for anti-military backlash. Overseas, the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939) tore the Iberian country apart and deeply impacted its former colonies. In Chile, the Spanish Civil War contributed to the establishing of ideological fault lines and political speech that framed the nation's electoral choices as one between fascism and communism, slavery or liberation. This article examines the significance of events in the 1930s for the subsequent politics of revolution and counterrevolution that gripped Chile in the second half of the twentieth century. It concurs with the concept of a 'long Cold War' in Latin America and argues that Chile entered a distinctly new phase in that struggle after 1931.

This study aims to evaluate support for a military government and the image of the Chilean Armed Forces in the months leading up to the 1973 military coup, in a context of high political upheaval. To this end, it is based on surveys conducted in 1972 and 1973 that allow for measuring public opinion about the Armed Forces and the military government. The results show that, months before the military coup, approximately 25% of the Chilean population supported a military government. Furthermore, the Armed Forces had broad popular support and were perceived as reliable and politically neutral actors. Although it has been argued that the Armed Forces had an insurrectionary character before the coup, this study concludes that this image was not reflected in Chilean public opinion then.

In recent years no country in Latin America has played a more important role in raising questions about the goals and instruments of U.S. foreign policy than Chile. The revelations of U.S. involvement in the overthrow of the Allende government opened the door to far-reaching criticisms of the activities of U.S. intelligence agencies and helped generate the Carter administration's human rights policy. Today this policy is facing one of its sternest tests in Chile.

Los objetivos de este trabajo son: i) develar la dinámica de los homicidios y las desapariciones forzadas en México, sus entidades federativas y en los dos mil 458 municipios del país; ii)des-cubrir el patrón espacial de los homicidios y desapariciones en la escala municipal de México en términos de su intensidad y aglomeración en el territorio; iii) identificar regiones prioritarias de atención para prevenir homicidios y desapariciones forzadas; y, iv) explorar la relación esta-dística a escala municipal entre homicidios y desapariciones forzadas con indicadores oficiales (o estimados a partir de fuentes oficiales) de marginación social, rezago social, pobreza y des-igualdad. El periodo de análisis es de 2006 a 2017, con el fin de cubrir una década completa y prácticamente dos sexenios: desde la declaración de la “Guerra contra el Narco” hasta el año previo al proceso electoral del segundo sexenio. El análisis se hizo con métodos de estadística convencional y de estadística espacia...

In this article, I analyze the work of two mid-century Chilean artists-the documentarian Sergio Bravo (1927-), and the photographer Antonio Quintana (1904-1972)-, and the form by which they use different technological media in order to capture and construct popular subjectivities. Instead of conceiving "the popular" as an archaic and traditionalistic label, both artists open new possibilities to incorporate popular subjectivities into discourses of political and artistic modernization using formal experimentation and radical aesthetics. The works of Bravo and Quintana are not only capturing a form of popular practice (they are not restricted to be ethnographic documentations), but also creating or imagining a notion of a popular subjectivity defined by hard work, effort, creativity, and eventually, the capacity to carry out a radical transformation of society. This process of "imagining" popular subjectivity coincides with the political project of claiming the worth and complexity of popular classes, which historically had been neglected by dominant discourses of Chilean culture.

This is an exhaustive analysis of the revolutionary government of the UP under the presidency of Salvador Allende. It reviews the political and socio-economic conditions in Chile at the time, the main political actors involved in the experience, the characteristics of the Chilean road to socialism, the internal confrontations within the Unidad Popular camp and with the forces of counter-revolution, the variables of the external environment and, finally, it compares this experience with Eurocommunism as an attempt at the same time to find democratic ways of transition to socialism.

This essay offers a historical perspective on the economic reforms carried out by the Chilean civic-military dictatorship that governed the country between 1973 and 1990. The regime applied some of the earliest and most extensive neoliberal reforms in Latin America, which included labor flexibilization, the end to agrarian reform, capitalization of the countryside, and privatization of public enterprises in almost all sectors, including pension funds, healthcare and education. Unlike the rest of Latin America, after the mid-1980s these reforms produced high growth, although they generated economic inequality and the concentration of wealth.

El objetivo general del trabajo es complejizar la mirada sobre las relaciones internacionales de los últimos años de la autodenominada Revolución Argentina, vinculando los conflictos internos de esa dictadura argentina con la política exterior respecto de los países de la región, en este caso, con Chile, en el contexto particular del gobierno de Salvador Allende, que tenía por propósito la transición al socialismo. Para ello, estudiaremos archivos diplomáticos y de prensa de ambos países en torno al conocido hecho de quienes abandonaron el país en un avión que los condujo a Santiago de Chile y con posterioridad a La Habana.

Popular Unity was a hybrid of ideological positions, an attempt to pursue the Marxist-Leninist tradition within constitutional norms combined with an ad-hoc Keynesianism and a mystique of revolution of the Castro/Guevara variety. Because it was of such short duration and because the regime which followed it undid all the structural changes it had made, it left hardly any trace in Chilean society. Nevertheless it continues to perpetuate a golden legend of popular government and peaceful transition toward socialism, an image of the hope it gave rise to in its own time not only in Latin America but also in Europe.

The relationship between rich-world multinationals and Latin American societies has been a complicated one.  These firms have repeatedly pointed to as representatives of imperialism and exploitation and have dealt with the hostility of different segments of respective domestic societies at different times.  This paper analyses the evolution of the strategies of several American and European corporations in Chile for a period encompassing an era of big changes: from an era of development policies dominated by protectionism led by a civilian government, to a period of rule of a right-wing open market friendly military dictatorship, to an era of democratization and a market friendly regime. The multinationals had to adapt to a changing political and economic environment that responded to wider global shifts in existing paradigms on economic development. The chapter shows how these foreign firms adapted to these changes by developing different ways to integrate the Chilean elites in their corporate boards.

A principios de febrero de 2013 fue subido a Youtube un video amateur que mostraba a grumetes de la Marina Chilena entrenando en las calles de Vina del Mar al son de cantos xenofobos dirigidos contra argentinos, peruanos y bolivianos. Dicho video tomo estado publico rapidamente y disparo una tension diplomatica que las autoridades chilenas trataron de neutralizar a traves de un tono apologetico. El gobierno de Chile asimismo aseguro que se trataba de un hecho fuera de lo comun y prometio que tomaria todas las medidas necesarias para prevenir otros episodios xenofobos dentro de las FFAA. El 5 de marzo, las autoridades chilenas declararon que los culpables del hecho habian sido identificados y debidamente castigados. Considerando la importancia de la situacion tanto a nivel politico/diplomatico como social, el presente texto propone un estudio sobre las FFAA chilenas a fin de determinar si se trato de un incidente normal o patologico. Se presenta aqui un enfoque culturalista, en el cu...

Cuando Salvador Allende fue elegido Presidente, advirtió que la suya no era una presidencia más en el poder, sino que se iniciaba la "vía chilena hacia el socialismo", que implicaba someterá la nación chilena a una "nueva moral", una "nueva economía", un "nuevo Estado" y una "nueva socie­dad", mediante un proceso irreversible, en donde no se aceptaría una "vuel­ta atrás".
Este trabajo identifica algunos de los trazos fundamentales de la revolución allendista y de la Unidad Popular desde una perspectiva bastante original: a través de los planeamientos que sobre ella formalizó el mismo Allende en sus discursos presidenciales.

Las interpretaciones históricas de la visita de Fidel Castro a Chile han tendido a remarcar el carácter polarizante y el intento de disputa del liderazgo socialista continental. Desde otra mirada, sin desconocer el impacto de su presencia, este artículo propone que esta visita se enmarca en la solidaridad e internacionalismo socialista, y que no significó una disputa o alteración de los discursos o correlación de las fuerzas de la izquierda nacional.