Enclitics

Postpositional suffix (enclitic) is the structure that phonetically connects to the element coming before itself and affects it in various ways such as emphasis, limitation, metaphor, affirmation, separation, and estimating; and, while it limits the structure it is connected in some cases, it can enhance the structure in other cases. In Turkish grammar, different terms such as postpositional suffix, post-suffix, post-coming, emphatic, and intensifier are used for this postposition. The same structure is called loading in Uzbek grammar.
In this paper, the structure of –å®/-yå® in Uzbek Turkish, which is the extension of emphatic postposition of ok/ök that was densely used in Old Turkish, is analysed. In the scanning for the identification of this structure, six works from Uzbek literature is selected. These works are selected from different years, and the usage rate of this structure in these years is determined. The analysis part is carried out in accordance with historical periods as being Orhon-Uyghur, Karakhanid, Khorezm-Kypchak, Chagatay, and Old Anatolia; and then, the situation of the suffix in Uzbek language, which is successor of Chagatai that is one of the old dialects, is identified. In addition to this, the profile of this postpositional suffix in contemporary dialects is briefly mentioned. After the historical process of the suffix is given in this way, the changes occurred in the field of usage in the mentioned periods are identified; and, it is compared to the field of usage in Uzbek language. In the last part, functions of the analysed structure both in historical and contemporary periods, and the functional differences in the usage of this suffix in these periods, as far as it is confirmed, are emphasized.

В статье рассматриваются двусложные безударные (энклитические) обращения в стихе Грибоедова; привлекаются историко-акцентологические данные и контекст эпохи (прежде всего данные поэтического корпуса). Обращено особое внимание на неоднозначность акцентных трактовок в стихе.

Ovaj se rad bavi položajem zanaglasnica u kontekstu njegove obrade u nastavi hrvatskoga jezika u srednjim školama. S obzirom na to da pisani korpus pokazuje velika odstupanja od klasičnoga tumačenja Wackernagelova pravila (Peti Stantić, 2007), htjele smo ovu pojavu istražiti u kontekstu odnosa nastavnika hrvatskoga jezika prema poučavanju pravila o položaju zanaglasnica. Dosadašnji radovi u ovome području pokazuju različite težnje. Dok većina suvremenih gramatika (Babić et al., 20007, Barić et al., 2005, Težak, Babić, 1994) staje u prilog prozodijskome tumačenju Wackernagelova pravila, prema kojemu se zanaglasnica uvrštava iza prve naglašene riječi u rečenici, neki suvremeni jezikoslovci (Peti Stantić) zagovaraju sintaktičko tumačenje ovoga pravila u hrvatskome jeziku, prema kojemu se zanaglasnice smještaju iza prve naglašene sintaktičke jedinice.  Potonji svoje tvrdnje podupiru neskladom između propisanih normi i stvarne uporabe, tj. korpusa, a naše istraživanje upravo bavi sličnim problemom – odnosom između načelnih i praktičnih elemenata poučavanja ovoga pravila. Osnovni nam je cilj ispitati predodžbe nastavnika o pravilu o položaju zanaglasnica u hrvatskome jeziku, te praksu poučavanja istoga. Za potrebe istraživanja konstruiran je poseban anketni upitnik o nastavnoj praksi hrvatskoga jezika, a  ispitivanje se provodi na uzorku koji čine nastavnici osječkih srednjih škola.

"This dissertation explores the phonological representation and the phonetic realization of prosodic prominence in Persian. It comprises two related parts: the first part addresses prosodic phrasing in Persian sentences, while the second part deals with phonetic correlates of prosodic prominence by reporting conducted production and perception experiments. The phonological part is carried out within the framework of Prosodic Phonology, and aims at determining the prosodic structure of Persian from foot level, up to utterance level. By adopting Optimality Theory, it tries to explain how morphosyntax-phonology interface constraints together with prosodic markedness constraints form the prosodic structure of the language. It begins with foot level and suggests that in languages like Persian which have one non-iterative weight-insensitive edgemost stress per word, a single foot which is edge-aligned with the minimal Phonological Word best explains the prosodic pattern at word level. This part also focuses on prosodic differences between lexical words and weak function words (clitics) and shows that any attempt to describe the prosodic structure of Persian without addressing this crucial difference, will not be able to provide explanation for a wide range of phenomena. This study suggests that proclitics and enclitics behave asymmetrically in Persian: enclitics prosodize as affixal clitics, while proclitics are free clitics. Next, it addresses the problem of weak function words which are not a part of their preceding or following XPs, and demonstrates how the phonological well-formedness constraints determine the direction of cliticization in these XP-external function words. It also deals with the issue of clitic clusters in Persian which was not explored in the previous works. Another contribution of this study is reclassification of so-called exceptionally initial-stressed words.
This dissertation also deals with the longstanding problem of Ezafe constructions and by reviewing previous proposals on the prosodic structure of these constructions, based on phonological evidence and phonetic observations suggests that each lexical word in an Ezafe construction maps onto a Phonological Phrase, and the Ezafe morpheme phrases with its preceding material to satisfy the phonological well-formedness constraint ONSET. The prosodic structure of XP-external clitics such as the Ezafe morpheme is explained by adopting a syntax-prosody interface constraint namely MAP-XP, that bans two sister XPs inside a single Phonological Phrase. This study proposes a ranking of OT constraints by which the prosodic structure of Ezafe constructions and other syntactic phrases such as DPs and VPs can be predicted and explained uniformly. It also proposes that the interaction between morphosyntax-phonology interface constraints and prosodic markedness constraints determine prosodic constituents of all levels and their heads, and other constraints require the heads of phonological phrases to be associated with audible accents. The rightmost Phonological Phrase in an Intonational Phrase is the head. This head associates with an accent which is perceived more prominently than the other accents. One further issue explored here is the fact that in lexicalized Ezafe constructions and also in the ones containing given/old information, some words may appear without audible accent.
The phonetic difference between final and non-final accents is the subject of the second half of this dissertation. Previous research on Persian has shown that the main acoustic correlate of prosodic prominence is f0. This study reports production and perception experiment results conducted in order to answer the question whether final (nuclear) accents are perceived more prominently than the other ones only because they are not followed by any other accent, or because they are phonetically different from the non-final (pre-nuclear) accents. The results of production experiments reveal that nuclear accented syllables have a lower f0 range, but a longer duration in comparison with pre-nuclear accented ones. Other parameters such as overall intensity, spectral tilt and vowel quality do not differ significantly in the two types of accents. Perception experiments reveal that native listeners can indeed distinguish the two types of accents without having access to the portion of the utterance that follows the final accent. This proves that the two types of accents are phonetically different. Perception tests also show that the difference between the shapes of f0 curves in the two types of accents is the main acoustic parameter that helps the listeners distinguish them from each other. In pre-nuclear accented words, the f0 peak is at the right edge of the metrically strong syllable, and the curve has a rising slope at this point. In these syllables, the peak may even occur on the initial syllable of the following word. However, in the syllables associated with nuclear accents, the f0 peak is located inside the syllable, and the curve has a falling slope at the right edge of the syllable.
If the f0 at the right edge of a nuclear accented syllable is manipulated and raised so that the f0 peak is moved to the right edge, the native listeners will perceive the word containing this syllable as a pre-nuclear accented word. This study also shows that duration alone cannot cue the difference between the two types of accents. However, when accompanied by f0 changes, it can help the listeners distinguish the two accents more easily and more efficiently.
Downloadable at: http://roa.rutgers.edu/content/article/files/1314_hosseini_1.pdf
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The emphatic particle =pat ‘only/precisely/the (very) same’ in Hittite seems to be a rare case of the enclitic with the free distribution in the clause. Generally, Hittite enclitics are Wackernagel second position enclitics. Is =pat really free or is it bound by some syntax reasons or information structure? What is its function in the information structure of the Hittite clause?

This paper deals with the position of enclitics in the context of Croatian language teaching in secondary schools. Given that the written corpus shows considerable deviation from the standard interpretation of the Wackernagel’s law (Peti-Stantić 2007), our intention was to explore this phenomenon in the context of the Croatian language teachers’ attitude towards the rules of enclitics’ placement. The previous works in this field show different aspirations. While most contemporary grammarians (Babić et al. 2007, Barić et al. 2005, Težak, Babić 1994) favour the prosodic interpretation or Wackernagel’s law, according to which enclitics must follow the first stressed word in the sentence, some contemporary linguists (Peti-Stantić) advocate syntactic interpretation of this rule in Croatian language, which entails the enclitics being placed after the first stressed syntactic unit. The latter base their claims on the discrepancy between the prescribed norms and actual language use. Our work addresses precisely that issue – the relationship between the nominal and practical elements in teaching the Wackernagel’s law. The analysis of research results indicates that teachers are inclined towards prosodic interpretation of Wackernagel’s law but are not likely to correct their students when they practise it differently.

Hittite attests two distinct second positions, occupied by (a) Wackernagel enclitics; (b) non-Wackernagel enclitics -(m)a, -(y)a as well as stressed indefinite and correlative pronouns. I argue that Hittite provides novel data on the syntax-prosody interface as reflected in the operation of the second position constraint: the words belonging to group (b) combine properties which are typically ascribed to stressed and unstressed second position constituents. These findings show that the boundary between the stressed, syntactically conditioned second position exemplified by Germanic verb-second and the unstressed, phonologically conditioned second position of Wackernagel enclitics is much more blurred than is commonly acknowledged.

""Résumé

En dépit de l’unanimité des grammaires actuelles, les doutes des métriciens à l’égard de la préaccentuation systématique des enclitiques -que, -ne, -ue à l’époque classique restent valides. On peut même proposer de nouvelles explications relevant de l’histoire littéraire et de la prosodie pour justifier la normalité accentuelle des clausules armaque et armentaque. Par conséquent, appliquer à Virgile les règles formulées à l’époque tardive relève de l’anachronisme prosodique.

Abstract

Metrical doubts about clitic accentuation were probably sound, although Latin grammars still state that -que, -ne, and -ue caused the accent of the preceding word to fall on the final syllable. This paper tackles new prosodic and intertextual explanations in order to contend that armaque and armentaque are stressed according general rules during the Classical period. Hence, armáque is certainly anachronistic.""

The paper deals with the prosody of Hittite sentence connectives nu, šu, ta. It is argued that bare sentence connectives are unstressed, being proclitics, whereas sentence connectives + enclitics are stressed. Some implications for diachronic and synchronic phonology of Hittite are also discussed.

Kutadgu Bilig, one of the most important works for the studies of Turcology, has been examined for many years. Thanks to the uniqueness of the work and the richness of linguistic knowledge, the applications are continuing. Some morphological and syntactic categories from the old Turkic to the present in the history of Turcology studies have been a field where researchers often do not agree and advocate different views. The clitics are one example of these. These structures, which have been depicted as preposition in general, have been examined more in depth with the spreading of linguistic perspectives. With the influence of the Occident literature, it was called clitic. Clitic can be defined as the intermediate form of a word in the affixation manner. While the word is phonologically linked to another word, it is structurally completely independent. The clitic in the form of prefix are called proclitic, and the clitic in the form of the suffix are called enclitic. “Oḳ/Ök”, morpho-syntactically is an example of the enclitic. In this study, the “Oḳ/Ök” enclitics in Kutadgu Bilig were examined. Researchers have often described this structure as a preposition of “intensification/fortifying”. The extent to which these determinations are valid and the different functions that this structure may have are presented in the study. In this study, firstly the data of the literature review is evaluated and the terms of the clitic and the enclitic are explained extensively. In this way, the study is placed on a strong case. Text analysis technique, which is one of the qualitative research methods, was used in the study. Findings were examined morphologically and syntactically. This structure, which is present in Kutadgu Bilig, can be divided into seven basic patterns in terms of affixation: i. following names, ii. following adjectives, iii. following adverbs, iv. following pronouns, v. following numbers, vi. following verbs, and vii. following prepositions. These patterns have many sub-patterns. As a result, this study has made a new contribution to the linguistic approaches to the historical Turkic dialects. Variants that a structure in a process of incorporation -an enclitic- gained in this process can be seen. In the study of historical and modern Turkish dialects, it will contribute to the construction of the historical background of the concept of enclitic. The perspectives and methods used for the examination of “Oḳ/Ök” enclitic can serve as a model for the examination of other enclitics and structures. It will be understood that how many years have passed since his writing, such as Kutadgu Bilig, are not suitable for the qualification of “studied”.

Tena Kichwa is an endangered Quechuan (QII) variety spoken in the Ecuadorian Amazon. It exhibits features typical of the Quechuan language family: it is agglutinative, exclusively suffixing, and its word order tends towards SOV, but can vary due to discourse-related factors (cf. Muysken 1995). Also alike other Quechuan languages, it has a set of word-final ‗free enclitics', which, among other functions, are associated with information structural categories such as topic and focus. In this paper, I describe the usage of the Tena Kichwa marker =ga. In other Quechuan varieties, the cognates of =ga were analysed as markers of. In this paper, I show that, although associated with topichood, the Tena Kichwa =ga cannot be straightforwardly analysed as a topic marker.

"""This paper investigates the prosodic structure of weak (stressless) function words in Persian within the framework of Prosodic Phonology. Weak function words in Persian are prosodic clitics that form phrases with the material following them (proclitics) or preceding them (enclitics). So far, only the prosody of enclitics has been studied in the literature. The present study proposes that, in Persian, enclitics are affixal clitics, while proclitics are free clitics. These proposals contribute to the findings in Prosodic Phonology that prosodic categories can in fact be recursive and non-exhaustive.

Publisherʼs version downloadable at:
http://uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?searchId=1&pid=diva2:657354""""

This paper explores the use of the dative case of the reflexive pronoun sebe/ se in a non-pronominal function in the Timok vernaculars. The study made use of the corpus entitled Spoken Torlak Dialect Corpus 1.0, from which 1,364 examples were obtained through automatic search and manual selection. Based on these examples the most frequent patterns of use of the particle si were identified, which indicate the syntactic regularities and variations of the syntactic patterns of use of the particle si. The use of the particle si is explored in relation to the following variables: 1) the person and number of the verb with which the particle si is used, 2) the animacy of the subject of the clause in which the particle si is used, 3) the reflexivity of the verb and construction in which the particle si is used, 4) the particle si in clauses with active and passive diathesis, 5) the syntactic patterns of use of the particle si in a contact position with the lexical verb, 6) the use and/or omission of the copula (in copulative predicates) in a contact position with the particle si, 7) the use and/or omission of the reflexive pronoun se (with reflexive verbs and constructions) in a contact position with the particle si, 8) the use of the particle si with the most frequent verbs.
The results of the analysis indicate that in the Timok vernaculars the particle si is most frequently used with non-reflexive verbs in active diathesis with an animate subject. The quantitative analysis of the examples indicated that the most frequent syntactic patter if use of the particle si is in a direct contact position with the verb. The orded of the verb and the particle si mostly depends on the order of the constituents in the clause. The particle si precedes the verb in cases where one of the constituents such as the subject, direct object, conjunction, adverbials, etc . is present at the initial position in the clause. The verb precedes the particle si in cases where the given constituents are arranged in a different position in the clause and the verb holds the initial position.
The article si also leads to the omission of the copula in the present tense and the enclitic form of the auxiliary verb biti (‘to be’) in the copula in the perfect tense, as well as the omission of the reflexive pronoun se in clauses in which the particle si is in contact position with the reflexive and reciprocal verbs and reflexive constructions. The explanation for the omission of the enclitic form of the verb biti (in the function of the copula in the present tense or the auxiliary verb biti in the perfect tense) in favor of the use of the particle si, as well as the omission of the reflexive pronoun se in favor of the particle si can ve the accumulation of numerous linguistic elements.

Basing on a sample of languages including two dialects of Udi (Lezgic), Andi (Avar-Andic), Degema (Edoid), Gban, Yaure (both ― Mande), two dialects of Ossetic, Pashto, Sorani Kurdish (all ― Indo-Iranian), European Portuguese (Romance), Albanian, Old Czech (Slavic), Gothic (Germanic), Old Latin (Italic), I develop a parametric typology of endoclitics i.e. clitics inserted into morphological structure. The main hypothesis is that world's languages with endoclitics constitute a class definable in terms of shared parameters on linearization and prosody-to-syntax interface. The models of grammar denying endoclisis, cf. Bresnan & Mchombo (1995), Klavans (1995) fail to make correct predictions. At the same time, the practice of ascribing unique morphosyntactic properties to endoclitics, cf. Harris (2002), Spencer & Luis (2012) rather than to structures hosting them is not entirely justified. I claim that endoclisis is triggered by specific features of those clitic hosts which are ambivalent between morphological and syntactic structures in languages with exoclitics (proclitics and enclitics) and not by any inherent features by clitics. Endoclitics are a subset of exoclitics. In all known languages, they retain parallel uses as proclitics or enclitics, while endoclitic insertion requires special syntactic positions where only part of clitics existing in this language can appear. E.g., endoclisis in Yaure and Gban takes place in clausal right periphery, where only few discourse clitics can аppear due to the limitations imposed by clausal structure. Cross-linguistic variation in the class of languages with endoclitics is triggered by such parameters as endomorphemic vs exomorphemic insertion, external syntactic position, possibility of clustering, category of the inserted element and its prosodic type. Endomorphemic vs exomorphemic languages. Degema and two dialects of Udi ― Vartashen and Nigj, cf. Ganenkov, Lander & Maisak (2012) are rigid endomorphemic languages, which ban the insertion of clitics between morphemes. Gban and Yaure are free endomorphemic languages, where insertion of clitics into roots or affixes is an option. All other languages in our sample require exomorphemic insertion, typically ― between a preverb and stem. External position. Endoclitics are oriented towards clausal left periphery in Ossetic, Pashto, Old Czech, VP-internal left periphery in Sorani, clausal right periphery in Degema, Gban, Yaure and Andi. Clustering. Most languages only allow single endoclitics, while Ossetic, Pashto, Old Czech and European Portuguese allow the insertion of clusters. Gothic and Udi allow clustering with endoclisis, not with exoclisis. Category of endoclitic. Endoclitics can be pronominals, auxiliaries, person markers and discourse particles.

Die bisher vorgebrachten diachronen und synchronen Argumente für den üblicherweise vorausgesetzten Morphemstatus des „enklitischen -n“ im Ugaritischen sind nicht stichhaltig, sodass der Befund ergebnisoffen (prosodisches oder phonetisches Phänomen?) und gemäß dem aktuellen Stand der Forschung in allen relevanten Hilfsdisziplinen neu auszuwerten ist. Insbesondere werden im Hauptteil der Studie נא und אנא als hebräische Innovationen erwiesen und phonemisch konsistent rekonstruiert.

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