Galileo Galilei

The article examines whether and to what extent the presence of music in science history museums can contribute to conveying a wider set of concepts than goes beyond the description of the physical and functional characteristics of the exhibits, presenting them not so much as objects but as res, namely "things" endowed with intellectual, aesthetic, and emotional meanings. Taking into account some activities carried out at the Museo Galileo in Florence, I will sketch out the solutions we adopted to create narratives that, through the use of videos, live performances and recordings, enable the museum collection to expand spatially, temporally, thematically, as well as with regard to sensory perception.
In order to do this, it will be necessary to outline some digital tools that allow to trace a continuity between pre- and post-visit, as well as integrated systems for consulting the library, the museum collection and the historical, philosophical and artistic-musical context to which the scientific instruments of the Museo Galileo pertain.

Nell’ambito della prima ricezione cinquecentesca della 'Gerusalemme liberata', il saggio si concentra sui giudizi espressi dal letterato cosentino Sertorio Quattromani (1541-1603), figura culturale di rilievo del secondo Cinquecento meridionale e critico letterario tra i più acuti e versatili della sua generazione. Nei tre affondi sul poema tassiano – a lungo rimasti inediti – Quattromani tocca nodi dilemmatici centrali nella riflessione poetica tardo-rinascimentale: la mimesi poetica e la verosimiglianza, il fondamento storico
della narrazione, lo stile magnifico dell’epica, il rapporto con le fonti antiche, la coerenza stilistica e concettuale del proemio. A partire dall’ipotesi di un abboccamento fra Sertorio e Torquato, i rilievi quattromaniani vengono analizzati, contestualizzati storicamente e messi in dialogo con altri simili esempi precedenti o coevi: da Guastavini a Giovanni Talentoni, da Gentili a Giulio Cortese, fino a Galileo Galilei. Ne emerge una peculiare posizione del Quattromani non assimilabile né alla generale celebrazione dell’ambiente campano in cui visse, né, sul versante opposto, alle reprimende del purismo fiorentino: Tasso giudicato troppo poco tassiano per non aver applicato fino in fondo nella prassi poetica i principi enunciati in sede teorica. Le notazioni di Quattromani sono infine osservate dal punto di vista dell’evoluzione del poema, constatando come siano state completamente accolte da Tasso nel passaggio alla 'Conquistata'

For centuries, Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics has served as a model for
divergent approaches to scientific and musical knowledge. In the history of music theory, they range from rationalism to ‘radical empiricism’. This paper
examines the question of how empirical ‘turns’ in music theory can be traced back to the influence of Vincenzo and Galileo Galilei. The two-part talk will evidence that German and Italian discourses are more closely interrelated than generally known. The first part is concerned with Galileo Galilei’s (1564- 1642) development of scientific methodology and musical acoustics. Previous research on Galileo’s ‘coincidence theory’ (Barbieri 2001) and Galileo’s ‘logic of discovery and proof’ (Wallace 1992) provided evidence for his reading of Benedetti’s writings (1585), to which a full commentary of Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics should be added. My analysis of Vincenzo Galilei’s (1520-1591) examples for the unison (Dubbi, c. 66v) will then reveal a peculiar feature of the coincidence theory: the inversed grade of consonance between thirds and sixths. The second part is dedicated to reception history. Despite his knowledge of both Galileis, the Syndiakritische Methode of the German scientist and ‘radical empirist’ Joachim Jungius (1587-1657) is not based on observation. His little- known Harmonica (1679) will be examined in context of his educational reform (Meinel 2013) and of modern ‘scholarship of discovery’ (Boyer 1990). Between Zarlino and Riccati, the Italian mathematician Lemme Rossi (1601-1673) can represent an ‘Italian school’ of musical temperature (Barbieri 1987). Giordano Riccati (1709-1790) explicitly refers to Galileo’s ‘coincidence theory’ (Del Fra 2012) to justify the Paduan theories of harmony. Overall, the mention of Vincenzo’s and Galileo’s findings do not necessary imply an adoption of the Galilean experimental method, but it is often paired with severe criticism of Zarlino. Research results finally question the use of the term ‘school’ in sources and literature.

En esta contribución, exploramos un esfuerzo poco referenciado de Rheticus en favor de la recepción de la astronomía de su maestro Copérnico en el círculo religioso de su época. Éste aparece en su “Tratado acerca de la Sagrada Escritura y el movimiento de la Tierra”, documento perdido por siglos, y redescubierto por Hooykaas en 1972. Aquí, ofrecemos una elucidación de las principales ideas de Rheticus y sugerimos –a partir del estudio comparativo de un caso concreto– que se lo considere como un precursor de movidas similares posteriores, como la protagonizada por Galileo en bien conocidas y mejor estudiadas cartas.

La chimica è una disciplina con una preponderante e imponente parte sperimentale. Minimizzare, tuttavia, l’importanza della parte concettuale, che è storicamente venuta fuori come razionalizzazione di questo enorme lavoro principalmente di laboratorio, non è possibile e neppure auspicabile.

Nicholas of Lyra incepted as a Master of Theology at Paris in 1308. Following the tradition of other inception speeches, his principium, which has been transmitted to us as the first prologue to the Postilla litteralis super totam Bibliam, sets out to establish the preeminence of Holy Scripture over all other forms of knowledge. Basing himself on a quotation from the beginning of Aristotle’s Deanima, Nicholas argues that Scripture and theology clearly surpass philosophy, albeit that the latter is
indeed capable of attaining knowledge of God. While his arguments draw principally upon Thomas Aquinas and his epistemology, they also include Franciscan elements which are difficult to reconcile with the interpretation of De anima I, 1 then prevailing. The resulting tensions are indicative of the
broader systematic challenges theologians were facing as regards the epistemological foundations of their discipline.

Focussing on late medieval and early modern philosophy and medicine, this edited collection explores the replacement of hylomorphism—the dominant theory of bodies in the Middle Ages—with new theories of matter such as corpuscularianism and atomism at the dawn of the Modern period. Together, the contributions offer a comprehensive overview of a crucial historical moment for the history of philosophy and science: the rise of a new conception of matter against declining scholastic theories. They highlight the key aspects of this historical transition by investigating precise concepts that were central to this shift, namely the notions of elements, atoms, and corpuscles. Shedding light on the gradual process by which hylomorphism was eventually replaced by a more positive conception of matter and natural processes, the book demonstrates how many thinkers of the late medieval period were willing to integrate new theories into the conceptual framework of Aristotelian natural philosophy, and tried to harmonise them with the traditional concepts and axioms of scholastic doctrines. Showing how these conceptual innovations resulted from a complex interaction between different fields of late medieval and early modern knowledge, the authors bring together research from the disciplines of metaphysics, medieval philosophy, and medical science. Providing an overview of an important theoretical shift in the transition from the Middle Ages to the Modern Era, this book is essential reading for scholars of philosophy, and historians of medieval and early modern science and medicine.

Astronomi tarihi, gelişmiş bir primat olan insanın bir nevi varlık
mücadelesi olarak değerlendirebilir. Bildiğiniz üzere her canlı kendi konfor
alanını sağladıktan sonra çoğalıp, başka yerlere yayılma odaklı olmuştur.
Bunun başlıca sebebi hayatta kalma içgüdüsüdür. Öyle ki tarihte 5 büyük
kitlesel yok oluşu yaşamış olan canlılık, buna rağmen Dünya üzerinde
gelişimini ve yayılışını inatçı bir biçimde sürdürebilmiştir. Türümüzün ilk
atalarını teşkil eden Homo türü, bir Doğu Afrika ülkesi olan Tanzanya
sınırları içerisinde evrimleştikten sonra yaklaşık 2 milyon yıl önce Dünya’daki
birçok noktaya ulaşmış ve burada yine evrimle beraber bulunduğu
coğrafyaya adaptasyon sağlamıştı. Bununla beraber birçok insan cinsi de
ortaya çıkmıştı. Günümüz İnsan türünün ilk sakinleri olan ve Latincedeki
“bilge” kelimesinden adını alan Homo Sapiens yani Bilge İnsan, ardılı
diğer insan cinsleri gibi 200 bin yıl önce Doğu Afrika’da evrimleşse de
başlarda yayılım göstermemişti. Uzunca bir süre Afrika savanasında kaldıktan
sonra Hominid Savaşları1 olarak da adlandırdığımız süreçte, diğer
insan cinslerine üstünlük kurmuş ve varlıklarına son vererek 13 bin yıl
önce Dünya’daki tek insan cinsi olmayı başarmıştı. Bununla beraber Dünya’da
tek insan cinsi olmayı başaran Homo Sapiens, yıllar içinde diğer canlılara
da üstünlük kurarak Dünya’nın hamisi konumuna gelecekti. 15.yüzyıldaysa
başta Amerika kıtası olmak üzere Dünya’daki birçok yeni yeri de
keşfeden insanlar, artık Dünya’da keşfedilecek yeni bir yer kalmayınca
gözünü göklerdeki gezegenlere dikecekti. İşte bu gezegenlere gitmemizi
sağlayacak olan tek şeyse astronomidir. İnsanlık, eğer varlık mücadelesini
tamamlayacaksa önce Güneş Sistemi’ne sonrasındaysa Samanyolu Galaksisi
ve diğer galaksilere yayılma mecburiyetindedir. Eğer bir gün galaktik
bir medeniyet olabilirsek, bundan yıllar önce Afrika savanında belki de imrenerek baktığımız gökteki o parıldayan ışık hüzmelerine artık varmışız
demektir. Bu yolda ilk adımları Eski Çağ’da Antik Yunan ve Mısır gibi
birçok uygarlıkla atmış olmakla birlikte Orta Çağ’ın gelişiyle beraber Avrupa’nın
büründüğü o karanlık çağ, bilimi uzunca bir süre sekteye uğratacaktı.
Buradaysa o karanlığı, İslâm medeniyeti aydınlatacak ve Eski Çağ’ın
bilgisini Rönesans’a taşıyacaktı. Rönesans Avrupa’sıysa edindiği bu bilgi
sayesinde yaşadığı yeniden doğuşla birlikte Astronomi ve pek çok alanda
sınırları zorlayacaktı. Eski Çağ insanının kesin olarak çözümleyemediği
evren modellerini ve Dünya aslında ne? gibi soruların çözümleme
konusunda büyük başarı gösterecek ve Güneş Sistemi’nin gözlemini de
yaparak çevremiz hakkında daha fazla bilgi sahibi olmamızı sağlayacaktı.
Bu bağlamda Rönesans Astronomisi bizim kimiz, nereden geldik ve özel
miyiz? gibi sorularımıza yanıt arayacak, milyarlarca sayıda yıldıza ev sahipliği
yapan kozmosa dair bilgilerimizin artmasına vesile olacaktır. Bu
bağlamda elde ettiğimiz sonuçlar bizlerin bugünün bilim ve teknolojisine
ulaşmamızda mihenk taşı görevi görmüştü. Rönesans astronomları hem
yaşadığımız yeri anlamamızı sağlamış hem de Güneş Sistemi’nin ve komşularımızın
ne olduğunu daha iyi anlamamız konusunda bizlere yardımcı
olmuştu. Rönesans sonrası oluşan bilim devrimi, insanlığın tarihinde
görmediği bir atılımı yaşamasını sağlamış, insanlık bu atılımla birlikte
Ay’a hatta belki ileride Mars’a gidecek noktaya ulaşmıştı. Rönesans astronomisinin
bu noktaya gelmesinde, Doğu medeniyetinin ve Uluğ Bey’in
de katkıları unutulmamalıdır. İslâm medeniyeti, Avrupa karanlık çağ ile
uğraşırken, Eski Çağ’ın bilim ve medeniyetini devam ettirmişti. Aynı zamanda
Uluğ Bey ve Semerkant Gözlemevinde yapılan çalışmalar da bu
birikimin daha iyi bir şekilde ileriki nesillere aktarılmasını sağlamıştır. Bir
zamanlar, göğe bakan o primat şimdiyse baktığı şeyleri anlayabilecek duruma
gelebilmiştir.

The following text is a version in American English of the paper
published in Spanish with the same title in the extraordinary issue of
the international philosophy journal Contrastes (University of Málaga,
Spain) on the philosophy of science, coordinated by Pascual F.
Martínez-Freire, corresponding to Supplement 3 (1998), pp. 59-79
thereof.
The textual quotations in Spanish or the original language in this
chapter of the volume were translated inversely, so they may differ
slightly from each other.]

Following the exegetical method already adopted by Robert Grosseteste and his successors at Oxford, the Franciscan master John Pecham extensively employs scientific knowledge (especially optics) in his theological works and sermons, through which he explains and clarifies the divine mysteries. By using scientific metaphors, allegories, symbols, and parallelisms, Pecham elaborates on a cohesive Christian system of knowledge that embraces concomitantly scientific knowledge and theology. The paper presents three examples of the use of this method by Pecham. The first two examples are extracted from Pecham’s Commentary on the I Book of the Sentences, still unpublished. They respectively illustrate a correlation between the rainbow and the Incarnation of Christ and the association between the theory of vision and the formal cause of theology in the debate about the epistemological status of theology. The third case is derived from Pecham’s Tratctaus de perspectiva, specifically from the first chapter. Here, the Franciscan master offers a prayer to the Virgin, in which he attributes the characteristics of planets to her and emphasises, above all, her relationship with the Sun.

On the reconstruction and analysis of the network of contacts including publishers and printers, censors, scientists, patrons and intermediaries who played a fundamental role in the editing, printing and diffusion of the first attempt of an Opera Omnia of Galileo’s works, under circumstances and during years crucial for the dissemination of the Scientific Method and the fledgling European Enlightenment. Since 1635 Galileo Galilei (1564 - 1642) received a number of offers, coming from France and the Dutch Republic, from friends, publishers and printers, for the publication of a collected edition of his works, yet a first endeavour appeared only between 1655 and 1656, by a publisher - Carlo Manolessi (1614 - 1661) - completely devoid of scientific knowledge, and an editor - Carlo Rinaldini (1615 - 1698) - who was a professor at the University of Pisa and a founding member of the Accademia del Cimento, but also and above all an eclectic Aristotelian, loathed by the neoterics, namely Galileo's heirs and disciples. Moreover, this edition was published in Bologna - a Papal legation, historically linked to the study of astrology and natural philosophy according to the Aristotelian canon -, which in those same years made its first important encounters with the New Science thanks to the research conducted there and the teaching chairs held by mathematicians and astronomers such as Bonaventura Cavalieri (1598 - 1647), Geminiano Montanari (1633 - 1687) and Giovanni Domenico Cassini (1625 - 1712). The primary sources used for this investigation, coming from public archives and libraries of central Italy, are almost entirely unpublished, when not completely unknown to the tradition of historical-scientific studies dedicated to the diffusion and reception of Galileo’s works and to the literature devoted to 17th-century book history and trade - Exerpt

What was the impact of the construction of the imperial book regime on the Italian Peninsula? This article aims to develop a reflection upon the evolution of publishing geographies and practices in the early nineteenth century. While the first part of the article analyses the practices and values around which this transformation took place, with an emphasis on the negotiating skills of the players involved, the second part endeavours to show that the success of this reform lies in the fact that it was the culmination of the profound transformations that took place at the end of the eighteenth century, leading to changes in the book trade and the affirmation of a new role for the printer. Lastly, these two elements help us to understand the logic behind the construction of publishing efforts within these departments, as well as, more broadly, the new geography of knowledge in Napoleonic Europe.

Only the introduction to the article has been uploaded here, in compliance with the publisher's rights.

We show that the creation account in Genesis 1.1–2.3 refers to a worldview of the cosmos as the ancient Mesopotamians and ancient Egyptians understood it to be. These civilisations left behind documents, maps and iconography which describe the cosmological beliefs they had. The differences between the biblical cosmology and ancient Near East cosmologies are observed to be mainly theological in nature rather than cosmological. However, the biblical cosmology is conceptually different to a modern view of the cosmos in significant ways. We examine how a range of terms are translated in English Bible translations, including ḥōšeḵ, təhôm, rāqîᵃʿ, hammayim ʾăšer mēʿal lārāqîᵃʿ, and mayim mittaḥaṯ lā’āreṣ, and show that if the denotation of these terms is in accordance with a modern worldview then this results in a text that has incongruities and is incoherent in the nature of the cosmos it depicts. We therefore recommend that the translation should denote a biblical cosmology.

• This article is meant as an Apology to the Great Galileo Galilei not only for the injustice that he had to suffer, but also because the same issues he faced are continuing even to this day.

• The problems Galileo faced - and what we still face - in the scientific community are a result of intolerance and the dishonesty of half empty pots. Sadly we still have many experts of the unknown who still are unable to acknowledge new knowledge, similar to what happened to Galileo.

• The following sentence will concisely describe any dishonest fool that becomes an obstacle for anyone - in their path towards obtaining a better understanding of the world and sharing that knowledge with others.

• Oxymoron for the Moron, Expert of the Unknown.

• The main points we discuss are about the problems with the journal publication process and how to address them, which are considered in detail in the articles listed in the references.

• There are a number of remarkable editors, reviewers and individuals who go to great lengths to give very helpful suggestions to authors to improve their research. But unfortunately, they are a minority.

• We trace the fundamental reasons that gave rise to the issues that have plagued all of humanity - including the so called scientific community - and also show that the same drivers cause other issues in the rest of society as well. Bias and B.S. - which are the two sources of most issues we face - are discussed in King Kong Shake-Sphere on Being A Human Being.

• This work is part of a larger work on love, peace, justice and truth titled: King Kong Shake-Sphere in a Business Jungle.

• References and additional explanations - where we have a much more detailed discussion of The Galileo Syndrome - are provided at the end.

Aristotle had left his pupils with a conundrum to solve: the nature of prime matter. Throughout the centuries, this concept remained the most obscure and elusive in Aristotle’s philosophy. While there were a number of conflicting opinions about the nature of prime matter, the debate was revived at the end of the 16th century when the logician and natural philosopher Jacopo Zabarella (1533-1589) proposed to identify prime matter as a material body of indefinite extension (quantitas interminata) which is bound within precise limits and shapes by the intervention of the actualising form (forma substantialis). Zabarella’s solution was further refined by his colleagues, including the theologian Paolo Sarpi (1557-1623), the physicians Girolamo Fabrici da Acquapendente (1533-1618) and Santorio Santori (1561-1636) and eventually by Galileo Galilei (1564-1642). They turned prime matter into a quantifiable substratum and developed some early forms of corpuscularianism or atomism. My aim in this paper is to recapture the essence of these developments starting from Zabarella’s own formulation of the problem of the extension of prime matter. In the second part, I will analyse its impact on the natural philosophies of Sarpi, Santorio and Galileo, showing how the debate on prime matter constituted the background against which early forms of quantified experimentation emerged.

Mit dem Erscheinen des Bandes IV, der Opera Minora, geht eines der großen Editionsvorhaben in Deutschland zu Ende: Die Nicolaus Copernicus Gesamtausgabe (NCG). Das Generationen-Projekt wurde von der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft gefördert und größtenteils an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München und später am Deutschen Museum München durchgeführt. Wie auch bei anderen Editionen bilden die ersten Äußerungen bei Copernicus u.a. der Commentariolus zusammen mit kleineren Schriften den Schlussstein der Edition. Bereits im 19. Jahrhundert besorgten polnische und deutsche Forscher kritische Ausgaben der damals bekannten Werke und erschlossen weiteres Quellenmaterial (1854 Jan Baranowski in Warschau sowie in Deutschland Leopold Prowe und Maximilian Curtze seit 1873). Die Anfänge der hier besprochenen Edition reichen bis ins Jahr 1943 zurück, dem 400. Todesjahr des Astronomen. An der Ausgabe 1944 waren u.a. Fritz Kubach als Herausgeber und Max Caspar als Vorsitzender der „Kommission ...

In this article, some classical paradoxes of infinity such as Galileo’s paradox, Hilbert’s paradox of the Grand Hotel, Thomson’s lamp paradox, and the rectangle paradox of Torricelli are considered. In addition, three paradoxes regarding divergent series and a new paradox dealing with multiplication of elements of an infinite set are also described. It is shown that the surprising counting system of an Amazonian tribe, Pirahã, working with only three numerals (one, two, many) can help us to change our perception of these paradoxes. A recently introduced methodology allowing one to work with finite, infinite, and infinitesimal numbers in a unique computational framework not only theoretically but also numerically is briefly described. This methodology is actively used nowadays in numerous applications in pure and applied mathematics and computer science as well as in teaching. It is shown in the article that this methodology also allows one to consider the paradoxes listed above in a...

First recorded in the 14th century, the analogy of spit-roast meat argues that expecting the Sun to rotate around a strictly immobile Earth would be just as ludicrous as trying to move the fire around the roasting meat. On the contrary, it should be the Earth that spins upon itself in order to glean, from all possible angles, all the benefits of the Sun, just as it is the meat’s responsibility to turn on the spit before the motionless fire for it to be perfectly cooked on all sides. Aimed at demonstrating, in geocentricism, the plausibility of the rotation of the Earth and, in heliocentrism, at supporting the physical reality of this terrestrial rotation, nowadays this analogy barely elicits more than an amused, or even condescending, smile. However, its continued long-term existence and its frequency of use — from the 14th to the 19th century, we found it mentioned by no less than 45 different authors — incited us to finally pay attention to it. We then noticed that beyond its expl...

According to our interpretation, Σῴζειν τὰ φαινóμενα : Essai sur la notion de théorie physique pursues two intricately intertwined objectives. Primarily, it aims to establish the historical significance of Duhemian phenomenalism — the accuracy of which had previously been established in La Théorie Physique : son Objet et sa Structure — firstly, by positioning it within a millenary tradition and, secondly, by examining the conse­quences, both positive and negative, that subsequently arose from the various ways of comprehending the idea of physical theory. Secondarily, it proffers a novel interpretation of the rationale behind the Galileo affair, from a point of view which is both philosophical (that of the Duhemian epistemology as it had already been developed in The Aim and Structure of Physical Theory) and historical (that of the lessons resulting from historical considerations in To Save the Phenomena). This article is dedicated to establishing the existence of the first goal by e...

Pompeo Caimo (1568-1631) e il nipote Giacomo (1609-1679) furono personalità di cospicua importanza nella cultura padovana seicentesca. Entrambi furono docenti presso lo Studium, entrambi fecero parte dell’Accademia dei Ricovrati. Pompeo conobbe Galileo, con il quale condivideva una grande passione letteraria. La sua cultura era però molto diversa da quella del matematico. Pompeo compose saggi su Dante e su Tasso, così come fece Galileo. Ma la sua metodologia, diversamente da quella di Galileo, era ancora legata all’aristotelismo e al tomismo. Giacomo Caimo è stato identificato con un doctor Paduanus – nominato dal matematico Wilhelm Weilhamer in una sua missiva – cultore della scienza galileiana e possessore di un telescopio. Tale identificazione si dimostra infondata e si propone di identificare il doctor Paduanus con il giurisperito Giovanni Galvan. Di Giacomo Caimo è messa in luce l’attività presso l’Accademia dei Ricovrati; sono evidenziate inoltre le sue relazioni con Carlo de’ Dottori, Ciro di Pers, Agostino Ragona, di cui si esamina una lirica dedicata a Giacomo e pubblicata nel 1652.

School libraries will have many choices when considering books about inventors and inventions and parents may wish to encourage their children's inventiveness by stories about past inventors. With the current emphasis on STEM, books about invention may well be of particular value.

Certification:

• This content is Rated TT for Totally Tolerant and also Rated FL for Fun Loving, indicating that this material is meant only for those who are very tolerant or fun loving.

• Parents and Teachers Strongly Cautioned that reading this work - reciting the corresponding poems and studying this material - can have wonderful moral effects on their young ones.

• Reader discretion is advised.

Composition: The Mist in The Closet of An Economist and The Gist of Becoming a Biologist

• In this work, King-Kong Shake-Sphere talks about coming out of the closet after he receives a confession from someone who likes being with biologists more than economists.

• This work is part of a larger work on love, peace, justice and truth titled: King Kong Shake-Sphere in a Business Jungle.

ABSTRACT
The article attempts to read Oswald Egger’s prose text: „Either I only dreamed the trip on the Mississippi or I’m dreaming now” (2021) as travel literature. Egger’s artist book, which relates an imaginary trip to the Mississippi in text and image, is not a travelogue in the traditional sense,
but a highly complex and auto-referential work that plays with the transgression between the real and the imaginary. Using Egger as an example, the article discusses the hermeneutic movements of travel and writing and the media transformation of real and fictional journeys, exploring both the mobility patterns and the corresponding writing and image processes.

Im Artikel wird der Versuch unternommen, Oswald Eggers Prosaepos Entweder ich habe die Fahrt am Mississippi nur geträumt, oder ich träume jetzt (2021) als Reiseliteratur zu lesen. Eggers Künstlerbuch, das in Text und Bild von einer imaginären Reise an den Mississippi erzählt, ist kein Reisebericht im herkömmlichen Sinne, sondern ein komplex angelegtes und hochgradig autoreferenzielles Werk, das mit den Grenzüberschreitungen zwischen dem Realen und dem Imaginären spielt. Am Beispiel Eggers werden die hermeneutischen Bewegungen von Reisen und Schreiben und die mediale Überformung realer und fiktiver Reisen erörtert, wobei sowohl die Mobilitätsmuster, als auch die mit ihnen korrespondierenden Text- und Bildverfahren ausgelotet werden.

In this essay, I highlight a lesser-known aspect of Galileo Galilei’s (1564–1642) character, namely the role that he played in the artistic milieu of his day.
As a humanist, Galileo befriended many of the artists in his milieu. Thus,
his telescopic ‘eye’ came into contact with the actual eyes of contemporary
visual artists. Erwin Panofsky’s essay, “Galileo as a Critic of the Arts: Aesthetic
Attitude and Scientific, Thought” (1956), on Galileo’s friendship with Ludovico
Cigoli (1559–1613) and, more particularly, his advice for the Madonna of the
Immaculata Assunta in the dome of the Pauline chapel (1612) of Santa Maria
Maggiore (Rome). is a suitable starting point.*,1
Notes to Galileo’s Moon explores the tension between the human eye, the
lens, and the arts – one that was also fueled by the key debate of the era: the
paragone, or the hierarchical struggle between the artistic disciplines. I will
show how Galileo’s ‘scientific gaze’ was not distinct from a ‘painterly gaze.’ For
Galileo the telescope was more than a technical refinement for observation; it
was it was an optical prosthesis he used to reach for the artistic image through
contemplation.

In the context of the much broader and more complex question of Galilean Platonism, the aim was to highlight the possible continuities between the method employed by Galileo and the Timaeus.
In the Timaeus it is possible to find: 1) compared to the Republic, a renewed ˗ as well as material ˗  valorization and investigation of sight; 2) no longer only the attribution to mathematics of an anabatic function, of exit from the “cave” towards the world of ideas, but also a katabatic function, of return, in order to understand the sensible world; 3) the use of thought experiments as a tool to use in the investigation of natural phenomena.
Greater attention has been given to this last possible element of continuity. The thought experiment of the gravitational spheres, has been chosen as a term of comparison among the many possible examples. This is set up in the Discorsi, to refute part of the Aristotelian arguments, which similarly contested the existence of the vacuum, deduced from the text of Physics, book IV, to which we returned.
Both Plato and Galileo seem confident in the cognitive gain that the thought experiment entails in the investigation of nature. Aristotle, not so much.