Media systems

In this paper I present and discuss selected aspects of the education policies presented by the different political parties in the 2022 election. I draw on documentation from the election platforms and programme texts presented on the websites of the parties that gained representation in the Folketing.
Programme statements on education and education policy may be approached in different ways. In this paper I use mainly two approaches:
• Tracing contrasting political ideologies in the perception of the aims and means of education and the policies proposed
• Tracing transversal agendas – problem definitions and policy proposals shared (more or less) by a number of parties

This article evaluates the extent of social media policing in fact-checking (as opposed to verifying public figures' statements) and the thematic convergence across eight countries in Europe and Latin America. Based on audience reach, we collected links from various organizations (independent outlets, legacy media, or global news agencies). A representative stratified sample of 25% resulted in 3,154 articles. Among the findings, the trend of social media policing prevails across countries and organizations, except for most European legacy media. Independent news-born factchecking organizations follow a convergent path, sharing more similarities with their global counterparts than their national media peers.

Rad analizira mogućnosti razvoja javnosti u (trans)nacionalnim i digitalnim okvirima. Polazeći od Habermasove konceptualizacije, javna sfera se razume kao prostor između države i tržišta, gde se odigrava politički obračun
autoriteta i publiciteta, rezultirajući javnim mnjenjem kao izrazom narodnog
suvereniteta. Ustrojstvo Evropske unije problematizuje prvobitne nacionalne
okvire javnosti. U kontekstu „etatizma bez države“ i jedinstvenog tržišta,
kao i prioriteta evropske medijske politike, uspostavljanje kontinentalnog
javnog mnjenja umnogome je osujećeno. Prateći teoriju medijskih sistema,
rad pokazuje da je dominantna tendencija stvaranje hibridnih modela koji
uključuju komercijalizaciju i političku instrumentalizaciju medija, zadržavajući nedostatke mediteranskog i preuzimajući mane liberalnog modela,
što ometa formiranje javnosti. Država u krizi pokušava kompenzovati narodnim komunikacionim suverenitetom, usled čega pribegava autoritarnom etatizmu, čiji su pojavni oblici strukturno i tehnološko razdvajanje sfere
mejnstrim i novih medija, „flak”, te mediokratske formacije arkanskog dela
državnog aparata. Navedeni aspekti čine kontekst u kojem deluje tvitersfera. Usled slabe transnacionalne regulative, javnosferski potencijal platforme pod upravom je same Tviter korporacije, koja vrši profitno orijentisanu koordinaciju i kontrolu korisnika, dok pojedinačnim državama preostaje da nađu meru između zaštite i ograničavanja slobode govora. Međutim, države sa autokratskim tendencijama svesno pogoršavaju kvalitet diskursa: kompjuterizovanom propagandom, astroturfingom, strateškim spamovanjem, botovskim simulacijama građanskog delovanja s ciljem polarizacije i urušavanja tvitersfere. Razlika u odnosu na mejnstrim medije je što nema restrikcije cirkulacije sadržaja, već pre – njegovog zagađenja hiperprodukcijom. Tvitersfera time nasleđuje strukturna ograničenja sopstvenog medijskog sistema, ali ne uspeva da reši ni problem reprezentacije, niti interakcije, jer se diskursi strateški kontaminiraju onda kada se ne mogu kontrolisati.

This paper examines the current nature of the Iraqi media system through the lens of two significant influences: the digitalization of global media and the country's political transformation in 2003. It discusses the important shifts in the digital environment and their reflection on the media discourse of media systems in their historical context. The concept of the media system, how historical studies of media systems evolved, and the stages of development of concepts and classifications that researchers have carried out for media systems in the world were reviewed. The paper also explored the problematic changes that are taking place in contemporary media systems due to the digital changes that have changed the close relationship between the media and political systems in societies. The analytical descriptive approach was used to gain an accurate and detailed understanding of the media system in Iraq. The paper concluded that the discourse of the media system in Iraq was simultaneously associated with digital and political transformation when political change led to an openness to the new digital environment, but the features of this system at the micro-level are linked to the determinants of the turbulent political scene in Iraq that created a plurality of conflicting discourses enriched with a unique sort of political parallelism and political conflict-related interests.

Con el fin de ejercer el voto en los comicios de 2024 los ciudadanos tendrán que informarse sobre la existencia de los distintos candidatos a los cargos de representación popular y sus respectivos ofrecimientos partidistas para cada función política. Para ello, los partidos políticos y sus contendientes tendrán acceso a 3,726 estaciones de radio y canales de televisión que integrarán el catálogo oficial de medios, de los cuales, 2,304 serán estaciones de radio y 1,422 corresponderán a estaciones de televisión. Mediante esto, los partidos podrán difundir del 20 de noviembre de 2023 al 29 de mayo de 2024 un total de 57,317,058 promocionales pautados con el fin de dar a conocer a sus postulantes y la respectiva dinámica del Proceso Electoral Federal.

El documento analiza la evolución y las tendencias actuales en el financiamiento y la influencia de los medios de comunicación en México, destacando cómo las tecnologías digitales y los cambios en la economía global han remodelado el panorama mediático. Se identifica una transición de medios tradicionales a digitales, influenciada por las lógicas de mercado y la digitalización, que ha impactado significativamente en los modelos de negocio de los medios y sus prácticas periodísticas. El informe resalta la creciente influencia de las plataformas digitales, como Google y Facebook, que ahora dominan una gran parte de la publicidad en línea, reconfigurando así las dinámicas de financiamiento tradicionales. Este cambio ha desafiado a los medios tradicionales, que han visto disminuir sus ingresos por publicidad mientras intentan adaptarse a un entorno digital altamente competitivo. A nivel político y social, el estudio destaca cómo los cambios en el financiamiento de los medios afectan la independencia periodística y la calidad de la información, con implicaciones profundas para la democracia y la sociedad civil. La investigación revela un panorama mediático marcado por el clientelismo político y una concentración de propiedad que limita el pluralismo y la diversidad en el discurso público. Se subraya la necesidad urgente de políticas públicas que promuevan una mayor equidad y transparencia en el financiamiento de los medios, así como medidas para fomentar la diversidad y la sostenibilidad de los medios independientes y comunitarios. El documento concluye que, para preservar una esfera pública saludable y plural, es crítico abordar las desigualdades estructurales en el sistema de medios y garantizar que la transformación digital contribuya positivamente a la calidad del periodismo y al fortalecimiento de la democracia en México.

Quienes hoy se forman en las facultades de comunicación deben adquirir las herramientas, habilidades y conocimientos que les permitan hacer su trabajo en un contexto digital, más ágil, pero siempre de manera rigurosa. La alfabetización digital se convierte así en un reto en la tarea docente, pero también en la investigación y en la transferencia de conocimiento a la sociedad.  Palabras clave: Alfabetización mediática, futuro, formación de profesionales de la comunicación, retos, digitalización, desinformación.

The aim of this study is to establish the correlation between the growth, diffusion and innovation of global media models and formats on the one hand and, on the other, the sustenance of the media industry in the Arab countries. Communication scholars maintain that global mass communication is a multifaceted phenomenon. This is reflected in the direct transmission and distribution of media channels, the spread of international media such as the BBC World Service, the creation of domestic media output and the foreign global formats and genres that are tailored to suit domestic audiences. This study utilizes the theoretical development approach. The conceptual framework underpinning this study focuses on different approaches to development media theory. It maintains that global media need to be analysed with new paradigms, positioning socio-economic indicators as core variables in the global media sphere.

The article aimed to identify the social responsibility dimensions of political talk shows in dealing with the parliamentary performance of the 19th House of Representatives of Jordan. It adopted the content analysis methodology and applied it to the "Kingdom Voice" (Sawt Al-Mamlaka) program. Thirty-one episodes have been analyzed, of which they dealt with the parliamentary functioning of the House of Representatives during its second ordinary session, which began on 13 November 2022 and ended on 7 May 2023. The results of the study showed that the (Sawt Al-Mamlaka) program was committed to all dimensions of social, moral, and professional responsibility the dealing with parliamentary performance but was more committed to the media performance dimension (ethical standards), with a mean of (2.80), then the roles and functions of social responsibility with a mean of (2.76), then the professional standards with a mean of (2.55). The study concluded that talk shows should uphold the principle of serving the public and society, raising the level of freedom of opinion and expression, ensuring that talk shows serve as a platform for thought and criticism within their social responsibility, their role as constructive and positive critics in society, and their oversight function in expressing public opinion.

El norte del Peru nuclea un buen numero del total nacional de las 52 radios y 29 televisoras vinculadas a municipalidades, un tipo de medios publicos – es- tatales. Aun cuando se ha impulsado discusion y se ha generado anteproyectos de legislacion especifica para este tipo de medios, basicamente desde el Consejo Nacional de Radio y Television (CONCORTV), no hay a la fecha nada concreto. Hay pocos medios publicos – estatales por esa razon; pero tambien por otras que hay que sondear; se desconoce su operatividad y que hacen con su oferta de progra- maciones, sobre todo al interior del pais. El estudio tuvo como objetivo disenar lineamientos para promover el fortalecimiento de la radio y TV publica-estatal a nivel local y regional de Lambayeque, La Libertad, Piura y Cajamarca. Al final, se esbozaron serias recomendaciones tras hallar como conclusiones que  no solo las autoridades sino incluso la ciudadania confunden lo que supone lo estatal, lo publico y lo gubernamental trastocando el s...

Az EMFA szabályozási területei közül a magyar – és a hosszabb/rövidebb ideig azt utánzó lengyel, szlovén, cseh, szlovák – médiahelyzetet elsősorban a következők érintik:
- Szerkesztői szabadság, a szerkesztői döntések függetlensége (4. és 6. cikk)
- A közszolgálati médiaszolgáltatók független működésének biztosítékai (5. cikk)
- Nemzeti szabályozó hatóságok vagy szervek (7. cikk)
- A médiaszolgáltatók működését érintő nemzeti intézkedések európai kontrollja (20. cikk)
- A médiapiaci koncentrációk értékelése (21. cikk)
- Az állami hirdetések elosztása (24. cikk)

The paper addresses the television programs’ production and analyzes this content in a range of 11 years (2003-2013) for national and regional coverage television stations in Albania. The paper set the focus on the development of Albanian TV market on the point of transition to digital terrestrial television broadcasting. Television programming in Albania has moved quickly toward quantitative and qualitative growth over a period of 10 years, but is still dominated by top-down perspective look at the audience, which remains mostly a passive one. Televisions stations mostly imitate each other in their program structures and strategies. Television management, as a specific form of business management, presents some of its characteristics through program percentage occupied by each of the television genres in the structure of TV programming. The “economy of television”, figures and numbers of advertisement revenues and audience seems to take priority over television programming, and thi...

The paper addresses the television programs’ production and analyzes this content for national coverage television stations in Albania. Television programming in Albania has moved quickly toward quantitative and qualitative growth over a period of 10 years, but is still dominated by top-down perspective look at the audience, which remains mostly a passive one. Television stations, mostly imitate each other in their program structures and strategies. The paper gives statistical data of 2013 for three national coverage television stations of the different TV genres. The paper sets the focus on the development of Albanian TV market at the point of transition to digital terrestrial television broadcasting, as the deadline is set for mid June 2015. Television management, as a specific form of business management, presents some of its characteristics through program percentage occupied by each of the television genres in the structure of TV programming. The “economy of television”, figure...

El objetivo de este artículo es el análisis de noticias aparecidas entre 1924 y 1935 en el periódico de Jalisco, México, El Informador y el semanario Revista de Revistas, medios escritos que mostraron interés por la popularización de la televisión desde mediados de la década de 1920. . Se pretende mostrar los intentos de denominar esta tecnología, sobre mostrar “los problemas de nominación del dispositivo”. También es interesante cómo se percibió este invento en las notas de prensa. Además, también se analizan los usos imaginarios atribuidos a este nuevo medio de comunicación.

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The aim of this article is the analysis of news items that appeared between 1924 and 1935 in the newspaper from Jalisco, Mexico, El Informador and the weekly magazine Revista de Revistas, written media that showed interest for the popularization of television since the mid-1920’s. It is intended to show the attempts to name this technology, about displaying “the problems of nomination of the device”. It is also of interest how was this invention perceived in press notes. Furthermore, it is also analyzed the imaginary uses attributed to this new medium of communication.

This book proposes, tests and analyzes a common theoretical
umbrella that helps explain the extent to which globalization in
general, marketization and commercialism in particular, regional bodies
and the nation State all play contesting roles in redefining the media’s
role in Latin American societies: the captured liberal model. In a nutshell,
it is a technically – and in many ways formally – liberal commercial model that has been captured both by economic and political interests
and thus shows that political instrumentalisation and State intervention
in private media need not to happen necessarily at the formal or
legal level. This collection addresses the diverse shades, nuances and
extents of ‘capture’ by either the State or the market in a variety of
issues. The book explores the configuration of national media systems
and their challenges, the competing forces shaping communication
policies, the reporting cultures stemming from authoritarian political
regimes, the journalistic ethos shaped by global discourses per se, and
to a lesser extent, the degree to which certain cultural markets –be it
‘national cultures’ or the publishing industries – are either overlooked
and left entirely to the forces of market or protected by political interest
and national agendas.  What must be noted is that both trends: Neoliberal privatization and the re-emergence of state intervention – move in Latin
America within the same context of clientelism and discretional
and uneven application of regulation and the law. At the end, the
Introduction 13
context in which both trends unfold contribute to the distortion of
a private commercial model that does not foster pluralism and where
conditions are kept for preventing the development of watchdog
roles (See Guerrero’s Chapter 2). Thus, as we argue thoughout the
book, the formally liberal model consisting of private media remain
constantly – and complicitly – captured either by corporate or political
interests: the cases analyzed in this volume in Colombia (Chapter 3),
Perú (Chapter 4), El Salvador (Chapter 6), Guatemala (Chapter 7) and
Mexico (Chapter 15) attest to this.

This is an exploratory study that aims to answer the question of whether and to what extent regional media are influential in shaping political awareness and its role in influencing public opinion, especially that of young people. We examined regional media in Egypt, more precisely in the Suez Canal Region. To ensure the validity of our results, we deployed a number of different data collection methods: the collection, analysis, and integration of quantitative and qualitative research. The results reveal that regional media have the potential to contribute effectively in raising youths' political awareness of the public policy‐making process. The recommendations specified are the elimination of red tape, governmental bureaucracy, and centralization in the management of regional radio and television is required; also necessary are financial independence and the restructuring of the organizational hierarchy of all state‐run regional media.Related ArticlesAntwi‐Boateng, Osman. 2015...

In this paper I present and discuss selected aspects of the education policies presented by the different political parties in the 2022 election to parliament (the Folketing) in Denmark. I draw on documentation from the election platforms and programme texts presented on the websites of the parties that gained representation in the Folketing. In analysing the programme statements, I use mainly two approaches:
(1) Tracing contrasting political ideologies in the perception of the aims and means of education and the policies proposed
(2) Tracing transversal agendas – problem definitions and policy proposals shared (more or less) by a number of parties

Para fortalecer el proyecto de gobernabilidad de la Cuarta Transformación en México el gobierno elaboró una iniciativa constitucional de reforma electoral denominada “Plan A” que fue cancelada en el Congreso de la Unión por no contar con mayoría calificada para ser aprobada. Ante ello, la presidencia de la República, con apoyo del Poder Legislativo, elaboró una segunda propuesta paralela denominada “Plan B”, para continuar con su intento de reforma electoral en el país. Dicho “Plan B” quedó conformado por la modificación de diversas leyes entre las cuales figuró la Ley General de Comunicación Social, que conllevaba relevantes elementos anticonstitucionales en materia de comunicación política. Debido a ello, tal ley de comunicación y el “Plan B”, en conjunto, fueron anulados totalmente por la Suprema Corte de Justicia de la Nación, al ser contrarios a la Carta Magna, demostrando que la Corte es un poder republicano autónomo que puede fijar límites a los abusos cometidos por el Poder Ejecutivo y el Poder Legislativo en México.