Medieval vernacular translations (volgarizzamenti)

Estudi i edició de la traducció arabollatina feta per Arnau de Vilanova del "Llibre dels medicaments simples" d'Abu-s-Salt de Dénia, que visqué a la Península Ibèrica i al Nord d’Àfrica entre els segles XI i XII. El volum inclou un estudi bilingüe, en català i en anglès, i també l'edició de l'original àrab i una transcripció del manuscrit de la traducció catalana del s. XIV feta del llatí.
http://www.fundacionoguera.com/fitxa-publicacio.asp?idp=215
http://www.publicacions.ub.edu/ficha.aspx?cod=06359

En el presente artículo pretendemos observar, principalmente, la translatio del poema épico "Africa" de Petrarca a la obra de Antoni Canals, "Scipió e Anibal", en-marcado dentro de la prosa catalana de finales del XIV-principios del XV, época dorada para las letras valencianas. Por otro lado, y en primer lugar, nos pareció oportuno ver el recorrido de la presencia y figura de la obra de Tito Livio desde la tardoantigüedad, pasando por su recepción en la Edad Media hasta llegar al Renacimiento donde retomará vigor. Primero sería "descubierto" por el prehumanismo de Lovato Lovati y finalmente por la refundición de Petrarca (el conocido códice harleyano) y la influencia del historiógrafo paduano en el Renacentista que le ha-ría componer su poema épico, a imagen de una "Eneida" nacionalista, "Africa", que nos llevará hasta Canals, con su traducción libre del "Scipió e Anibal", donde nos expone los cambios de la fortuna, muy influenciado por la prosa de Bernat Metge.

Anyanyelvűség a középkori liturgiában: A Halotti beszéd és Könyörgés műfaji kérdéseihez. In: Horváth, Balázs; Bartók, Zsófia Ágnes (szerk.) Írások a Pray-kódexről. Budapest: Argumentum Kiadó, ELTE BTK Vallástudományi Központ, Liturgiatörténeti Kutatócsoport. 2019, 9–17.
Liturgikus cselekmény fordítását ismerünk apácák által használt kéziratból is, ám az ilyen típusú fordítások csupán azt szolgálták, hogy a hívők értsék, mi történik a szertartáson. A tanulmányban bemutatott, 15–16. században lejegyzésre került példák azt bizonyítják, hogy az anyanyelv a liturgiában is szerepet kapott a középkori Magyar Királyság területén: ennek első bizonyítéka a Halotti beszéd és Könyörgés.

Individuata nel corso degli spogli miranti alla catalogazione delle Bibbie in italiano (XIII-XV sec.), la traduzione in lingua di sì della Lectura super Apocalipsim di Pietro di Giovanni Olivi che qui si presenta costituisce l’unica versione volgare della Postilla giunta fino a noi. Dopo una breve sintesi di quanto ad oggi noto in merito alla circolazione latina e volgare del testo, il saggio – da concepirsi come prima tappa di una più ampia impresa di studio ed edizione – propone una descrizione del manoscritto unico della traduzione italiana e una breve analisi dello stato del testo nel manoscritto, del rapporto fra modello latino e versione volgare e dei tratti salienti di quest’ultima sotto il profilo della struttura complessiva e dell’assetto linguistico.

Découvert à l’occasion de recherches visant à cataloguer les bibles italiennes médiévales (XIIIe-XVe s.), la traduction en vernaculaire italien de la Lectura super Apocalipsim de Pierre de Jean Olivi présentée ici est l’unique en version langue vulgaire parvenue jusqu’à nous. Après une brève synthèse de ce que l’on sait de la circulation latine et vernaculaire du texte, cet article, qui ne constitue qu’une première étape d’un travail plus ample d’étude et d’édition de l’œuvre, propose une brève description du manuscrit unique de la transmission italienne et une brève analyse de l’état du texte contenu dans le manuscrit, du rapport entre modèle latin et version vernaculaire et des traits saillants de cette dernière, du point de vue de la structure d’ensemble et de son ancrage linguistique.

In this first volume of critical essays ever devoted to Jean Renart's work, contributors draw on political and social history, women's studies, translation theory, musicology, and literary theory to illuminate Jean's remarkable contribution to the highly complex genre of courtly romance. Contributors include Nancy A. Jones, John W. Baldwin, Maureen Barry McCann Boulton, Michel Zink, Regina Psaki, Patricia Terry, and Hendrik Van der Werf. Introduction by Nancy Vine Durling.

En este trabajo se examinan varios pasajes de las estorias alfonsíes (General estoria y Estoria de España) que son traducción de los mismos textos latinos para comprobar qué cambios sufren los textos en el proceso de traducción y en el de redacción definitiva de la obra, así como para intentar decidir si puede asegurarse o no que los alfonsíes realizaron siempre una traducción de sus fuentes sobre la cual trabajaron posteriormente los redactores de diferentes segmentos e incluso de diferentes obras, sin necesidad de volver a la fuente latina. El análisis se realiza sobre textos de la Estoria de España y de distintas partes de la General estoria que son traducción de segmentos de la Farsalia, de la Historia regum Britanniae y de la Heroida VII.

This essay sprang out of a simple question:  what evidence was there for medieval European women’s engagement as readers with the increasing abundance of medical literature in the High and later Middle Ages?  I was working in the mid and later ’90s on my edition of the so-called Trotula texts (including surveys of the circulation and uses of both the Latin originals and their many vernacular reincarnations) and I wanted to be able to make a declarative statement:  “The evidence for female audiences of the Trotula conform (or not) to evidence for women’s reading of other kinds of medical texts.”  But I couldn’t make that statement because no survey of that question had yet been done.  This comprehensive essay, therefore, represents my attempt to gather everything I could find to document that women (a) owned medical books or (b) had medical books dedicated to them (whether as individual readers or female audiences generally). 

The results were astonishingly meager:  although women are now widely documented as readers of religious texts in the Middle Ages and, to a lesser extent, as readers of romances and histories, evidence for women engaging with the technically specific field of medicine is limited.  In fact, that result is even more decisive for texts on women’s medicine, where female owners or addressees are notably rare.  When women did own or serve as (intended) audiences of medical texts, these were often books of regimen (how to stay healthy), herbals, or recipe collections.  French women (or at least those of the very highest social classes) were the most notable exception to this rule; of 27 women whose booklists had been published, a quarter of them were found to own medical books.  Still, these are small numbers, especially considering that one of the most famous medical books addressed to a lay reader was Aldobrandino of Siena’s Regime du corps (Regimen for the Body), written before 1257 for Beatrix of Savoy (d. 1287), countess of Provence on the occasion of her visit to her four daughters: Marguerite, wife of Louis IX of France; Eleanor, wife of Henry Ill of England; Sanchia, wife of Richard of Cornwall; and Beatrix, wife of Charles of Anjou.  Notably, of the 71 extant copies known at the time of writing, only 5 can be documented in women’s hands.

Tables included in the study identify (1) Individual Female Owners of Medical Books (identifying 43 women in all); (2) Medical Texts Commissioned by and/or Addressed to Women (identifying 51 texts in all); and (3) A Comparison of Texts Owned by and Addressed to Women (divided according to language and medical genre).  (For information on medical books owned by or associated with professional female practitioners and cloistered women, see my essay “Books as a Source of Medical Education for Women in the Middle Ages,” Dynamis: Acta Hispanica ad Medicinae Scientiarumque Historiam Illustrandam 20 (2000), 331-69; for further analysis of women’s relationships to the culture of literate medicine in high and late medieval Europe, see Monica H. Green, Making Women’s Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).)

J. C. Buckler, Tackley's Inn and Three Mediaeval Houses in Oxford, J. Munby, published in Oxoniensia Vol. XLIII (1978), 123.
The demolition in 1872-3 of Nos. 108-12 High Street, Oxford revealed several important medieval features which were recorded by J. C. Buckler (1793-1894). They included the detached kitchen of Tackley's Inn, the hall and timber-framed front of the Swan Inn, which was built by Oriel College in 1469-72, and a 13th-century stone hall with blank arcading. These are described and illustrated from Buckler's material - and discussed with the aid of other topographical sources. The background to Buckler’s antiquarian interests is outlined.

Chinese traditional wedding is a marriage ceremony established with a pre-arrangement between families involving a ritual procession. In this respect, this study deals with the semiotics translation of Chinese traditional wedding signs in the ritual processions located in Medan.The aims of this research are: to analyse the types of semiotics displayed in the Hokkien Chinese Traditional Wedding signs, to translate the semiotics of each sign Chinese traditional wedding in Medan realized in English, and to discuss the cultural value in the semiotics translation of Hokkien Chinese Traditional Wedding in Medan. The research focuses on the semiotics meanings of Chinese traditional wedding signs in Medan, North Sumatra, by the community of Hokkien. The study employed a qualitative research design. Interview and documentations were used as the data collection methods. The research results showed that: there are thirty signs of Hokkien Chinese Traditional Weddings discussed in this research consisting of semiotics meanings which influenced and gave an effect to the bride and groom in their wedding, the tradition that has been practiced consisted of the cultural category of ecology culture, material culture, social culture, organization culture, gesture, and habit culture in which the most dominant one was the social culture. Based on these, it was concluded that all of the signs used in Chinese traditional wedding for the pre-wedding and wedding ritual were in hereditary from generation to generation, though some modifications had been made.

In these essays Peter Dronke looks at some of the relations between sacred and profane ideas and images, and Christian and pagan motifs, particularly in the early Middle Ages. The first two parts of the book dwell on aspects of (in the widest sense) Christian Platonism, the one part focussing on themes, the other on some of the greatest thinkers in the Latin world, from Boethius in the sixth century to Thierry of Chartres in the twelfth. The emphasis throughout is on transformations and syncretisms far more than disjunctions. The final group of essays is concerned with poetic texts, Latin and vernacular, in which non-sacred elements make their way into the sacred, the biblical and the saintly realms. A brief Epilogue glances at early medieval profane poetry outside as well as within Europe.

NOTE: For the *Trotula* tradition in Middle English, please refer to my later survey: Monica H. Green, “A Handlist of the Latin and Vernacular Manuscripts of the So-Called Trotula Texts.  Part II: The Vernacular Texts and Latin Re-Writings,” Scriptorium 51 (1997), 80-104 (also available here on Academia.edu). I changed the designations of the different Middle English translations there, and that system should now be cited in all scholarly references. For further updates on the texts mentioned here, see Monica H. Green, “Bibliography on Medieval Women, Gender and Medicine, 1980-2009” (2010), which can likewise be found here on Academia.edu.

NOTE ALSO: Everything said here regarding the two versions of the Gilbertus Anglicus translation (Syknesse of Wymmen) should now be supplemented by the editorial commentary in Monica H. Green and Linne R. Mooney, “The Sickness of Women”, in Sex, Aging, and Death in a Medieval Medical Compendium: Trinity College Cambridge MS R.14.52, Its Texts, Language, and Scribe, ed. M. Teresa Tavormina, Medieval & Renaissance Texts and Studies, 292, 2 vols. (Tempe, AZ: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2006), vol. 2, pp. 455-568.  This is a complete edition of and commentary on Version 2 of this Middle English gynecological text, with a full analysis of the genesis of both Version 1 and Version 2.

Vernacular architecture is a building style that is designed dependant on local needs, availability of construction materials and reflecting on the local traditions. At any rate initially, vernacular architecture didn't consist of officially educated architects, yet depended on the design skills, abilities and convention of local builders. However, since late 19 th century numerous architects have worked in various versions of this style. It tend to develop after some time to mirror environmental, social, cultural, technological and historical setting in which it exists. Vernacular architecture can be differentiated against polite architecture which is described by stylistic components of design purposefully consolidated for aesthetic characteristic which go beyond building's functional prerequisites. The issues encompassing the function and significance of vernacular architecture in the 21 st century are broad and complex. Adopting a particular thorough theoretical strategy helps to compare and analyse the issues from various point of view, expanding current discussion to a multidisciplinary crowd. The studies and writings by the specialists in the field focus on the research, education and practice in this fundamental division of architecture and helps to figure out answers for the definition of vernacular architecture.

The so-called "miracle of the black leg", in which Saints Cosmas and Damian miraculously perform the first leg transplant, was made famous by Jacobus de Voragine's "Legenda aurea" and has been a source of inspiration for artists and medical research for centuries. In this paper, I examine the earliest sources of this miracle and demonstrate that the earliest one, a hitherto unidentified early thirteenth-century French translation of a lost Latin source, tells a very different story. Most importantly, I argue that the well-known racial difference between the donor (a black man, identified as either a "maurus" or an "Ethiopian") and the (white) receiver of the miraculous leg transplant, first introduced in Jean de Mailly's "Abbreviatio in gestis sanctorum," is a thirteenth-century innovation that needs to be interpreted in the context of a new interest in the representation of different ethnicities in a Christian context.

[The PDF contains a preview; if you wish to read this essay, don't hesitate to message me or get more information about the volume at: http://www.arborsapientiae.com/libro/20900/que-ben-devetz-conoisser-la-plus-fina-per-margherita-spampinato-a-cura-di-mario-pagano-biblioteca-di-sinestesie-62.html]

“From ‘Diseases of Women’ to ‘Secrets of Women’: The Transformation of Gynecological Literature in the Later Middle Ages,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30 (2000), 5-39 – Abstract

This study documents a subtle but highly illuminating change that occurred in texts on women’s medicine over the course of the later Middle Ages: a change in title. Whereas all texts addressing the particular medical conditions of women’s bodies that circulated in the early and central Middle Ages had simple descriptive titles like “On the Conditions of Women” or “On the Sufferings of Women,” from the 13th century on we begin to see the word “secret” in the titles and in other rhetorical elements of these texts. It is argued that the language of secrecy comes particularly into play when the focus of such texts narrows from gynecological and obstetrical topics in their full range, to a more limited concentration on fertility and generation. This development is particularly interesting since, in earlier centuries, the topics of generation (i.e., the theoretical aspects) and gynecology and obstetrics (the practical descriptions of diseases and their cures) had been addressed in separate texts. Also addressed is the way texts on women’s medicine became juxtaposed to works on “generation,” or incorporated into codicological contexts that suggested that the works were being read for reasons other than therapeutics. A final sort of intervention was actual adaptation of texts on women’s medicine, omitting sections on, for example, uterine diseases and focusing only on reproduction.

Latin was the main language used for medical writing in the early Middle Ages, but from the late 12th century on, first Hebrew and then various European vernacular languages produce writings on women’s medicine, and these follow some of the same shifts seen in Latin works. (Languages covered include Hebrew, French, English, Dutch, Italian, and German.) The study is based on direct consultation of manuscripts in various languages from across Europe, including New York Academy of Medicine, MS SAFE; Oxford, Pembroke College, MS 21; and Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Ashmole 399. In addition, medieval library inventories are surveyed, including those of the Sorbonne and St-Victor in Paris. The Trotula texts make up the bulk of material surveyed, though there is also incorporation of other texts on women’s medicine.

This is the 2020 edition of my "cheat sheet" of info on Trota/the Trotula. Note that there is a more recent version, from 2023 (https://www.academia.edu/97430512/).

'Trotula' is a title, not a woman's name. The 'Trotula' is the title of a group of three separate works on women's medicine and cosmetics, each of different authorship. (Two of them are likely of male authorship.) Trota is the name of a documentable female medical practitioner who lived in the early 12th century. She was not a "professor" at the University of Salerno; no such institution existed at the time. She may have had acolytes but she is never acknowledged by name by her male contemporaries. The title 'Trotula' was generated when the three Salernitan texts on medicine were fused into an ensemble; the ensemble is first documented in the late 12th century, and the title in the early 13th century. Ironically, this collapsing of three separate textual units caused the historic woman Trota to be forgotten and the textually fabricated 'Trotula' to take her place as an alleged authoress. If 'Trotula' and Trota are confused, however, we miss out on what is really interesting and unique about the creation of knowledge about women's medicine and the practices of female medical practitioners in the Middle Ages. That is because the "hands-off" practices of male practitioners (seen most clearly in the 1st Trotula text, Book on the Conditions of Women) were noticeably different from the "hands-on" practices of Trota. For more information on the unique "hands-on" knowledge reflected in Trota's work, see chapter 1 of Monica H. Green, Making Women’s Medicine Masculine: The Rise of Male Authority in Pre-Modern Gynaecology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008).

This list, published as an Appendix to my 2000 book, *Women's Healthcare in the Medieval West: Texts and Contexts*, provides a summary list of all texts on women's medicine that are known from medieval western Europe. All languages are surveyed: Arabic, Catalan, Dutch, English, French (including Anglo-Norman), German, Hebrew, Irish, Italian, Latin. Many of these texts have never been published; in those cases, all manuscript witnesses known are listed. Some new information has come to light since this was first published in 2000; please direct any queries to me at: monica.h.green@gmail.com.

This article provides a preliminary textual and contextual study of the earliest Italian translation of Homer's Odyssey, produced by Girolamo Baccelli (c. 1514-c. 1580) and published in Florence by Bartolomeo Sermartelli in 1582. The article is divided into two parts. The first discusses the production of Baccelli's work. It provides a comparison between the autograph manuscript of his translation and the printed version, and sets his project against the background of the «questione della lingua» and the rise in Florence of the Accademia Fiorentina. The second part offers an analysis of specific sections of the text in comparison with the work of other 16 th-century Italian translators of Homer, shedding light on Baccelli's linguistic and poetic strategies.

This essay critiques the idea--common in feminist historiography--that throughout the Middle Ages "women's health was women's business."  Using the evidence of women as medical practitioners (which is minimal) and that of texts on women's medicine, I argue that the gendering of knowledge production and practice in the fields of women's healthcare was complicated.  Women had no monopoly in the field.  Indeed, it is questionable whether much of the written work on women's medicine was written for female readers.

The present file includes the corrigenda and addenda, updated up through 2010, to Monica H. Green, “Women’s Medical Practice and Health Care in Medieval Europe,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 14 (1988-1989), 434-73. This review essay, summarizing the state of the field in the late 1980s, was first reprinted with minor corrections in Sisters and Workers in the Middle Ages, ed. J. Bennett, E. Clark, J. O’Barr, B. Vilen, and S. Westphal-Wihl (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), pp. 39-78. It was reprinted a second time (here from the Sisters and Workers version) in Women’s Healthcare in the Medieval West: Texts and Contexts, Variorum Collected Studies Series, CS680 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000).  In the last reprint, Corrigenda and Addenda were included. I have here updated the Corrigenda and Addenda by including references to works published between 1988 (when it was sent to press) and 2010.

This essay was meant to capture the state of the field in the late 1980s. A lot has happened in the history of women and medicine since then. (Note that ALL the statements regarding the Middle English tradition of gynecological writings were superseded by my later work; see especially my publications in 1992, 2003, 2006, and 2008.)  Readers are encouraged to refer both to my subsequent writings (especially my 2008 book, *Making Women's Medicine Masculine*) and to the 82-page bibliography, Monica H. Green, “Bibliography on Medieval Women, Gender, and Medicine (1980-2009),” available gratis at http://www.sciencia.cat/biblioteca/publicacionssc.htm, and here on my Academia.edu page.

The original article can be found on JStor at this URL:  http://www.jstor.org/stable/3174557, or by writing to me directly:  monica.h.green@gmail.com.

Scholarly work on all aspects of women, gender, and medicine has exploded in the past 30 years, largely due to the influences of women's and gender studies.  Texts on women's medicine, in Latin as well as the medieval vernaculars, have been edited, and new discoveries have been made about women as medical practitioners as well as the care women received as patients.  This bibliography comprises all the entries that appeared in the bibliography on “Women and Medicine” that I published periodically in the Medieval Feminist Forum (formerly, Medieval Feminist Newsletter) from 1990 to 2004. The previously published entries have been merged into a single alphabetical list by author, and some editorial commentary has been updated or modified. I have added items that were previously overlooked or that date before the original dates covered, and I have added new material published up through 2009, including a few items that cross over into the early modern period since they carry forward issues that began in the late Middle Ages.  At the end, I have added a summary listing of all those works that include edited primary sources (noting English translations where they are included); these will be especially useful for teaching purposes. This bibliography is intended for free use, but please note that the editorial commentary should be properly credited if cited elsewhere.

The study aimed to correlate the reading comprehension and translation performance of English linguistic students, then inform some pedagogical implications for the teaching of reading comprehension in translation classes in order to enhance the translation quality performed by the students. To this end, 45 junior students of English linguistics specialization of Hung Vuong University, including 5 males and 40 females, aged from 20 to 22, were subject to a TOEFL reading comprehension test and a translation performance test (ATA guidelines, 2011). Data were analyzed using the Pearson Correlation, SPSS version 20.0. The coefficient correlation of students' reading comprehension and their translation performance was noted 0.721 at the significant level of 0.01. It was found that the Reading comprehension was closely related to translation performance. Along the reading comprehension question types, translation performance was affected by the ability to determine gist and main ideas of the text, identify the vocabulary, infer the implied meanings and identify the writer's style and attitudes. The results were discussed, and implications for teaching reading comprehension to enhance translation performance were presented.

The essay includes a critical edition of the Bellum Alexandrinum and the Bellum Africum. Both were translated into the vernacular by Pier Candido Decembrio in 1438 as a part of the translation of the whole Corpus Caesarianum which Filippo Maria Visconti commissioned from him. A brief explanation of the philological criteria adopted in this twofold critical edition introduces the texts (which were both dedicated to Inigo d’Avalos together with the whole second section of the corpus) and the related apparatus.

This research attempted to evaluate the quality of Persian translation of drug leaflets. The researchers randomly selected a set of 30 pharmaceutical leaflets collected between March-August, 2015. The leaflets were analyzed based on House's functional-pragmatic model of translation quality assessment. At first, the profiles of both source texts and target texts were collected. Then, their overtly and covertly erroneous errors and the kinds of strategies used by the translators in translating the pharmaceutical leaflets into Persian were identified. The results indicate that out of 90 selected sentences of English leaflets, 47 were overtly erroneous and 43 were error-free. These overtly erroneous translations had 27 instances of " mistranslation " , 15 instances of " grammatical mistakes " , six instances of " addition " , six instances of " omission " and four instances of " substitution ". The only covert error was " tenor mismatch " in all sample sentences. The study findings can help teachers in translation studies to improve the quality of students' translation. Moreover, awareness of the errors in the current leaflet translations can assist students in performing their future jobs as translators. The findings may directly and indirectly affect the health of patients in an efficient and effective way.

The present paper studies diverse procedures related to Venuti " s strategies of domestication and foreignisation in Farsi dubbing and subtitling of the English movie, Warcraft directed by Duncan Jones. The procedures of both domestication and foreignisation were studied and statically analysed for the purpose of exploring the film translation method (dubbing or subtitling) which is closer to target-language-culture and the one which is closer to source-language-culture. In other words it was intended to explore which translation strategy (domestication or foreignisation) dominates dubbing and which one dominates subtitling. The tertiary purpose was to compare the reasons of differences in dubbing versus subtitling on the one hand, and the reasons of differences of the target text from the source text. The statistical analysis revealed that in dubbing, cultural equivalence is the most frequently used procedure (38.26%) apparently for making the movie visible for the public Iranian audience and adjust the movie to cultural considerations. Henceforth, dubbing orients to domestication. However, subtitling, with literal translation as the most frequently used procedure (57.4%), orients to foreignisation. In dubbing of the movie, most differences are related to cultural equivalence (38.26%) and the literal translation (29.56%) is in the next step. An interesting point is that the procedure of calque is neither used in subtitling nor in dubbing. In subtitling, cultural equivalence stands in the second place (17.34) and explanation (9.50%) occupies the third place. Other procedures " frequencies show no meaningful difference. Once implemented on more cases, the findings of this study have the potentialities of generalization to identify the most frequently occurred errors in movie translation industry and henceforth suggesting translation solutions for rendering dubbing and subtitling with more degree of naturalness.

This is a "stub" for the 2019 edition of my "cheat sheet" of info on Trota/the Trotula. The most recent version posted is from 2023 (https://www.academia.edu/97430512/). See https://independentscholar.academia.edu/MonicaHGreen/Trota-and-the-'Trotula'; for all posted materials.

If you need a copy of the 2019 version for reference purposes, please feel free to write me: monica.h.green@gmail.com.

Ces documents inédits-et semble-t-il uniques-intéressent à la fois l'étude du latin médiéval et celle des relations entre juifs et chrétiens, en Ashkénaz, au XIIIe siècle. Ils offrent plusieurs pages de latin translittéré tout en se distinguant par leurs diverses caractéristiques des autres écrits destinés, dans la littérature hébraïque médiévale, à la controverse avec les chrétiens. L argumentation se fonde exclusivement ici sur des emprunts à la tradition latine chrétienne invariablement restitués dans la langue originale (en caractères hébreux), généralement accompagnés d une ébauche de traduction hébraïque et fréquemment précédés, en hébreu et en ancien français (caractères hébreux), d'indications relatives à leur utilisation polémique. Cette stratégie argumentative s apparente à celle des chrétiens invoquant à la même époque, sur des questions analogues, la tradition rabbinique. Ces deux florilèges sont manifestement le fruit d un travail collectif, encore inachevé, dont ils ne représentent que deux étapes distinctes et sans doute deux témoins parmi beaucoup d autres. Ils attestent la réalité d un débat judéo-chrétien qui n était en aucune manière réservé à une élite, et l'imminence de ses enjeux. Ils sont la preuve d une réaction concertée à l entreprise chrétienne de conversion. L édition et la traduction s accompagnent d une analyse codicologique, paléographique, linguistique et textuelle. Les commentaires de la seconde partie situent le détail de l'argumentation dans l ensemble des écrits de controverse judéo-chrétienne. Les conclusions, fondées sur la complémentarité des approches, s achèvent par une mise en contexte prenant en compte les perspectives de recherche encore offertes par ces deux documents exceptionnels.

Il libro VI delle Metamorfosi si apre con un mito, quello di Aracne e Minerva, in cui centrale è l’ecfrasi delle tele composte dalle due sfidanti per mostrare la propria maestria nell’arte della tessitura. Il saggio si propone di analizzare da un lato come la complessa struttura ecfrastica ovidiana sia stata recepita nei principali moralizzamenti e volgarizzamenti tra Tre e Cinquecento, dall’altro se e con che modalità sia stata ripresa nella tradizione letteraria italiana.

Liturgical paradigms in the 17th century. Ioan Zoba from Vinţ and the evolution of Romanian liturgy [Reintregirea Publishing House, 2016]
The main part of this work is dedicated to the archpriest Ioan Zoba from Vinţ (nearby Alba Iulia, Roumania), the most important cultural and ecclesiastic Romanian figure of the second part of the 17th century in Transylvania. In a time when the Romanian orthodox hierarchy was strongly against vernacular language, he published in Romanian some of the most important books used by the orthodox priests: Molităvnic [Euchologion] together with six funeral sermons models (1689); Rânduiala diaconstvelor [Sunday office] (1687); Cărare pe scurt spre fapte bune-îndreptătoare [Short path to the good deeds] (1685); Sicriul de aur [The Golden coffin], 15 funeral homiletic models (1683); Ceasloveţ [Horologion] (1686). So, his pioneering work contributed to the replacement of church Slavonic by the Romanian language.
Accused by Romanian historians that he was an obedient ecclesiastic leader to the dominant Protestant Church (Calvinistic), his books followed the stigmatic of its creator; was told there are "infested" with protestant "poisoned" ideas. In order to provide a theological rehabilitation, by rejecting unsubstantiated accusations of filo-Calvinism and protestant contamination of his works, we offered a detailed analysis of his books proving his clean orthodox doctrine...
His books with an accurate byzantine 'cursus' and doctrine are also reviled by the fact that some parts of his books are found in the Euchologion of Bishop Mitrofan (Buzău, 1690) and in the Great Euchologion of bishop Antim Ivireanul (Râmnicu Vâlcea, 1706).

This collection of thirteen essays addresses the intellectual, religious and literary culture of medieval Anatolia and the early Ottoman realm of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, focusing on texts written in Arabic, Persian and Old Anatolian Turkish as case studies. The introductory chapter surveys the beylik (Turkish principalities) period and the emergence of Anatolian Turkish as a vernacular literary language in the fourteenth century. The subsequent chapters present a wide range of topics, ranging from proto-Bektashi poetry and the Vefa'iyye to the emergence of the Ottoman scholarly system. These scholarly essays aim not only to move beyond Köprülü’s nationalist paradigm of Anatolian cultural life with new approaches, but also to provide background for further research and point to new avenues of inquiry in this relatively neglected field of study.
The volume may be purchased through the Ergon Publisher's website: http://www.ergon-verlag.de/en/orientalistik/istanbuler-texte-und-studien/band-34.php

THIS IS A BOOK PREVIEW. IT DOESN'T INCLUDE NOTES, BIBLIOGRAPHY, AND INDICES.

The Slavic Letters of St. Jerome is the first book-length study of the medieval legend that Church Father and biblical translator St. Jerome was a Slav who invented the Slavic (Glagolitic) alphabet and Roman Slavonic rite.  The Slavic language, written in Jerome’s alphabet and endorsed by his authority, gained the unique privilege in the Western Church of being the only language other than Latin, Greek, and Hebrew acceptable for use in the liturgy.  Such privilege, confirmed repeatedly by the popes, resulted in the creation of narratives about the distinguished historical mission of the Slavs and became a possible means for bridging the divide between the Orthodox and Catholic Churches in the Slavic-speaking lands.  In the 14th century the legend spread from Dalmatia to Bohemia and Poland, where Glagolitic monasteries were established to honor the Apostle of the Slavs Jerome and the rite and letters he created. The myth of Jerome’s apostolate among the Slavs gained many supporters among the learned and spread far and wide, reaching Italy, Spain, Switzerland, and England.  The sources and trajectory of the legend of Jerome’s Slavic fellowship are examined within a wider context of European historical and theological thought.

"Quaeris quid agas, in quo te occupes? Modalität der Notwendigkeit
in der «Epistola ad fratres de Monte Dei» Wilhelms von St. Thierry
in lateinischer und mittelhochdeutscher Fassung".

Im Beitrag werden einige Ergebnisse einer text- und textsortengebunden
Untersuchung zu dominierenden grammatischen Strukturen
in der spätmittelalterlichen geistlichen Prosatexten exemplarisch
vorgestellt. Als Untersuchungsmaterial wurden Traktate der
geistlichen Unterweisung für Novizen gewählt, daher stehen Sprachmittel
zur Wiedergabe der deontischen Modalität im Vordergrund
der Analyse. Es wird über eine speziell zu diesem Zweck entworfene
Klassifikation stereotyper modaler Konstruktionen berichtet, der ich
einerseits strukturell-syntaktische, andererseits funktional-semantische
Kriterien zu Grunde gelegt habe. Nach dem Prinzip einer
felderbezogenen Darstellung sprachlicher Mittel werden zentrale und
periphere Typen syntaktischer Konstruktionen unterschieden.
Beim Vergleich der ‚Epistola ad fratres de Monte Dei’ Wilhelms
von St. Thierry mit ihrer aus der Augsburger Gegend stammenden
mhd. Übersetzung (um 1300) lässt sich vor allem eine
erhebliche strukturelle Asymmetrie zwischen lateinischen und deutschen
syntaktischen Konstruktionen mit deontischer Semantik feststellen.
So gilt für die lateinische ‚Epistola’ die Conjugatio periphrastica
futuri passivi als dominierende grammatische Struktur zur
Wiedergabe der deontischen Semantik, während in der verdeutschten
Version der ‚Epistola’ Sätze mit Modalverben vorherrschen.
Kein strukturelles Äquivalent konnte in der mhd. Übersetzung
für lateinische unpersönliche Konstruktionen mit deontischer
Bedeutung gefunden werden: a) unpersönliches Matrixverb
OPORTET + Accusativus cum infinitivo; b) unpersönliches Matrixverb
EXPEDIT + Infinitivgruppe; c) Conjunctivus imperativus des
Matrixverbs; d) Konstruktionen mit Genitivus characteristicus.
Während strukturelle Ähnlichkeit zwischen ermittelten syntaktischen
Grundtypen relativ selten ist, sind im Gegenteil bei polyprädikativen
hypotaktischen Konstruktionen meistenteils symmetrische
syntaktische Relationen zwischen Klauseln in beiden Fassungen
festzustellen.

Insgesamt zeichnet sich die ‚Epistola’ durch eine intensive
Variation verschiedener sprachlicher Elemente des Modalfeldes aus.
Ein Grund dafür könnte in der Textsortenmischung und in der
Eigenartigkeit der Textfunktion liegen. Im Gegenteil weist der als
Vergleichsmaterial untersuchte 1. Teil des Novizentraktats ‚De exterioris
et interioris hominis compositione’ Davids von Augsburg
sowie seine alemannische Übersetzung aus der Mitte des 14. Jh.
einen weitgehend einheitlichen Gebrauch modaler Strukturen auf.