Tarquinia

Polat Kaya: The title above may be a startling one for some people who are not used to hear such bold descriptions of supposedly "Christian" monuments. The fact is that it is true! In this article I want to reveal a new insight regarding the identity of the ancient Pagan temple,
so-called PANTHEON, in Rome. The ancient European native population was the so-called "Pagan" Turanians before the spread of Christianity. They were the followers of their ancient Turanian Oguz religion. This magnificent building called PANTHEON in Rome is an
embellished copy of the Turkic YURTS of Central Asia. For the "Pagan" Turanians of ancient Europe, this is a natural outcome since for them, the YURT is a father-and-mother home, a country, and a sacred place. Without question, it was the ancient Turanian Tur/Turk
peoples that were the followers of the world’s first trinity Sky-God concept comprising of one universal creator Father-God (ATA TANRI), the Sun-God and the Moon-God. The Turanian Sky-God concept, together with the Turkish language, was in world-wide usage before other religions were formulated and spread. The Judeo-Christian religions, while taking all of their tenets from the Turanian OGUZ religion, also vilified not only this ancient so-called "Pagan" religion, but also its followers to the degree of annihilating them. In this
essay, I have collected together many widely-spread and confused parts of an ancient puzzle to compose a picture that shows how the most advanced civilisation of the ancient Turanian Tur/Turk peoples was stolen and obliterated.

This paper belongs to Mr. Polat Kaya. I share this file / article with the permission of the researcher / author Mr. Polat Kaya. You can also find this article here. https://www.polatkaya.net/pantheon_yurt.htm

""Etruscan is an Indo-European language, probably belonging to a sub-branch of Anatolian which does not include Hittite. This claim is based on the following evidence:
• only lexical items for which Etruscologists have proposed a gloss have been used in this research (no attempt has been made at proposing new glosses for currently obscure or highly controversial Etruscan terms);
• 138 of the glosses put forth by Etruscologists belong to basic lexicon, and 97% of such basic lexicon has an IE etymology;
• 19 grammar morphemes have also been assigned a value by Etruscologists: 95% of them have an IE etymology;
• all such etymologies are based on regular sound laws;
• a few notable innovations are shared by Etruscan and Anatolian languages (often excluding Hittite).""

Funde, Eigennamen und Schriftzeichen beweisen Roms lange Zugehörigkeit zur etruskischen Kultur. Die historisch faßbaren Anfänge des Etruskertums in Italien fallen mit der mythischen  Gründungzeit Roms (datiert auf 753 v. Chr.) zusammen. Die Sage berichtet vom korinthisch-etruskischen Ursprung der letzten römische Könige und von Einfällen der Etrusker unter dem König von Clusium Lars Porsenna nach dem Sturz der Tarquinier.  Die zwei römischen Gründungsmythen, die Äneas- und die Romulus-Sage, bezeugen die enge Verbindung Roms mit den etruskischen Nachbarn. Von den sieben sagenhaften Königen Roms, von Romulus bis Tarquinius Superbus, waren vier etruskischer Herkunft. Romulus ist der mythische Ahnherr der *Ruma, eines aus lat. Roma erschlossenen Geschlechternamens. Die erschlossene etruskische Form von Romulus lautet *Rumle. Von ihm leiten sich auch die Gentilizien Romulius bzw. Romilius ab. Auf die Romulii oder Romilii ist auch die erste der  sechzehn ältesten römischen Landtribus, die Romulia zurückzuführen. Remus gilt als der Ahnherr der Remmii, eines Geschlechts, das es wohl im ältesten Rom gegeben haben muß. Dem Gentilnamen liegt der etruskische Name  Rem-ne oder Rem-ni zugrunde. Von diesem Gentilizium leiten sich in und um Rom die Toponyme Rem-ona und Rem-oria her. Tyrrhener  und Römer wurden von den Griechen häufig synonym benutzt: Tyrrhenoì  è Rhomaîoi („Tyrrhener oder Römer“), ebenso wie Tyrrhenía è Italía. Einige Sprachelemente seien zusätzlich genannt: Im Etruskischen lauten die Namensbezeichnungen für Rom Ruma, für Römer Rumach, für Troja Truia, für Trojaner Truial. In der Frühzeit herrschte ein Priesterkönig (lauchme oder lochume, lat. lucumo) in jeder etruskischen Stadt, ein Titel, der möglicherweise auf die Heilskönige und Richter der nordostgeorgischen Bergstämme verweist, die häufig den Namen Luchumi trugen.

Das etruskische Erbe Roms gelangte erst Jahrhunderte später, während des Humanismus und in der Renaissance wieder zum Vorschein. Bei der Hinwendung zur Antike in der Rinascita spielte in der Toskana und in Latium, vor allem in Florenz und Viterbo, die Etruscheria, die Begeisterung für die Etrusker, eine besondere Rolle. Das Etruskertum diente als Modell gesellschaftlicher Erneuerung und fand Eingang in die kulturellen Programme der Renaissancefürsten, nicht zuletzt  der Medici. Der römische Baumeister Vitruv hatte  in seinem Augustus gewidmeten Werk De architectura  die tuskische Säulenordnung beschrieben. Diese Schrift regte die Renaissancearchitekten Andrea Palladio und Giorgio Vasari an. Der Palladianismus bildet zwei Jahrhunderte später eine der wichtigsten Stilrichtungen des Klassizismus. Durch die Lektüre von Palladio inspiriert, errichtete Thomas Jefferson sein Haus „Monticello“ mit toskanischem Portikus – die  erste toskanische Villa in der Neuen Welt.  Den Etruskern verdankt das  abendländischen Denken  schließlich  eine zentrale Kategorie – die Person.

The research on the Mound of Queen (excavations 2008-2014) showed a long stretch of the perimeter of the monument and the front of the tomb, focused on the large vestibule / entrance on which there are three funerary rooms: the
large central room, which is unexplored and the two side rooms. The mound presents a cross plan, the oldest so far documented in the architecture of Tarquinia. The works revealed the magnificence of princely burial and unexpected
pictorial and sculptural decorative peculiarities. In the back came to light a podium-altar, and remains of stone animal sculptures refer to a group of sculptures that decorated the mound. The entrance of the tomb opens to the West,
towards the sea, and had to be protected by a wooden roof of which remain on the steps large post holes. The main element of the Interior is coated with white plaster in alabaster plaster that covered the entrance and burial chambers:
chalk’s luck baked in the Middle East is due to its versatility in use. The chromatic impact offered by the vestibule paintings had to be very impressive, with issues related to the celebration of the death and the gentry identity, as you can see from the painted fragments that show geometric patterns and figures made with the colors of the oldest Tarquinian painting, red and black. We are faced with the first pictorial experiences of Tarquinia, the second half of the seventh century BC, with a monumental representation, as is the case at once in large tombs of Cerveteri.

This contribution presents a preliminary report of the results of the research unit of the University
of Milan, “Tarquinian Walls”, and an overview of the interdisciplinary undertaking of the “Tarquinia
Project”. Such background research made it possible to figure out the relationship between the city and
its territory as regards the choice of the Tarquinian ancient community to partially frame the limits of
the Civita plateau with walls. In such a framework, the evidence of the impasto olla of the Bocchoris
Tomb, dating to the very beginning of the 7th century BCE and decorated with a white-on-red technique,
could help in understanding the meaning of the pattern of the walls at Tarquinia during the
orientalising period. The olla shows the most ancient representation known so far of seven alternating
towers crowned with square battlements and soldiers with hoplite armour. The study of the whole set
of objects, including the olla, its lid and the holmos that rises to a level under the viewer’s eye, inspires
comparisons with the iconographies of the great cities of Ancient Greece and the Near East.

Nuove ipotesi di attribuzione Nicola Severino-www.cosmati.it Gennaio 2011 Pur non avendo mai visitato l'antica chiesa di Santa Maria in Castello a Corneto-Tarquinia (più avanti dirò solo Tarquinia), mi accingo a proporre un confronto stilistico di alcune importanti parti del pavimento cosmatesco per una nuova eventuale ipotesi di attribuzione, sostanzialmente diversa da quella cui tutti gli autori sono giunti, nel corso di circa un secolo di ricerche. Tuttavia, devo precisare che questa mia ipotesi deriva esclusivamente dall'osservazione e comparazione stilistica delle parti di pavimento che andrò ad analizzare, con quelle evidentemente molto simili, se non identiche, alla matrice della scuola o degli artisti cui è rivolta la nuova attribuzione. Dell'importante complesso religioso e specialmente sui suoi arredi marmorei, scrisse, forse per primo in modo completo e competente, Giovanni Battista De Rossi 1 , ma siamo nel 1875. Sebbene l'articolo si intitolasse "Il pavimento della chiesa di S. Maria di Castello in Corneto-Tarquinia" ed uno dei paragrafi interni "Del cosiddetto opus alexandrinum e dei marmorarii romani che lavorarono nella chiesa di S. Maria in Castello", l'autore poco o nulla dice sul pavimento stesso, ed essendo l'unico reperto della chiesa non firmato da alcun artista, egli dice si può attribuire-come è logico-ai maestri che vi lavorarono firmando gli arredi liturgici. Nella fattispecie, il maggior indiziato sembrerebbe essere Pietro di Ranuccio e suo fratello Nicola che lavorarono al portale e alla bifora della facciata della chiesa. L'articolo di De Rossi più che illustrare il pavimento della chiesa, analizza le lapidi proveniente dalle catacombe romane e dai cimiteri antichi, con le relative iscrizioni, che vi furono montate in un tempo imprecisato. Lapidi che provengono da diversi siti storici del luogo e che non riguardano assolutamente notizie degli artefici marmorari cui l'opera è attribuita. Inoltre, l'autore ne approfitta per emendare errori e sviste di scrittori coevi su alcune iscrizioni che hanno poi gettato confusione nelle pubblicazioni postume. E' da rilevare che nel 1875, come lo stesso De Rossi scrive, lo studio delle epigrafi e dei monumenti scaturiti da quella che Camillo Boito dichiarò essere l'arte cosmatesca, era ancora buio e sconosciuto. La genealogia dei marmorari romani e delle famiglie dei Cosmati, che si intrecciavano ad artisti isolati e provenienti da zone esterne all'area di Roma, era molto incerta e confusa e De Rossi tenta in questo scritto di riprenderne il filo conduttore, attraverso lo studio ed analisi delle epigrafi e dei monumenti, riproponendo emendamenti e nuove ipotesi, smembrando le tesi ufficialmente accettate ed erroneamente divulgate, per riconosciuta autorità, da altri autori. Lo scritto di De Rossi è, oggi, molto significativo per mostrarci lo stato in cui erano gli studi sui Cosmati nella seconda metà del XIX secolo, quando da poco il termine "arte cosmatesca" era stato coniato da Camillo Boito in un suo studio ed universalmente accettato dagli studiosi. Vale la pena di ricordarne qui le linee essenziali:

This paper examines four Roman units of weight discovered in the archaeological complex provisionally known as “domus of the Mithraeum” in Tarquinia, respectively during the 2016 and 2017’s campaigns.
At least two of them can be likely linked to production areas of the large Roman “domus of the Mithraeum”; thus mirroring other contexts where Roman weights come from rich private households or public buildings.

Το κείμενο ερευνά και αναθεωρεί απόψεις που σχετίζονται με θεότητες του μυκηναϊκού κόσμου αναφερόμενες ή υποδηλούμενες στις πινακίδες της γραμμικής Β, καθώς και με το δρώμενο του ετρουσκικού "παίγνιου" Φersu / Rhersu. Όλα αυτά έχουν άμεση σχέση με ομώνυμες ονομασίες τόπων στον βαλκανικό χώρο και στην Ιταλία, όπου έδρασαν μεταλλωρύχοι-μεταλλουργοί, χρήστες του όπιου και ιδρυτές των Ελευσινίων Μυστηρίων.

Discovered in the middle of the XIX century, the Etrusco-Roman city of Musarna, located between Viterbo and Tuscania, in the very heart of Tarquinia’s territory, has been founded at the end of the IV century BC as a military colony, and definitively abandoned at the beginning of the VII century AD. Between 1983 and 2003, the École française de Rome made extensive archeological campaigns in and outside the city. This paper summarizes the chief results of these excavations – urban planning, public and private buildings, defensive walls, Hellenistic and Roman necropolis, landscape –, and gives a general account of the on-going publication project. It also includes new datas from the city (underground cellars), necropolis (Hellenistic terracotta masks in the Vatican Museum, localization and context of the 18 sarcophagi from Musarna kept in the United States, with a new inscription of the Thvetlie in Berkeley) and territory (Monterazzano’s “Veiovis”, two unpublished Ferento’s cippi, question of the pestarole, nenfro caves), as well as indications about the first results of the excavations at the monumental Hellenistic tomb recently rediscovered at north-east from Musarna, loc. Grotte Scalina.

This paper discusses an Athenian red-figured calyx krater of ca. 440 B.C., recently looted from the Etruscan site of Tarquinia and subsequently seized by the Italian carabinieri. The krater's style, shape, and three-line fragmentary inscription -- the latter only visible under raking light -- allow an attribution to the Pantoxena Painter, a member of the prolific Polygnotan workshop. Moreover, the krater features a scene unique among surviving vases; I conclude that it provides the only known image of a rhapsode from the second half of the fifth century B.C. This vase therefore adds considerably to our knowledge of rhapsodic contests in Athens, as well as the perception of this event among contemporary Athenians at a time of great cultural change. More difficult to evaluate is the krater's meaning for its Etruscan viewer with such distinctively Athenian iconography. The unfortunate lack of documentation and physical context means that only part of the vase's biography can be uncovered.

The work of Carlo Ruspi is closely linked to the enterprise of documenting at its best and guaranteeing to the posterity the vestiges of the Etruscan paintings found in the Twenties and Thirties of the 19th Century.
At first, we see him hired at the Institute of Archeological Correspondence of Rome for the production of the early tracings, and later at the service of the King of Bavaria for making the full scale reproductions, destined to the Museum in Munich.
Ruspi’s replicas will be the evocative setting both for the Etruscan antiquities exhibition by the Campanari Brothers, held in London in 1837, and the newly born Gregorian Etruscan Museum, which at the present time still counts in its collections the replicas of six Tarquinian tombs (of the Inscriptions, of the Dead Man, of the Baron, of the Bigae, of the Triclinium, Querciola I) and of the missing Campanari Tomb at Vulci, as well as the reproduction of the entire pictorial cycle of the François Tomb at Vulci, that was later found in 1857, reproduced by the artist in 1862, a year before his passing.
The Vatican series is presented in its historical, artistic and documentary value, as well as in the context of the transformation of museography in the 19th and 20th Centuries.

l’Atlante Archeologico Illustrato dei Monti della Tolfa, boll.32 società storica civitavecchiese, curato da Glauco Stracci in collaborazione con Eleonora Roscioni e Simone Gargiulli.
Il libro è dedicato ad Odoardo Toti nel primo anno dalla sua scomparsa.

RIASSUNTO
L’articolo esamina le olle stamnoidi a colletto, vasi realizzati in Etruria in età ellenistica. La presenza del colletto sulla
spalla, uno spazio vuoto delimitato da un cordone plastico, è
un elemento che accomuna questa forma vascolare ai potes
meleiros iberici e melopitari greci. Come questi, anche le olle
stamnoidi possono quindi essere considerate specifici contenitori
per lo stoccaggio di miele.

RESUMEN
El presente artículo analiza las ollas con forma de stamnos
a colletto, vasos contenedores realizados en Etruria durante la
época helenística. Estos vasos se caracterizan por tener un canal
circular en el hombro, por eso es posible asociar esta forma
cerámica con la de los potes meleiros ibéricos y con la de los
melopitari grecos. Por eso, las ollas tienen que considerarse
específicos contenedores para conservar la miel.

SUMMARY
This paper discusses stamnoid jars a colletto. These vases,
made in Etruria during the Hellenistic period, are characterised
by a peculiar rib that creates an empty channel around the entire
circumference of the vase. Similar features can also be found on
Iberian potes meleiros and Greek melopitari. Like these latter
two types of vases, the aforementioned Etruscan jars may also
be considered as being devoted primarily to honey storage.

INDEX:

MARIA FRANCESCA PETROCCHI p. 19
Il viaggiatore “insocievole” e il viaggiatore “volante”:
Cardarelli e Barilli in viaggio nel Novecento

CLELIA MARTIGNONI p. 37
Per Vincenzo Cardarelli: qualche riflessione 2015

VALERIO MAGRELLI p. 53
Ritorno a Cardarelli

SILVIA MORGANI p. 61
L’epistolario Cardarelli-Bacchelli: l’evolversi di un’amicizia
tra vita e coscienza letteraria

Tavola rotonda
La didattica della letteratura italiana del Novecento
Varcare le soglie della libertà: l’incontro con la letteratura

INTRODUZIONE p. 83

FRANCESCA PETROCCHI p. 87
Varcare le soglie della libertà:
l’incontro con la letteratura del Novecento

FILIPPO GRAZZINI p. 93
Studiare, e insegnare, la letteratura: hic et nunc

FABIO CANESSA p. 111
La scuola al centro della scuola

Sintesi del dibattito p. 117

Aim of the paper is the presentation of an important group of figurative ceramic (black-figure, red-figure, superposed colour) discovered during P. Romanelli’s excavations on the Civita of Tarquinia. The material, completely unpublished, comes from the investigations of the so-called “edificio B”, the only one that together with the Ara della Regina returned figured pottery. Together with the materials more recently discovered during the excavations of the Università Degli Studi di Milano at the “complesso monumentale” and at the Ara della Regina, these fragments represent an important documentation of figured pottery from Tarquinian non-funerary contexts. Even if it is not possible to recognise the original function of these vases, their analysis adds important data on the diffusion of groups such as the Uccelli acquatici Group or the Funnel Group. Particularly interesting in this regard is an unusually decorated fragment belonging to the Tarquinian Silhouette Workshop, recognised by M. Del Chiaro as a Tarquinian production, to which is dedicated the second part of this work.

The past inability to translate Etruscan texts has meant that the interpretation of Etrucan art has been mostly speculation. This interpretation has been made even more difficult because this was the time when new demon imagery (Cyclops, Skadi) not seen in the past was being introduced as Etruscan religious culture was changing from the magical Ancient Pagan Paradigm to the lordified dualist framework of today's religions. Etruscan texts were written in Alphabetic Akkadian which was the common written language of trade and temple all around the Mediterranean prior to its replacement by Greek and Latin. Etruscan texts are distinguished from Greek texts by their writing direction with Etruscan texts written from right to left and Greek texts written from left to right. The motivation behind these tomb and pottery texts was an ongoing debate about the cause droughts. The Tomb of Orcus supports the use of human emotion magic as a corrective practice while the Tomb of Shields is anti-magic. The life class deities mentioned in these texts are the top layer source god Alu, middle layer network god Hu, network editing and crescent moon goddess Ayu, and life form manifester (revealer) god Yahu. The magical motion class deities mentioned are the top layer full moon source god Su and the middle layer hermaphrodite deity Thu.

Il contributo è dedicato alla ricostruzione storica del paesaggio costiero di Tarquinia dalla Preistoria all'evo moderno, attraverso le testimonianze relative alle diverse fasi etrusche, romana (repubblicana e imperiale) e medievale di utilizzo e occupazione del territorio. In particolare, la presenza di lagune costiere ha condizionato a più riprese nel corso del tempo gli insediamenti, la viabilità e lo sfruttamento agricolo della piana costiera.
Parole chiave: Paesaggio storico; Tarquinia; Gravisca-Porto Clementino; Saline; Navigazione.

This paper tackles the historical reconstruction of the coastal landscape of Tarquinia from Prehistory to the modern period, through the available evidence from the Etruscan, Roman (republican and imperial) and Medieval phases of the use of land and settlement. In particular, the existence of coastal lagoons conditioned again and again in the course of time settlements, the road network and the agricultural use of the coast plan.
Keywords: Historical landscape; Tarquinia; Gravisca-Porto Clementino; Salt-works; Seafaring.