- Michelle Pace is Professor in Global Studies at Roskilde University in Denmark and Honorary Professor in Politics at the University of Birmingham in the UKedit
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Research Interests: Art, Resilience, Hope, Israel, Resistance, and 5 moreSettler colonialism, The Arts, Gaza, Despair, and Alternative Epistemologies
Since the creation of Israel in 1948 its strategies of suppressing Palestinian resistance reveal a conscious scheme of slow elimination of the natives. What concerns us in this article is that, in light of all Israel's intentional... more
Since the creation of Israel in 1948 its strategies of suppressing Palestinian resistance reveal a conscious scheme of slow elimination of the natives. What concerns us in this article is that, in light of all Israel's intentional violence, episodes of Palestinian non-violence do not capture and sustain the world's attention in the way that violent acts do. In order to fill this gap, and conceptually, we draw upon the rich works of Puar and de Sousa Santos, as well as others, to show how Gazans' heterogeneous ontologies and experiences with Israel's settler colonialism have, over the years, shaped a multiplicity of strategies for resistance. Empirically, we draw upon ethnographic observations and interviews conducted with Gazan Great March of Return (GRM) protesters to analyze their strategies of non-violence. We conclude that, in spite of the lack of sustained focus by academics and the media (in general) on the embedded resilience of Palestinians to Israel's se...
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Michelle Pace is Professor in Global Studies at Roskilde University. Haim Yacobi is Professor of Development Planning at the Bartlett Development Planning Unit, University College London. The authors wish to thank Dr Ziad Abu Mustafa and... more
Michelle Pace is Professor in Global Studies at Roskilde University. Haim Yacobi is Professor of Development Planning at the Bartlett Development Planning Unit, University College London. The authors wish to thank Dr Ziad Abu Mustafa and Dr Manal Massalha for their assistance in conducting interviews in Gaza (Ziad) and for collating international organizations’ reports (Manal) for the purpose of their Wellcome Trust project which forms the basis for this piece. Reacting to President Trump’s proposed “vision” for the decades-long Israeli-Palestinian conflict, EU High Representative Josep Borrell made clear that the initiative departs from internationally agreed parameters and the EU therefore opposes “the deal”.1 The statement, however, was issued on an individual basis since EU declarations on behalf of all member states require unanimity. As expected, agreement among member states was lacking, preventing the issuance of an EU wide declaration.
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Less than 10% of the estimated total of 11 million Syrians who fled their homes, have actually reached Europe; around 4.8 million Syrian refugees live in neighbouring countries and over 6.6 million are internally displaced people (IDP)... more
Less than 10% of the estimated total of 11 million Syrians who fled their homes, have actually reached Europe; around 4.8 million Syrian refugees live in neighbouring countries and over 6.6 million are internally displaced people (IDP) within Syria (Migration Policy Centre, 2016). In 2014, the author travelled back to northern Syria, where she conducted anthropological fieldwork in the past between 1997 and 2002, and visited the IDP camps of Atmeh and Qah. This chapter maps out the situation of Syrian children in these IDP camps, compared to trajectories of Syrian refugee children to Europe. Located in so-called “hard-to-reach-areas”, IDP camps are camps of liminality by their locality and marginalisation, “betwixt and between” (Turner, 1969). The IDP camps are not supposed to be permanent, yet all signs are present they will grow into permanent settlements as observed with satellite imagery. Due to the lack of international aid, children in these camps struggle with a severe lack of basic needs supply and education. By comparing the trajectories of Syrian children in Europe with those living inside IDP camps, the author considers the nexus between agency, locality, liminality, mobility and trajectories. The empirical material is based on personal fieldvisits to IDP camps, satellite imagery and interviews with Syrians in Syria, Turkey and the Netherlands. (Less)
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The so-called 'Arab Awakening'is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy makers. For over a decade the paradigm of authoritarian resilience had dominated studies of the Arab world, almost entirely replacing the... more
The so-called 'Arab Awakening'is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy makers. For over a decade the paradigm of authoritarian resilience had dominated studies of the Arab world, almost entirely replacing the democratization paradigm that had been prominent throughout the 1980s and 1990s. This inter-paradigm debate on how best to explain and interpret the politics of the Arab world now calls for a review, in light of the Arab uprisings. The contributions to this themed issue offer a first attempt at highlighting ...
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This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)'s international identity and agency in the context of the memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to... more
This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)'s international identity and agency in the context of the memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others while constructing its identity, creating its agency, and potentially affecting the social order. It is argued that the memory of trauma is translated into EU foreign policy practice through emotional performances of EU representatives. Empirically, we explore this impact in relation to the EU's engagement in the Israel‐Palestinian prolonged conflict that has many underlying emotions linked with past traumatic experiences. By doing so, we aim to instigate a discussion between the emotions literature in International Relations and the European Union studies literature to nuance understanding of the politics of emotions that increasingly constrain what kind of a global actor the EU actually is or can become.
Research Interests: Cognitive Science, International Relations, Foreign Policy Analysis, Foreign Policy, European Foreign Policy, and 15 moreEuropean Union, Memory Studies, Middle East Politics, European Union and Middle East, Israel, European Union external relations, Middle East, EU Foreign Policy, EU as a global actor, Conflict Studies, European Union Studies, Israeli Palestinian Conflict, Arab Israeli conflict, EU Middle East Conflict, and Emotions In International Relations
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This article contributes to the debate on liminality within International Relations (IR) theory by focusing on the actorness of the European Union (EU) and Hamas. The concept of liminality as a transitional process is applied to frame the... more
This article contributes to the debate on liminality within International Relations (IR) theory by focusing on the actorness of the European Union (EU) and Hamas. The concept of liminality as a transitional process is applied to frame the situation of both the EU and Hamas as political actors in-between socially established categories. This article explores how the liminal identity of these two actors impacts, on the one hand, their relations with each other and, on the other hand, their relations of ‘self’. Exploring the procedural relations of the EU and Hamas, it argues for the necessity of recognising liminal categories in IR theory and practice, while, at the same time, it highlights the limits of such in-between categories in a world order still structured around the state.
Research Interests: European Studies, International Relations, Development Studies, Middle East Studies, Political Science, and 15 moreInternational Political Economy, Palestine, European Foreign Policy, Liminality, European Union, Middle East Politics, Identity, Practice, Imitation, Communitas, Hamas, Actors, Non state actors, Permanent Liminality, and masters of ceremonies
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The core objective of this special issue has been to shed light on emotions as (1) frames that shape interpersonal diplomatic relations, (2) as key tools that are used as part of the statecraft's toolbox, and (3) as formative/... more
The core objective of this special issue has been to shed light on emotions as (1) frames that shape interpersonal diplomatic relations, (2) as key tools that are used as part of the statecraft's toolbox, and (3) as formative/ productive dynamics with real effects on human beings-that, in turn, often construct and maintain conflicts. It is therefore pertinent that we interrogate the political psychology of individual, collective, mass, and communal emotions and how these are often (mis)used in diplomacy and security narratives to legitimize politicians' decisions and practices. This concluding article provides a state of the art account of the study of emotions in International Relations (IR), sums up the main findings from all special issue contributions and constructively explores potential challenges ahead for the study of emotions in IR, especially in security and diplomacy studies. It concludes with an appeal for the development of a multiperspective approach-that is, one that combines social sciences, natural sciences, and humanities-for a nuanced study of the role of emotional work in state, diplomatic as well as security narratives and practices. This approach will in turn require methodological pluralism in how we go about, as reflexive researchers, our emotional research.
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What exactly is meant by the spirit of 'dialogue' on which (the third basket of) the EMP is based? Does the EMP's region-building approach take into account the diverging political, socio-economic and... more
What exactly is meant by the spirit of 'dialogue' on which (the third basket of) the EMP is based? Does the EMP's region-building approach take into account the diverging political, socio-economic and cultural features of the southern Mediterranean? What do the ...
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... View full textDownload full text Full access. DOI: 10.1080/13629390802386978 Michelle Pace a * ... On 19 June 2008, an Egyptian-mediated truce took effect between Israel and Hamas in Gaza designed to halt Israeli incursions into the... more
... View full textDownload full text Full access. DOI: 10.1080/13629390802386978 Michelle Pace a * ... On 19 June 2008, an Egyptian-mediated truce took effect between Israel and Hamas in Gaza designed to halt Israeli incursions into the Gaza Strip and to stop missiles being fired ...
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... 2007. EU and the dawn of the ENP: opening up the horizons toward a new neighbourhood. In Governing Europe's New Neighbourhood: partners or periphery? , Edited by: Katja, Weber, Michael, Smith and Michael, Baun. Manchester:... more
... 2007. EU and the dawn of the ENP: opening up the horizons toward a new neighbourhood. In Governing Europe's New Neighbourhood: partners or periphery? , Edited by: Katja, Weber, Michael, Smith and Michael, Baun. Manchester: Manchester University Press. ...
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... While Islamists increasingly accept democratic procedures, they aim to build a different type of nation-state, which in turn challenges what European policy makers con-sider as democratically acceptable.13 This dilemma for the EU is... more
... While Islamists increasingly accept democratic procedures, they aim to build a different type of nation-state, which in turn challenges what European policy makers con-sider as democratically acceptable.13 This dilemma for the EU is explored further in Kandil's contribution to ...
The so-called ‘Arab Awakening’ is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy makers. For over a decade the paradigm of authoritarian resilience had dominated studies of the Arab world, almost entirely replacing the... more
The so-called ‘Arab Awakening’ is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy makers. For over a decade the paradigm of authoritarian resilience had dominated studies of the Arab world, almost entirely replacing the democratization paradigm that had been prominent throughout the 1980s and 1990s. This inter-paradigm debate on how best to explain and interpret the politics of the
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... DOI: 10.1080/13629390500289326 Michelle Pace a * pages 291-312. Available online: 08 Dec 2010. ...
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Abstract It has become common to regard consociational democracy as a method of managing conflict in ethnically divided societies but little attention has been paid to its applicability to societies where the primary political cleavage is... more
Abstract It has become common to regard consociational democracy as a method of managing conflict in ethnically divided societies but little attention has been paid to its applicability to societies where the primary political cleavage is between secular and religious forces. This article seeks to redress this imbalance by examining the applicability of consociationalism to the case of the Palestinian Territory. We argue that, while Palestinian society is characterised by 'pillarisation'along a secularist/Islamist cleavage, formal power- ...
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ABSTRACT This article focuses on how the EU has interpreted the Arab uprisings as they unfolded in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since December 2010. EU actors have long acknowledged limits in the EU's strategy towards... more
ABSTRACT This article focuses on how the EU has interpreted the Arab uprisings as they unfolded in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) since December 2010. EU actors have long acknowledged limits in the EU's strategy towards its southern neighbourhood, which largely bypasses the demands of local populations. The article analyzes the EU's efforts at recreating an ‘enhanced’ framework of support for political reforms in the south. It concludes that the EU and local partners in the south still have different ‘visions’ regarding democratic change, which shows the limitations of the EU's understanding of the MENA region.
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Abstract It has become common to regard consociational democracy as a method of managing conflict in ethnically divided societies but little attention has been paid to its applicability to societies where the primary political cleavage is... more
Abstract It has become common to regard consociational democracy as a method of managing conflict in ethnically divided societies but little attention has been paid to its applicability to societies where the primary political cleavage is between secular and religious forces. This article seeks to redress this imbalance by examining the applicability of consociationalism to the case of the Palestinian Territory. We argue that, while Palestinian society is characterised by 'pillarisation'along a secularist/Islamist cleavage, formal power- ...
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The so-called ‘Arab Awakening’ is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy makers. For over a decade the paradigm of authoritarian resilience had dominated studies of the Arab world, almost entirely replacing the... more
The so-called ‘Arab Awakening’ is a momentous event that surprised both scholars and policy makers. For over a decade the paradigm of authoritarian resilience had dominated studies of the Arab world, almost entirely replacing the democratization paradigm that had been prominent throughout the 1980s and 1990s. This inter-paradigm debate on how best to explain and interpret the politics of the
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Annexation of the West Bank
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This paper outlines the academic debates on the topic of migrant and refugee integration. Given the diversity of migratory statuses, experiences and conditions around the world, we argue that the concept of integration needs to be... more
This paper outlines the academic debates on the topic of migrant and refugee integration. Given the diversity of migratory statuses, experiences and conditions around the world, we argue that the concept of integration needs to be carefully unpacked and contextualized. In rethinking integration, we contend that integration is not just about macro-level policy-making decisions, meso-level implementation or political discourses on these. A conception of integration must also include the perspective of those that are being told that they have to integrate. We therefore pay particular attention to the aspirations, experiences and actions of migrants, refugees and asylum seekers (MRAs), whether “integration” is a concept they think about, how “integration” is interpreted by these targeted subjects and how the diverse nature of migrants and their multiple characteristics shape integration opportunities and challenges.
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This article contributes to the debate on liminality within International Relations (IR) theory by focusing on the actorness of the European Union (EU) and Hamas. The concept of liminality as a transitional process is applied to frame the... more
This article contributes to the debate on liminality within International Relations (IR) theory by focusing on the actorness of the European Union (EU) and Hamas. The concept of liminality as a transitional process is applied to frame the situation of both the EU and Hamas as political actors in-between socially established categories. This article explores how the liminal identity of these two actors impacts, on the one hand, their relations with each other and, on the other hand, their relations of 'self'. Exploring the procedural relations of the EU and Hamas, it argues for the necessity of recognising liminal categories in IR theory and practice, while, at the same time, it highlights the limits of such in-between categories in a world order still structured around the state.
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The starting point for this paper is twofold. On the one hand, the authors have recently been involved in a study on European integration and border conflict transformation, which established conditions under which integration and... more
The starting point for this paper is twofold. On the one hand, the authors have recently been involved in a study on European integration and border conflict transformation, which established conditions under which integration and association can have a desecuritising effect on border conflicts. One core condition was an image of the EU as a positive force in world politics. On the other hand, both authors have been involved in the debate on normative power Europe and have argued that this concept is better seen as a discursive self-construction imbuing the integration project with new force and establishing an EU identity against Others, rather than an objective analytical concept. In this paper, we explore the degree to which this self-construction of the EU is shared by others in international society, and in particular in conflict areas. Our basic hypothesis is that the EU's chances to act as a mediator, or to transform conflicts through association agreements and other form...
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European University Institute, ...
The Human Right to Dominate helps us understand the trajectory of how Israeli society has become such a sick society today ...
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. Mediterranean EU colonial past empire amnesia atonement ................. Colonialism is silently inscribed in the genes of the European integration project since its origins. This is demonstrated by the incorporation of Algeria – as... more
.
Mediterranean
EU
colonial past
empire
amnesia
atonement
.................
Colonialism is silently inscribed in the genes of the European integration
project since its origins. This is demonstrated by the incorporation of
Algeria – as part of France – in the European Community and even more
by its subsequent disappearance, leaving virtually no traces, following
Algeria’s independence in 1962. Despite the centrality of the Mediterranean
to this foundational symptom, the literature on the role of memory in
European integration has predominantly had an inward focus. Thus, it has
failed to adequately grapple with Europe’s colonial past and its influence
on the EU’s external relations with the Mediterranean. This Special Issue
aims to fill this gap, and this introduction lays out the analytical framework
informing the contributions to this collective endeavour. The centrality of
the Mediterranean as an epistemic and geopolitical site of knowledge
production is explored with reference to Nicolaïdis’ suggestion that the
EU’s strategies of dealing with its colonial past have historically been
characterized by amnesia, redirection and atonement. This Special Issue
builds on this framework, and expands on it through an explicit
interdisciplinary approach that brings to the fore some of the foundational sources of anticolonial politics and postcolonial studies, including the work of Fanon, Touré and Nkrumah. In doing so, it contributes to decentring the EU’s view of the contemporary Mediterranean, while simultaneously providing a
perspective from the social sciences on the emerging literature on the
postcolonial Mediterranean, hitherto predominantly rooted in the
humanities. Finally, we hope that this Special Issue also contributes to
enabling a broader discussion on the politics of researching institutions
oblivious of their own entanglements, direct or otherwise, with the
histories, states, societies and peoples that they engage with today.
Mediterranean
EU
colonial past
empire
amnesia
atonement
.................
Colonialism is silently inscribed in the genes of the European integration
project since its origins. This is demonstrated by the incorporation of
Algeria – as part of France – in the European Community and even more
by its subsequent disappearance, leaving virtually no traces, following
Algeria’s independence in 1962. Despite the centrality of the Mediterranean
to this foundational symptom, the literature on the role of memory in
European integration has predominantly had an inward focus. Thus, it has
failed to adequately grapple with Europe’s colonial past and its influence
on the EU’s external relations with the Mediterranean. This Special Issue
aims to fill this gap, and this introduction lays out the analytical framework
informing the contributions to this collective endeavour. The centrality of
the Mediterranean as an epistemic and geopolitical site of knowledge
production is explored with reference to Nicolaïdis’ suggestion that the
EU’s strategies of dealing with its colonial past have historically been
characterized by amnesia, redirection and atonement. This Special Issue
builds on this framework, and expands on it through an explicit
interdisciplinary approach that brings to the fore some of the foundational sources of anticolonial politics and postcolonial studies, including the work of Fanon, Touré and Nkrumah. In doing so, it contributes to decentring the EU’s view of the contemporary Mediterranean, while simultaneously providing a
perspective from the social sciences on the emerging literature on the
postcolonial Mediterranean, hitherto predominantly rooted in the
humanities. Finally, we hope that this Special Issue also contributes to
enabling a broader discussion on the politics of researching institutions
oblivious of their own entanglements, direct or otherwise, with the
histories, states, societies and peoples that they engage with today.
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12 people in the Gaza Strip have tested positive for COVID-19. This number may look miniscule when compared to the shocking figures in China, the US, Spain or Italy. However, in light of the rapid spread of this global pandemic on the one... more
12 people in the Gaza Strip have tested positive for COVID-19. This number may look miniscule when compared to the shocking figures in China, the US, Spain or Italy. However, in light of the rapid spread of this global pandemic on the one hand, and the ongoing violence and destruction caused by Israel on the other, the conditions in Gaza will lead to a human catastrophe. This will not be a natural disaster, but rather a product of decades of Israeli settler colonial policy that has been consciously designed to achieve the dismantling of Gaza.
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In the last two years, European governments have increasingly emphasized the importance of new arrivals learning the local language and embracing values. Available at:... more
In the last two years, European governments have increasingly emphasized the importance of new arrivals learning the local language and embracing values. Available at: http://eaworldview.com/2018/03/europe-can-hear-voices-young-syrian-refugees/
Research Interests: European Studies, Choreography, Trauma Studies, Lebanon, Syria, and 9 moreEuropean Union Politics, Denmark, Britishness, Informal Education, Integration, Rights of migrant children & refugees, Importances of Non Informal Education, Danishness, and Migration Experiences of Unaccompanied Young Migrants
This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)’s international identity and agency in the context of memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others... more
This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)’s international identity and agency in the context of memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others while constructing its identity, creating its agency, and potentially affecting the social order. It is argued that the memory of trauma is translated into EU foreign policy practice through emotional performances of EU representatives. Empirically, we explore this impact in relation to the EU’s engagement in the Israel-Palestinian prolonged conflict that has many underlying emotions linked with past traumatic experiences. By doing so we aim to instigate a discussion between the emotions literature in International Relations and the European Union studies literature to nuance understanding of the politics of emotions that increasingly constrain what kind of a global actor the EU actually is or can become.
Research Interests:
During 2014, Denmark received nearly 15,000 asylum seekers, almost twice the number from the previous year as more people fleeing Syria's war fled to Europe. By 2016, Denmark succeeded in making the country highly unattractive as a... more
During 2014, Denmark received nearly 15,000 asylum seekers, almost twice the number from the previous year as more people fleeing Syria's war fled to Europe. By 2016, Denmark succeeded in making the country highly unattractive as a destination for refugees fleeing war torn countries. The country introduced a controversial 'jewellery bill', placed adverts in a newspaper in Lebanon dissuading refugees from contemplating a trip to Denmark, and cut assistance benefits for refugees by half. These state bordering practices aimed at securing some kind of 'Danishness'. This article aims at ascribing agency to young Syrian refugees in Denmark, who have experienced these bordering practices and who seek to counter these practices by participating in meaningful social interactions with their Danish counterparts. The empirical focus is an artistic enactment–a weeklong dance workshop that brought these youngsters together as a distinct form of practice that brings about the conditions of possibility for meaningful integration. Conceptually, it draws upon Arendt's theory of action and notion of 'plurality' to frame how such encounters come about.
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In this commentary, we argue that the EU faces a decision about its fate, Europe’s fate for that matter, in the way in which it deals with protection-seeking migration flows from the Global South. One choice is to continue with... more
In this commentary, we argue that the EU faces a decision about its fate, Europe’s fate for that matter, in the way in which it deals with protection-seeking migration flows from the Global South. One choice is to continue with “business-as-usual”, meaning sealing dubious “deals” with “neighbouring” countries to stop the movement of migrants and refugees towards EU borders, securitizing human movements as threats to “European citizens” freedoms and security’, building walls, sending heavily armed boats to the Mediterranean, privatizing and outsourcing migration and asylum governance and so on.
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If one looks at the European Union (EU)’s southern neighbourhood and considers its response to the Israeli Palestinian conflict, one can only wonder how the EU can have any apologists left at all. While the tortured history of the... more
If one looks at the European Union (EU)’s southern neighbourhood and considers its response to the Israeli Palestinian conflict, one can only wonder how the EU can have any apologists left at all. While the tortured history of the conflict dates back more than a century, its roots lie in decades of clashes over religion, borders, and territory. The dispute between Israelis and Palestinians has engulfed politicians, diplomats, academics, NGO officials and others in a peace process in which the ultimate goal has been tantalizingly close on numerous occasions only to be pulled apart at the 11th hour. Few international disputes have generated as much emotion, passion, anguish, and diplomatic gridlock as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
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This article contributes to the debate on liminality within International Relations (IR) theory by focusing on the actorness of the European Union (EU) and Hamas. The concept of liminality as a transitional process is applied to frame the... more
This article contributes to the debate on liminality within International Relations (IR) theory by focusing on the actorness of the European Union (EU) and Hamas. The concept of liminality as a transitional process is applied to frame the situation of both the EU and Hamas as political actors in-between socially established categories. This article explores how the liminal identity of these two actors impacts, on the one hand, their relations with each other and, on the other hand, their relations of 'self'. Exploring the procedural relations of the EU and Hamas, it argues for the necessity of recognising liminal categories in IR theory and practice, while, at the same time, it highlights the limits of such in-between categories in a world order still structured around the state.
Research Interests:
This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)’s international identity and agency in the context of memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others... more
This article focuses on the impact of emotions on the European Union (EU)’s international identity and agency in the context of memory of trauma. Emotions are understood as performances through which an actor expresses itself to others while constructing its identity, creating its agency, and potentially affecting the social order. It is argued that the memory of trauma is translated into EU foreign policy practice through emotional performances of EU representatives. Empirically, we explore this impact in relation to the EU’s engagement in the Israel-Palestinian prolonged conflict that has many underlying emotions linked with past traumatic experiences. By doing so we aim to instigate a discussion between the emotions literature in International Relations and the European Union studies literature to nuance understanding of the politics of emotions that increasingly constrain what kind of a global actor the EU actually is or can become.
Research Interests:
Since the start of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Syrian refugee children have withstood violence, uncertainty, fear, trauma and loss. This book follows their journeys by bringing together scholars and practitioners to reflect on how to... more
Since the start of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Syrian refugee children have withstood violence, uncertainty, fear, trauma and loss. This book follows their journeys by bringing together scholars and practitioners to reflect on how to make their situation better and to get this knowledge to as many front liners – across European and neighbouring countries in the Middle East – as possible.
The book is premised on the underlying conception of refugee children as not merely a vulnerable contingent of the displaced Syrian population, but one that possesses a certain agency for change and progress. In this vein, the various contributions aim to not just de-securitize the ‘conversation’ on migration that frequently centres on the presumed insecurity that refugees personify. They also de-securitize the figure and image of the refugee. Through the stories of the youngest and most vulnerable, they demonstrate that refugee children are not mere opaque figures on whom we project our insecurities. Instead, they embody potentials and opportunities for progress that we need to nurture, as young refugees find themselves compelled to both negotiate the practical realities of a life in exile, and situate themselves in changing and unfamiliar socio-cultural contexts. Drawing on extensive field research, this edited volume points in the direction of a new rights based framework which will safeguard the future of these children and their well-being.
Offering a comparative lens between approaches to tackling refugees in the Middle East and Europe, this book will appeal to students and scholars of refugees and migration studies and human rights, as well as anyone with an interest in the Middle East or Europe.
The book is premised on the underlying conception of refugee children as not merely a vulnerable contingent of the displaced Syrian population, but one that possesses a certain agency for change and progress. In this vein, the various contributions aim to not just de-securitize the ‘conversation’ on migration that frequently centres on the presumed insecurity that refugees personify. They also de-securitize the figure and image of the refugee. Through the stories of the youngest and most vulnerable, they demonstrate that refugee children are not mere opaque figures on whom we project our insecurities. Instead, they embody potentials and opportunities for progress that we need to nurture, as young refugees find themselves compelled to both negotiate the practical realities of a life in exile, and situate themselves in changing and unfamiliar socio-cultural contexts. Drawing on extensive field research, this edited volume points in the direction of a new rights based framework which will safeguard the future of these children and their well-being.
Offering a comparative lens between approaches to tackling refugees in the Middle East and Europe, this book will appeal to students and scholars of refugees and migration studies and human rights, as well as anyone with an interest in the Middle East or Europe.
Research Interests: European Studies, Education, Middle East Studies, Human Rights, Resilience, and 19 moreLebanon, Liminality, Exile, Turkey, Child Clinical Psychology, Syria, Jordan, Denmark, Social cohesion, Turkey-EU Relations, Refugees and Forced Migration Studies, The Netherlands, Unaccompanied Refugee Minors, Asylum and refugees studies, migration and integration, Refugee Crisis, Activist Research, Host Communities, Syrian Refugee Crisis, and European Refugee Crisis
This contribution analyses the unwillingness of the EU to give Islamist movements a role in the MENA's democratization process. It argues that since the " Arab uprisings " , the EU has continued to avoid engaging these movements,... more
This contribution analyses the unwillingness of the EU to give Islamist movements a role in the MENA's democratization process. It argues that since the " Arab uprisings " , the EU has continued to avoid engaging these movements, repeating the same pattern of past practices. Securitization and de-politicization are still common procedures in the revised ENP policy, favouring the " stability " promised by the " new " authoritarian governments.
Research Interests: Middle East Studies, Middle East & North Africa, Palestine, European Union, Egypt, and 13 moreMorocco, Muslim Brotherhood, Maghreb, Tunisia, North Africa, Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt after the Egyptian revolution 2011, Arab Spring (Arab Revolts), Hamas, Islamist movements, Morocco PJD Government, Mashreq, Ennahda Movement, and Southern Neighbourhood
Research Interests: Critical Theory, European Studies, Refugee Studies, Mediterranean Studies, European Foreign Policy, and 5 moreCritical Discourse Analysis, Michel Foucault, Settler Colonialism & Its Legacies, Historians and Political Power, and International Relations / area studies/ Political violence / Middle East/ European studies
Since the start of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Syrian refugee children have withstood violence, uncertainty, fear, trauma and loss. This book follows their journeys by bringing together scholars and practitioners to reflect on how to... more
Since the start of the conflict in Syria in 2011, Syrian refugee children have withstood violence, uncertainty, fear, trauma and loss. This book follows their journeys by bringing together scholars and practitioners to reflect on how to make their situation better and to get this knowledge to as many front liners - across European and neighbouring countries in the Middle East - as possible.