- Castelló de la Plana, Spain
- Cultural Studies, Barroco, Catalan Literature, Purgatory, Manuscripts and Early Printed Books, Spanish Medieval and Golden Age Literature, and 17 moreMedieval Catalan Literature, Medieval Lyric Poetry, Cultural History Of Ghosts, Revenants, Ausiàs March, Death, burial, and concepts of the afterlife, Antoni Maria Alcover, Literatura Catalana Contemporània, Literary Fairy Tales, Cuentos Tradicionales, Literatura Catalana Medieval, Catalan Studies, Folktales, Souls of the Purgatory, Filologia Catalana, Classical Reception Studies, and Virgil's Aeneidedit
una col·lecció factícia de goigs en castellà que, en bona part, són fulls impresos datats o datables del segle XVIII. L'article comença amb un esbós general sobre el contingut i les característiques d'aquest volum. Després, se centra en... more
una col·lecció factícia de goigs en castellà que, en bona part, són fulls impresos datats o datables del segle XVIII. L'article comença amb un esbós general sobre el contingut i les característiques d'aquest volum. Després, se centra en alguns goigs manuscrits atribuïts a Pere Vicent Sabata conservats en el ms. 804 o en el ms. 3619 de la Biblioteca de Catalunya. Finalment, a partir d'una anàlisi de l'estil i de les relacions intertextuals, es fa una proposta d'atribució de tres poesies més, dues d'elles impreses, que fins ara mai no havien estat assignades a Pere Vicent Sabata. L'article es clou amb la transcripció de vuit obres poètiques del gènere gogístic escrites o atribuïdes a l'autor susdit. / The Ms. 804 of the Biblioteca Històrica of the University of Valencia is a miscellany volume of “goigs” (popular religious songs) printed, for the most part, in Spanish as broadsides dated from the 18th century, explicitly or not. This paper begins with an overview of the content and characteristics of this volume. Then it focuses on a few handwritten “goigs” attributed to Pere Vicent Sabata which have been preserved in the Ms. 804 or in the Ms. 3619 of the Biblioteca de Catalunya. Finally, three more poems -two of them printed- are attributed to him through an analysis of the style and intertextual relationships. Until now any of them had never been attributed to Pere Vicent Sabata. This paper concludes with the transcription of eight “goigs” written or attributed to the aforementioned author.
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Resum El Tirant lo Blanch de Joanot Martorell (†1465) descriu al capítol 55 un escenari muntat per celebrar les noces dels reis d’Anglaterra on s’erigeixen diverses estàtues amb formes humanes o animals que fan rajar líquids. A través del... more
Resum
El Tirant lo Blanch de Joanot Martorell (†1465) descriu al capítol 55 un escenari muntat per celebrar les noces dels reis d’Anglaterra on s’erigeixen diverses estàtues amb formes humanes o animals que fan rajar líquids. A través del Tiran le Blanc, traducció francesa atribuïda al comte de Caylus (†1765), alguns estudis crítics sobre disseny i iconografia de mecanismes hidràulics han adduït, d’aquest passatge tirantià, el cas de dues estàtues de nus femenins que fan rajar líquid, una dels mugrons i l’altra de l’òrgan genital. Aquesta tradició d’estudis, representada per investigadors com Waldemar Deonna (†1959), ha fet esment del Tiran le Blanc quasi com si es tractés d’un roman francès anònim, sense indicar que deriva de la gran novel·la que Martorell escrigué en català. En un dels treballs més rellevants sobre fonts antropomòrfiques, publicat el 1958, Deonna va perpetrar dos errors que posteriorment s’han anat transmetent d’un estudi a un altre: la novel·la canvia el títol pel de Tristan le Blanc i se n’endarrereix la datació al segle xiv. L’article que ara presentem contextualitza i aclareix aquest malentès crític, i per primera vegada, examina de manera conjunta aportacions crítiques sobre el Tirant lo Blanch i estudis sobre fonts antropomòrfiques.
Abstract
Tirant lo Blanch by Joanot Martorell (†1465) describes in chapter 55 a stage set up to celebrate the wedding of the kings of England. This stage is decorated with several human or animal shaped statues that make liquids flow. From the aforementioned passage of Tirant lo Blanch, but through a French translation entitled Tiran le Blanc and attributed to the Count of Caylus (†1765), some critical studies on fountain design and iconography have adduced the case of two female nude statues that make liquid flow, the first one from the nipples and the second one from the genital organ. This tradition of studies, represented by scholars such as Waldemar Deonna (†1959), has referred to Tiran le Blanc almost as if it were an anonymous French work, not mentioning that it derives from the great novel written in Catalan by Martorell. In one of the best-known papers on anthropomorphic fountains, Deonna perpetrated two mistakes that have subsequently been transmitted from one study to another: the novel is now called Tristan le Blanc, and its dating goes back to the fourteenth century. This current paper contextualizes and unravels these critical mistakes, and for the first time it jointly examines critical contributions on Tirant lo Blanch and studies on anthropomorphic fountains.
El Tirant lo Blanch de Joanot Martorell (†1465) descriu al capítol 55 un escenari muntat per celebrar les noces dels reis d’Anglaterra on s’erigeixen diverses estàtues amb formes humanes o animals que fan rajar líquids. A través del Tiran le Blanc, traducció francesa atribuïda al comte de Caylus (†1765), alguns estudis crítics sobre disseny i iconografia de mecanismes hidràulics han adduït, d’aquest passatge tirantià, el cas de dues estàtues de nus femenins que fan rajar líquid, una dels mugrons i l’altra de l’òrgan genital. Aquesta tradició d’estudis, representada per investigadors com Waldemar Deonna (†1959), ha fet esment del Tiran le Blanc quasi com si es tractés d’un roman francès anònim, sense indicar que deriva de la gran novel·la que Martorell escrigué en català. En un dels treballs més rellevants sobre fonts antropomòrfiques, publicat el 1958, Deonna va perpetrar dos errors que posteriorment s’han anat transmetent d’un estudi a un altre: la novel·la canvia el títol pel de Tristan le Blanc i se n’endarrereix la datació al segle xiv. L’article que ara presentem contextualitza i aclareix aquest malentès crític, i per primera vegada, examina de manera conjunta aportacions crítiques sobre el Tirant lo Blanch i estudis sobre fonts antropomòrfiques.
Abstract
Tirant lo Blanch by Joanot Martorell (†1465) describes in chapter 55 a stage set up to celebrate the wedding of the kings of England. This stage is decorated with several human or animal shaped statues that make liquids flow. From the aforementioned passage of Tirant lo Blanch, but through a French translation entitled Tiran le Blanc and attributed to the Count of Caylus (†1765), some critical studies on fountain design and iconography have adduced the case of two female nude statues that make liquid flow, the first one from the nipples and the second one from the genital organ. This tradition of studies, represented by scholars such as Waldemar Deonna (†1959), has referred to Tiran le Blanc almost as if it were an anonymous French work, not mentioning that it derives from the great novel written in Catalan by Martorell. In one of the best-known papers on anthropomorphic fountains, Deonna perpetrated two mistakes that have subsequently been transmitted from one study to another: the novel is now called Tristan le Blanc, and its dating goes back to the fourteenth century. This current paper contextualizes and unravels these critical mistakes, and for the first time it jointly examines critical contributions on Tirant lo Blanch and studies on anthropomorphic fountains.
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La llegenda de fra Joan Garí, primer eremita de Montserrat, es documenta entre els segles Xiii-Xv a través de textos escrits en llatí o en català, però en el segle Xvi aquest mateix relat es va transmetre sobretot a través d' obres... more
La llegenda de fra Joan Garí, primer eremita de Montserrat, es documenta entre els segles Xiii-Xv a través de textos escrits en llatí o en català, però en el segle Xvi aquest mateix relat es va transmetre sobretot a través d' obres devotes o historiogràfiques impreses en castellà per autors com Pedro de Burgos, Pedro de Medina o Pere Antoni Beuter. En aquest article s' ofereix un panorama general sobre les reescriptures medievals o cinc-centistes d' aquesta llegenda, i es posa especial èmfasi en dues de les versions castellanes més extenses, ambdues anònimes: la Historia de fray Juan Garín, sense dades tipogràfiques però impresa a Toledo durant els darrers dies de 1527 o poc després; i la Vida de fray Juan Garín (València, 1561), basada en el Libro de los milagros (1536) de Pedro de Burgos. La Vida, gairebé desconeguda, ens ha arribat a través d'un plec solt de la Biblioteca Comunale Augusta de Perugia. A banda d'introduir i comparar la Historia i la Vida amb altres versions de la mateixa llegenda, aquest article ofereix una edició acarada d' ambdós textos.
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This paper studies and edits the Capritxo by Friar Tomàs Roca, an almost unknown work of Catalan Baroque prose. The Capritxo is a 17th-century epistolary novel copied in the ms. 788 of the Biblioteca Valenciana Nicolau Primitiu. Due to... more
This paper studies and edits the Capritxo by Friar Tomàs Roca, an almost unknown work of Catalan Baroque prose. The Capritxo is a 17th-century epistolary novel copied in the ms. 788 of the Biblioteca Valenciana Nicolau Primitiu. Due to its characteristics, this work can be compared to the Estil•lades i amoroses lletres trameses per Bertomeu Cirlot a la sua senyora i per ella a ell. The Capritxo consists of three letters written by the graduate Sophistice plus a response from the Dr Syncathegorematice to the first mail of the former. This exchange of letters draws a story about the misfortunes of two rogues sentenced to galleys. Several Latin words, especially adverbial phrases, are regularly inserted into Capritxo's Catalan text, thus parodying the scholastic and grandiloquent language of theologians and magistrates, and joking with wordplays which may be related to the meaning of both senders' names. Moreover, the Capritxo criticizes not only the disproportionate severity of the torture and the sentences applied against many galley prisoners, but also the inhibition of some powerful people faced with such injustices.
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This paper, based on the analysis of data from BITECA (Bibliografia de textos antics catalans, valencians i balears), presents and edits several unpublished or little-known witnesses of rhymed works and devotional poems dating from the... more
This paper, based on the analysis of data from BITECA (Bibliografia de textos antics catalans, valencians i balears), presents and edits several unpublished or little-known witnesses of rhymed works and devotional poems dating from the 15th and 16th centuries. Its starting lines are as follows: «Quan vos venc, Maria, l’àngel Gabriel», «Estant Elisabet», «Ara sus, companya, sus», «Ave, llum i estela clara», «Regina excel·lent», «No sens turment, dolor incomprensible», «Glòria teniu infinida», «Vós qui fés la santa vida», «Beata Caterina, verge fuist e regina» «Si se’n va monsènyer sant Joan», «Jesucrist nasqué la nit de Nadal», «Sang, està fixa», «O gloriosa Verge Maria, neta e pura», «Saviesa de Déu lo Pare», «Ador-te devotament, veritat increada».
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A two-leaves poetic chapbook, printed in 1556, includes an Eucharistic poem written in Catalan by Joan Timoneda, with the following opening lines: «En la cena consagrada / fon posat aquest sant pa». This poem develops the allegory of the... more
A two-leaves poetic chapbook, printed in 1556, includes an Eucharistic poem written in Catalan by Joan Timoneda, with the following opening lines: «En la cena consagrada / fon posat aquest sant pa». This poem develops the allegory of the mystical mill and remained in the oral tradition through a song entitled La cena, documented in the 19th and 20th centuries: not only there have been recorded several oral versions, some of them with musical notation, but at least two 19thcentury broadsheets are known. This paper focuses especially on a broadsheet edition with La cena on one side and four other texts on the other side, depending on the copy taken into consideration. This fact indicates that this edition, with its different publishing solutions, was composed by printing La cena on the blank side of different broadsides. It would be a case of reusing stocks not previously sold by the printer. Moreover, the analyzed data agree with the conclusion that this edition is not prior to 1841. Another edition of La cena was printed in Barcelona by Miquel Borràs, probably in 1845.
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Una celebració festiva del Castell d'Amor, esdevinguda el 1215 a Treviso, consistí a dramatitzar una batalla d'homes que assetjaven un castell defensat per dones, que llançaven als contrincants flors o altres objectes inofensius. Altres... more
Una celebració festiva del Castell d'Amor, esdevinguda el 1215 a Treviso, consistí a dramatitzar una batalla d'homes que assetjaven un castell defensat per dones, que llançaven als contrincants flors o altres objectes inofensius. Altres testimonis medievals posteriors atorguen a aquest patró un embolcall cortesà -el déu Amor és senyor de la fortalesa- i també una lectura al·legòrica del matrimoni com a punt de trobada per als promesos. El Tirant lo Blanch desenvolupa aquests matisos als capítols liii-lv. Més concretament, en un dels nombrosos espectacles programats per celebrar unes noces reials, diversos grups de gent armada intenten, un grup rere d'altre i sense aconseguir-ho ningú, entrar per força en un castell de fusta governat pel déu Amor. Després, la reina, acabada de casar, s'atansa al castell i adreça al déu pagà unes paraules que el convencen perquè òbriga la porta a ella i a tothom. Amb aquesta tradició al·legòrica també s'hauria de relacionar un altre setge amorós representat al capítol ccccxxxiv, que oposa els fets d'armes de Tirant a les paraules suplicants de Carmesina. A més, tots aquests episodis adapten referents sacres a la casuística de l'amor cortès. Aquest article té l'objectiu de contextualitzar i interpretar el passatge tirantià del Castell d' Amor a la llum de la literatura, la iconografia i la pompa cívica a l'edat mitjana.
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This paper presents an overview of the metrical scheme of the Spanish ballad (romance) and other series with a single rhyme in Catalan literature from the 14th to 16th centuries. The Catalan heptasyllable, equivalent of the Spanish... more
This paper presents an overview of the metrical scheme of the Spanish ballad (romance) and other series with a single rhyme in Catalan literature from the 14th to 16th centuries. The Catalan heptasyllable, equivalent of the Spanish octosyllable, is already documented in Catalan poetry since its origins, but then it was not linked to the romance but to strophic forms with consonant rhymes and refrain. The first Catalan romances date back to the 16th Century, they are arranged in heptasyllabic stanzas with refrain and seem to be due to the progressive adaptation of autochthonous lyrical structures (dansa, goigs or cobles) to a scheme with the same rhyme throughout. None of the poems analyzed in this paper shows a clear dependence on thematic and expressive models upon the Spanish balladry (romancero), so the author formulates the hypothesis that this influence, unquestionable in Catalan contemporary balladry, was not generalized until the 17th century, just when baroque poets began to write romances in Catalan.
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En este artículo se establece un corpus de once romances carolingios documentados a través de pliegos poéticos postincunables que desarrollan el recurso de la -e paragógica aplicada sobre la rima aguda en -á. Los datos más relevantes de... more
En este artículo se establece un corpus de once romances carolingios documentados a través de pliegos poéticos postincunables que desarrollan el recurso de la -e paragógica aplicada sobre la rima aguda en -á. Los datos más relevantes de cada uno de los once romances quedan reflejados en varias tablas ubicadas al final del artículo y referidas tanto a las rimas utilizadas como a las características de algunos de sus testimonios impresos en el siglo XVI. Concretamente, se ha procedido a registrar los pliegos sueltos poéticos conservados íntegramente en bibliotecas de acceso público más los testimonios incluidos en el Cancionero de Romances sin año, pero impreso en 1546 o 1547, o en las partes segunda y tercera de la Silva de varios romances de Esteban G. de Nájera (1550-1551). El análisis combinado de las rimas de los romances y de los datos tipográficos de sus testimonios (lugar de edición, impresor y fecha) permite establecer una serie de tendencias en el uso de la -e paragógica desde la etapa postincunable hasta el final del siglo xvi. Destaca, por ejemplo, el rechazo sistemático de la -e paragógica en los pliegos poéticos postincunables impresos en Sevilla por Jacobo Cromberger. Las ediciones burgalesas anteriores al Cancionero de romances siguen en unas ocasiones la práctica de Jacobo Cromberger, mientras que en otras incorporan la -e paragógica con suma regularidad. Durante la segunda mitad del siglo, cancioneros impresos y pliegos poéticos ejercieron una influencia mutua y en ambos sentidos.
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Esperança Alegre was prosecuted in Lleida for spreading that she had seen the ghost of her husband’s previous wife. The trial, written in Catalan, has been preserved in two manuscripts, one of which dates back the case to 1500 (Paris,... more
Esperança Alegre was prosecuted in Lleida for spreading that she had seen the ghost of her husband’s previous wife. The trial, written in Catalan, has been preserved in two manuscripts, one of which dates back the case to 1500 (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, ms Baluze 238), and the other to 1518 (Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional de España, ms 1701). The latter has remained unpublished until now. In fact, this paper is the first one to include the Procés d’Esperança Alegre which was copied from the manuscript preserved in Madrid.
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Resum: Del poeta Simònides de Ceos s’expliquen dues anècdotes on és protegit de manera miraculosa: en un cas se salva de morir sota un palau que s’esfondra uns segons després que ell n’haja eixit per atendre dos joves que el sol·licitaven... more
Resum: Del poeta Simònides de Ceos s’expliquen dues anècdotes on és protegit de manera miraculosa: en un cas se salva de morir sota un palau que s’esfondra uns segons després que ell n’haja eixit per atendre dos joves que el sol·licitaven i que sovint són identificats amb els Diòscurs; en altre cas un difunt a qui Simònides havia donat sepultura se li apareix en somnis per advertir-li que no s’embarque en un vaixell que poc després acabarà naufragant. Aquests dos relats, o un dels dos, foren represos per diversos autors antics com Cal·límac, Ciceró, Fedre, Quintilià i Valeri Màxim, però també van circular a través de compilacions medievals com l' 'Speculum historiale' i el 'Liber de vita et moribus philosophorum' o a través d’al·lusions en obres d’autors com Boccaccio i Petrarca. Les dues anècdotes se sustenten en una trama argumental que fou adaptada en altres narracions que representen personatges i contextos diferents. El cas de Simònides salvat per un difunt s’ha de vincular amb el cicle rondallístic conegut com “El mort agraït”, mentre que l’anècdota del palau esfondrat podria relacionar-se amb alguns relats hagiogràfics sobre la cristianització de temples pagans.
Abstract: Two anecdotes about the poet Simonides of Ceos explain how he was miraculously protected. In the first one, he escaped alive from dying under a palace collapsed few seconds after he had left it to attend two young men, often identified with the Dioscuri, who had requested him. The second anecdote explains how a dead corpse to whom Simonides had given burial appeared to him in dreams to warn him not to embark in a ship that shortly after was wrecked. Either both, or one of the tales, were taken up by several ancient authors such as Callimachus, Cicero, Phaedrus, Quintilianus and Valerius Maximus, but they also were spread through medieval compilations such as the Speculum historiale and the Liber de vita et moribus philosophorum or through references in works by authors such as Boccaccio and Petrarch. Both anecdotes are based on a plot adapted in other tales portraying different characters and contexts. The story of Simonides saved by a deceased gets very close to the folktale’s cycle known as “The Grateful Dead”, while the anecdote of the collapsed palace could be related to some hagiographic narrations about the Christianization of pagan temples.
Abstract: Two anecdotes about the poet Simonides of Ceos explain how he was miraculously protected. In the first one, he escaped alive from dying under a palace collapsed few seconds after he had left it to attend two young men, often identified with the Dioscuri, who had requested him. The second anecdote explains how a dead corpse to whom Simonides had given burial appeared to him in dreams to warn him not to embark in a ship that shortly after was wrecked. Either both, or one of the tales, were taken up by several ancient authors such as Callimachus, Cicero, Phaedrus, Quintilianus and Valerius Maximus, but they also were spread through medieval compilations such as the Speculum historiale and the Liber de vita et moribus philosophorum or through references in works by authors such as Boccaccio and Petrarch. Both anecdotes are based on a plot adapted in other tales portraying different characters and contexts. The story of Simonides saved by a deceased gets very close to the folktale’s cycle known as “The Grateful Dead”, while the anecdote of the collapsed palace could be related to some hagiographic narrations about the Christianization of pagan temples.
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Se presenta y describe el funcionamiento la base de datos PCEM (Cens de Poesia Catalana de l’Edat Moderna, https://pcem.iec.cat/). Para la consecución de este work in progress, sus autores, Joan Mahiques y Helena Rovira, han contado con... more
Se presenta y describe el funcionamiento la base de datos PCEM (Cens de Poesia Catalana de l’Edat Moderna, https://pcem.iec.cat/). Para la consecución de este work in progress, sus autores, Joan Mahiques y Helena Rovira, han contado con el apoyo institucional y económico del Institut d’Estudis Catalans, que entre otras cosas ha proporcionado un soporte digital creado a medida y supervisado por Santi Muxach. Aparte de exponer qué criterios metodológicos que limitan este corpus de textos en lo referente a la cronología, soporte material, etc., se describen las posibilidades de su motor de búsqueda y los materiales han sido vertidos hasta el momento.
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La producción poética de Onofre Almudéver se contextualiza en Valencia hacia 1550-1570. En este artículo establecemos un elenco de los manuscritos e impresos antiguos conocidos que transmiten sus poesías, tanto en castellano como en... more
La producción poética de Onofre Almudéver se contextualiza en Valencia hacia 1550-1570. En este artículo establecemos un elenco de los manuscritos e impresos antiguos conocidos que transmiten sus poesías, tanto en castellano como en catalán, y las editamos de manera conjunta por primera vez. Este análisis nos permite entender cabalmente lo que ya fue apuntado en algunos estudios referentes a la labor de Almudéver como autor de varios textos proemiales estampados por Joan de Arcos (Valencia, 1561) en tres libros diferentes pero unitarios, donde se incluían el Espill de Jaume Roig y otras piezas de autores valencianos. Esta compilación constituye el núcleo originario y la inspiración de lo que Ramon Miquel i Planas llamó el Cançoner satíric valencià, reincidiendo de este modo en la etiqueta historiográfica «Escuela Valenciana», que por primera vez acuñó Manuel Milà i Fontanals. Miquel i Planas daba una gran relevancia cultural al carácter unitario de los tres impresos de Joan de Arcos, pero también desarrolló una particular interpretación del pasado literario que podría haberse inspirado en algunas de las ideas que Almudéver esbozó en su Epístola proemial. Pero esta epístola, más que un intento de sistematizar un período cultural, debe entenderse como una manera de justificar una determinada estrategia editorial, ya que Almudéver fue un hombre ligado al mercado del libro más que un historiador de la literatura; y su espíritu creador se encauzó sobre todo en la devoción y la pedagogía, así como la escritura de poemas proemiales en alabanza de algunos autores y obras publicados en su tiempo.
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Analitzem en diverses obres de la literatura catalana medieval les al•legories moralitzants ocultes en les poètiques ficcions, o integumenta, relacionades amb els rius infernals, especialment el Leteu. Aquesta manera d’interpretar el text... more
Analitzem en diverses obres de la literatura catalana medieval les al•legories moralitzants ocultes en les poètiques ficcions, o integumenta, relacionades amb els rius infernals, especialment el Leteu. Aquesta manera d’interpretar el text fou l’emprada per Bernat Silvestre, Pierre Bersuire i Giovanni Boccaccio a l’hora d’analitzar les catàbasis presents en obres com l’Eneida de Virgili. Concretament, estudiem el Tractat de les penes particulars de l’infern de fra Pasqual, Lo somni de Bernat Metge, Les Transformacions de Francesc Alegre, i la Regoneixença e moral consideració de Francesc Carrós Pardo de la Casta. El Leteu està relacionat també amb la necessitat o la capacitat d’oblidar les penes amoroses en obres com la Faula de les amors de Neptuno i Diana de Francesc Alegre, la Tragèdia de Caldesa i el Plant dolorós de la reina Hècuba, de Joan Roís de Corella, el Tirant lo Blanch, el Curial i Güelfa, la Glòria d’amor de Bernat Hug de Rocabertí i alguns poemes d’Andreu Febrer i Ausiàs March.
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Although the 'Cobles de la Mort' were printed with the 'Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí' from the first complete extant edition (1635) until the twentieth century, several witnesses and data analyzed in this paper suggest the 'Cobles'... more
Although the 'Cobles de la Mort' were printed with the 'Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí' from the first complete extant edition (1635) until the twentieth century, several witnesses and data analyzed in this paper suggest the 'Cobles' were published independently of the 'Peregrinació' in the first half of the sixteenth century. A record in the manuscript catalogues of the library of Hernando Colón confirms that in 1536 this bibliophile had already acquired a chapbook containing the 'Cobles'. In addition, a fragment of the 'Libre de Senequa', an Occitan work of the thirteenth century, is cited in one of the paratexts included in a mid-sixteenth century manuscript copy of the 'Cobles'. The presence of this Occitan source seems to relate the 'Cobles' with the medieval tradition more than with the early modern literature. By comparing these elements with other sources, we deduce the existence of incunabula or postincunabula editions, currently missing, in which the 'Cobles' were printed independently of the 'Peregrinació'. These features, together with some linguistic and literary data, seem to suggest that the 'Cobles' may date from the Middle Ages.
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Estudiamos las alusiones directas o indirectas al mito de Orfeo en la obra poética de algunos autores de los siglos XVI–XVII que escribieron en catalán o también en castellano. Poetas como Joan Pujol o Francesc Fontanella envuelven la... more
Estudiamos las alusiones directas o indirectas al mito de Orfeo en la obra poética de algunos autores de los siglos XVI–XVII que escribieron en catalán o también en castellano. Poetas como Joan Pujol o Francesc Fontanella envuelven la referencia al mito órfico en una atmosfera elegíaca. Orfeo es comparado con el ruiseñor que llora los polluelos tomados por el labrador en un pasaje de las Geórgicas de Virgilio que será reelaborado en la Égloga I de Garcilaso de la Vega y en 'Qui vol oyr la gesta' de Pere Serafí. En este último poema, a diferencia de la obra de Garcilaso, el canto del ruiseñor es respondido por la golondrina. Aunque estas dos aves parecen aludir al mito de Filomela y Procne, la amorosa lamentación entre pajarillos de diferente especie es un tópico común en la lírica amorosa medieval. Finalmente, analizamos dos obras de Pere Jacint Morlà que comparten una escenografía alegórica similar en la que el infierno es descrito como un inhóspito edificio o viceversa. En el 'Somni de l’infern', como Orfeo hizo en otro tiempo, el poeta visita el infierno pero fracasa en su intento de rescatar a su amada, mientras que la 'Pintura de la Torre de Serranos' describe una prisión valenciana como infierno donde las víctimas son torturadas sin escrúpulos, por lo que gritan de dolor sin llegar a conmover ni a la naturaleza ni a la burocracia del centro penitenciario. Los dos poemas de Morlà constituyen una parodia desmitificadora del relato de Orfeo.
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The Ms. 4495 of the Bibliothèque Mazarine includes most of Joan Pujol’s Catalan and Spanish works (1573-1603). His Catalan works have been studied and published, but most of the Spanish poems have not only remained unpublished, but can... more
The Ms. 4495 of the Bibliothèque Mazarine includes most of Joan Pujol’s Catalan and Spanish works (1573-1603). His Catalan works have been studied and published, but most of the Spanish poems have not only remained unpublished, but can also be considered unknown, because there has never been a bibliographical description accompanying their starting lines. In this article, we offer the beginning of all these Spanish works, in addition to studying and publishing the only two pieces that we can suppose were not written by Joan Pujol: “Oh batalla carnicera” and “Con muy duro y triste hado”, which respectively gloss the ballads “Oh Belerma, oh Belerma” and “Muerto queda Durandarte”.
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Editamos y estudiamos las composiciones poéticas de un pliego suelto que forma parte de un volumen de la Biblioteca Comunale Augusta de Perugia catalogado bajo la signatura [I L 1402]. Aunque este impreso no indica ni la fecha ni el lugar... more
Editamos y estudiamos las composiciones poéticas de un pliego suelto que forma parte de un volumen de la Biblioteca Comunale Augusta de Perugia catalogado bajo la signatura [I L 1402]. Aunque este impreso no indica ni la fecha ni el lugar ni el impresor, lo atribuimos a la tipografía valenciana de Joan Navarro hacia los años 1560-1561. Entre las cinco obras que transmite, destacan dos glosas de romances, una de Francisco de Argüello (“En la lid que es muy reñida”) y otra que, aunque comienza “Queriendo Pirro vengar”, en realidad se trata de una adaptación compuesta de dos estrofas iniciales hasta ahora desconocidas más cuatro estrofas de Villatoro (“Pues mis hados permitieron”).
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In this paper, we edit thirty-one Spanish ballads collected in five chapbooks printed in Valencia by Joan Navarro (circa 1560–1561). All of these chapbooks make up one volume preserved in the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, Perugia,... more
In this paper, we edit thirty-one Spanish ballads collected in five chapbooks printed in Valencia by Joan Navarro (circa 1560–1561). All of these chapbooks make up one volume preserved in the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, Perugia, catalogued under the shelfmark [I L 1402]. We study these works from a textual point of view by highlighting their singularity due to different reasons. If some testimonies of these chapbooks stand out for its antiquity in relation to other sources of the same ballad, other testimonies are remarkable for their variability or by the use of paragogic -e.
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El Ms. 1191 de la Biblioteca de Catalunya constitueix una col·lecció factícia de goigs copiats als segles xvii-xix. Alguns estudis filològics i bibliogràfics havien situat la redacció de la part més antiga del volum, corresponent als ff.... more
El Ms. 1191 de la Biblioteca de Catalunya constitueix una col·lecció factícia de goigs copiats als segles xvii-xix. Alguns estudis filològics i bibliogràfics havien situat la redacció de la part més antiga del volum, corresponent als ff. 18r-55v, entre el final del segle xv i el final de la centúria següent; però els autors d’aquest article, a partir del contingut del manuscrit i de la seva anàlisi codicològica, proposen la datació d’aquests folis entre els anys 1601 i 1610. Els divuit poemes continguts en aquesta part són documentats a partir del segle XVII en tots els casos excepte en els Goigs de la Verge del Roser (inc. «Vostres goigs ab gran plaer»), obra medieval que coneixem a través de nombrosos testimonis cinccentistes o posteriors. Onze de les divuit poesies tenen en el Ms. 1191 l’únic testimoni conegut anterior al segle xviii, i una de les peces en qüestió ha romàs inèdita fins al dia d’avui. Ens referim a uns goigs en llaors de sant Magí (inc. «Màrtir sou de gran valia»), publicats per primera vegada en aquest article.
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El segundo volumen de la Reforma de los descalzos (Madrid, 1655) de fray Francisco de Santa María refiere que fray Pedro de Jesús, al mismo tiempo que moría en Bellpuig a causa de la peste, se apareció a un compañero en Lleida y le dijo... more
El segundo volumen de la Reforma de los descalzos (Madrid, 1655) de fray Francisco de Santa María refiere que fray Pedro de Jesús, al mismo tiempo que moría en Bellpuig a causa de la peste, se apareció a un compañero en Lleida y le dijo que estaba en el Purgatorio. A partir de diferentes obras y grabados impresos entre los años 1681-1724, estudiamos la relación entre los textos e imágenes que representan este episodio. También editamos dos versiones escritas por fray Juan de san José (1642-1718), cuyos testimonios autógrafos se conservan en los mss. 990 y 991 de la Biblioteca de la Universidad de Barcelona.
The second volume of the Reforma de los descalzos (Madrid, 1655) of Brother Francis of St. Mary relates that Brother Peter of Jesus, while dying in Bellpuig because of the plague, appeared to a companion in Lleida to say he was in Purgatory. From different printed works and engravings published from 1681 to 1724, we study the relationship between texts and images representing this episode. We also edit two versions written by Brother John of St. Joseph (1642-1718), whose autographs are preserved in mss. 990 and 991 of the University of Barcelona Library.
The second volume of the Reforma de los descalzos (Madrid, 1655) of Brother Francis of St. Mary relates that Brother Peter of Jesus, while dying in Bellpuig because of the plague, appeared to a companion in Lleida to say he was in Purgatory. From different printed works and engravings published from 1681 to 1724, we study the relationship between texts and images representing this episode. We also edit two versions written by Brother John of St. Joseph (1642-1718), whose autographs are preserved in mss. 990 and 991 of the University of Barcelona Library.
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On 12 June 1599 three Discalced Carmelites came from the convent of St. Joseph of Lleida to Bellpuig to asist the plague victims and administer the sacraments. The three priests died of the epidemic: Brother Peter of Jesus on June 20,... more
On 12 June 1599 three Discalced Carmelites came from the convent of St. Joseph of Lleida to Bellpuig to asist the plague victims and administer the sacraments. The three priests died of the epidemic: Brother Peter of Jesus on June 20, Brother Eliseo of Saint Peter on June 28, and John of the Cross on July 6. Among the various documentary and historiographical sources that refer to these events, nearly all copied by Discalced Carmelites, we focus on the analysis and publication of certain statements, most of them sworn, of the first third of the seventeenth century, preserved in various manuscripts of the National Library of Spain, and in the ms. 992 of the Library of the University of Barcelona.
El 12 de juny de l'any 1599 arribaren tres carmelites descalços del convent de sant Josep de Lleida a la vila de Bellpuig per assitir els empestats i administrar-los els sagraments. Tots tres hi acabaren morint a causa de l'epidèmia: el 20 de juny fra Pere de Jesús, el 28 de juny fra Eliseu de sant Pere, i el 6 de juliol fra Joan de la Creu. Entre les diferents fonts documentals i historiogràfiques que refereixen aquests fets, gairebé totes copiades per carmelites descalços, ens centrem en l'anàlisi i edició d'algunes declaracions del primer terç del segle XVII, gairebé totes jurades, conservades unes en diversos manuscrits de la Biblioteca Nacional de España i altres en el ms. 992 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona.
El 12 de juny de l'any 1599 arribaren tres carmelites descalços del convent de sant Josep de Lleida a la vila de Bellpuig per assitir els empestats i administrar-los els sagraments. Tots tres hi acabaren morint a causa de l'epidèmia: el 20 de juny fra Pere de Jesús, el 28 de juny fra Eliseu de sant Pere, i el 6 de juliol fra Joan de la Creu. Entre les diferents fonts documentals i historiogràfiques que refereixen aquests fets, gairebé totes copiades per carmelites descalços, ens centrem en l'anàlisi i edició d'algunes declaracions del primer terç del segle XVII, gairebé totes jurades, conservades unes en diversos manuscrits de la Biblioteca Nacional de España i altres en el ms. 992 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona.
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Entre el 20 de junio y el 6 de julio de 1599, murieron tres carmelitas descalzos que desde el convento de san José de Lleida habían llegado a Bellpuig el día 12 de junio para asistir a los empestados. Entre las diversas fuentes... more
Entre el 20 de junio y el 6 de julio de 1599, murieron tres carmelitas descalzos que desde el convento de san José de Lleida habían llegado a Bellpuig el día 12 de junio para asistir a los empestados. Entre las diversas fuentes documentales e historiográficas que refieren tales hechos, prácticamente todas copiadas por carmelitas descalzos, nos centramos en el estudio y edición de dos versiones escritas por fray Juan de san José (1642-1718), conservadas en los mss. 990 y 991 de la Biblioteca de la Universidad de Barcelona.
Entre el 20 de juny i el 6 de juliol de 1599, van morir tres carmelites descalços que des del convent de sant Josep, de Lleida, havien arribat a Bellpuig el dia 12 de juny per assistir els empestats. Entre les diverses fonts documentals e historiogràfiques que refeixen aquests fets, pràcticament totes copiades per carmelites descalços, ens centrarem en l'estudi i edició de dues versions escrites per fra Joan de sant Josep (1642-1718), conservades als ms. 990 i 991 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona.
Entre el 20 de juny i el 6 de juliol de 1599, van morir tres carmelites descalços que des del convent de sant Josep, de Lleida, havien arribat a Bellpuig el dia 12 de juny per assistir els empestats. Entre les diverses fonts documentals e historiogràfiques que refeixen aquests fets, pràcticament totes copiades per carmelites descalços, ens centrarem en l'estudi i edició de dues versions escrites per fra Joan de sant Josep (1642-1718), conservades als ms. 990 i 991 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona.
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Among the volumes published in eighteenth century Cervera, we examine seven editions of the «Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí» ab les «Cobles de la Mort», which reproduce the same series of eight woodcuts illustrating some of the events... more
Among the volumes published in eighteenth century Cervera, we examine seven editions of the «Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí» ab les «Cobles de la Mort», which reproduce the same series of eight woodcuts illustrating some of the events that happen to a visionary pilgrim and a ghost from purgatory. These editions have no date, but they indicate the name of a printer called Emanuel/Emmanuel Ibarra. Some of the ornaments and other formal elements visible on these editions were used by the same printer in other books dating from 1739 to 1747.
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From 1623, the guild of booksellers of Barcelona, called the Brotherhood of St Jerome, had the right to sell in that city the 'Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí', one of the most widely read books of the modern age. During the years... more
From 1623, the guild of booksellers of Barcelona, called the Brotherhood of St Jerome, had the right to sell in that city the 'Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí', one of the most widely read books of the modern age. During the years 1718-1730, under the reign of Philip V, a significant legislative change gave the University of Cervera the exclusive right to publish in Catalonia not only the 'Venturós Pelegrí' but also other manuals and pedagogical works. Considering historical data as these, this paper examines from a bibliographic viewpoint sixteen editions printed in Barcelona, Cervera or Manresa, which partially contain the same series of woodcuts. We reproduce the xylographies used in all of them, establishing some appropriate relationships from the analysis of these graphic elements.
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Objectives: To report on an ongoing line of research that aims to classify all the editions of the Peregrinació del venturós pelegrí ('Pilgrimage of venturós pelegrí') that have been dated to a period between the seventeenth and... more
Objectives: To report on an ongoing line of research that aims to classify all the editions of the Peregrinació del venturós pelegrí ('Pilgrimage of venturós pelegrí') that have been dated to a period between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries. When we compare their graphic features, the seventeenth-century editions printed in Barcelona fall into two main groups: in one, the editions are either partially or totally illustrated with woodcuts used in Cervera by the typographer Manuel Ibarra; the other group comprises the editions printed in Barcelona containing woodcuts that have not been documented in any other city during the eighteenth century. This paper focuses on the second group.
Methodology: We reproduce the woodcuts in each of the editions and give an account of eighteenth-century Lleida, where the same woodblocks were occasionally used.
Results: The study demonstrates the enduring nature of the work in question, venturós pelegrí, which was illustrated by various typographers following very similar formal guidelines and adhering to a markedly typified iconographic series, especially during the eighteenth century.
Methodology: We reproduce the woodcuts in each of the editions and give an account of eighteenth-century Lleida, where the same woodblocks were occasionally used.
Results: The study demonstrates the enduring nature of the work in question, venturós pelegrí, which was illustrated by various typographers following very similar formal guidelines and adhering to a markedly typified iconographic series, especially during the eighteenth century.
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The Ms. 4504 of the Bibliothèque Mazarine in Paris contains, on the one hand, five printed copies of the «Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí» ab les «Cobles de la Mort» and, on the other hand, a partial hand-written copy of the Venturós... more
The Ms. 4504 of the Bibliothèque Mazarine in Paris contains, on the one hand, five printed copies of the «Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí» ab les «Cobles de la Mort» and, on the other hand, a partial hand-written copy of the Venturós Pelegrí with an incomplete French translation by Josep Tastu (1787-1849), who compiled all the materials of this volume. Apart from presenting the general content of the ms. 4504, we describe in detail the five editions with particular emphasis on the oldest one, probably dating from the mid-sixteenth century or shortly thereafter. This printed book, now acephalous and apodous, in which the lines go all the way across the page, still preserves three woodcuts. As the earliest witness we know of the Venturós Pelegrí, this printed copy provides some evidences to understand the dissemination of this work during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
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Entre el gran nombre d’edicions de la «Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí» ab les «Cobles de la mort» impreses a Cervera als segles XVIII-XIX, n’estudiem setze que transmeten la mateixa sèrie de gravats, en la qual es representen algunes... more
Entre el gran nombre d’edicions de la «Peregrinació del Venturós Pelegrí» ab les «Cobles de la mort» impreses a Cervera als segles XVIII-XIX, n’estudiem setze que transmeten la mateixa sèrie de gravats, en la qual es representen algunes escenes del pelegrí visionari i/o l’ànima del purgatori que se li apareix. A banda de reproduir en facsímil tota aquesta sèrie, la portada de quinze edicions i la primera pàgina conservada d’un exemplar únic acèfal, en fem una descripció bibliogràfica i ressenyem els exemplars localitzats en biblioteques d’arreu del món. Tant des del punt de vista quantitatiu com cronològic, aquesta sèrie destaca per ser la més reiterada i documentada entre totes les que s’han imprès des del segle XVII fins a l’actualitat en edicions d’aquestes obres.
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The Catalan refrain 'En bon punt i en hora bona', with some variants that do not affect either the rhythm or the general meaning of the expression, is mainly documented in several Christmas carols of the sixteenth and nineteenth to... more
The Catalan refrain 'En bon punt i en hora bona', with some variants that do not affect either the rhythm or the general meaning of the expression, is mainly documented in several Christmas carols of the sixteenth and nineteenth to twentieth century. Among the oral versions collected in Catalonia, the 'Alegria de sant Josep' and 'El moliner' are particularly noteworthy. As is the case in some other versions of this last song, the ensalada entitled 'El molino' by Chacón, published in 1581, not only develops the motif of the mystical mill, but also inserts a sequence sung in Catalan, like the refrain we examine here. Two poetic chapbooks printed some time around 1558-1560 include two Catalan carols, the first one by Joan Timoneda («Hui és nat lo redemptor») and the second one by Onofre Almudéver («Puix lo Fill de Déu és nat»). Although these two authors refer to the city of Valencia, there are two anonymous works in Castilian sung to the same tune, printed in Barcelona in 1589 and 1591, whose first lines are «Vos subáis, Virgen señora» and «Que no es no, que ya no es nada». Moreover, Galceran Durall (doc. 1539-1594) and Father Pere Esteve i Puig (1582-1658) reuse this refrain in one form or another. Besides contextualizing and underlining the similarities and differences between these versions, editing those that we consider most interesting or are the least accessible.
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À partir des témoignages qui vont du jour de sa mort le 23 Septembre 1461 jusqu'à la fin du XVIIe siècle, nous analysons la question des rumeurs d'empoisonnement du prince Charles de Viane par instigation de sa belle-mère et la relation... more
À partir des témoignages qui vont du jour de sa mort le 23 Septembre 1461 jusqu'à la fin du XVIIe siècle, nous analysons la question des rumeurs d'empoisonnement du prince Charles de Viane par instigation de sa belle-mère et la relation de ce motif avec les apparitions de son âme demandant vengeance.
In this paper we use several testimonies, that range from the day of his death on September 23, 1461 to the end of the seventeenth century, to examine the rumours of Carlos de Viana’s poisoning death at his stepmother instigation and its relation with the motif of his apparitions claiming revenge.
A partir de testimonios que van desde su muerte el día 23 de septiembre de 1461 hasta el final del siglo XVII, analizamos los rumores de envenenamiento del príncipe Carlos de Viana por instigación de su madrastra y la relación que este motivo tiene con el de las apariciones de su ánima reclamando venganza.
In this paper we use several testimonies, that range from the day of his death on September 23, 1461 to the end of the seventeenth century, to examine the rumours of Carlos de Viana’s poisoning death at his stepmother instigation and its relation with the motif of his apparitions claiming revenge.
A partir de testimonios que van desde su muerte el día 23 de septiembre de 1461 hasta el final del siglo XVII, analizamos los rumores de envenenamiento del príncipe Carlos de Viana por instigación de su madrastra y la relación que este motivo tiene con el de las apariciones de su ánima reclamando venganza.
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This paper presents a study and the first edition from a chapter of the "Anales de los carmelitas descalzos de la provincia de san José en el Principado de Cataluña", work copied by its own author, brother John of St. Joseph (1642-1718),... more
This paper presents a study and the first edition from a chapter of the "Anales de los carmelitas descalzos de la provincia de san José en el Principado de Cataluña", work copied by its own author, brother John of St. Joseph (1642-1718), in University of Barcelona Library, Ms. 991. This chapter belonging to the tradition of revenants from purgatory was examined by clergy. It was taken as a true story, proven by statements under oath. The events of this case go back to the city of Vic and its surroundings in 1677-1681, by setting an important precedent of the tale of the priest’s ghost who returns from the other world to say a mass forgotten or not celebrated when alive.
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This paper provides a table of twenty-four versions of a folktale telling how a visionary and the ghost of a priest have an unanticipated encounter in a church or chapel where a mass of the other world will be celebrated. Although from a... more
This paper provides a table of twenty-four versions of a folktale telling how a visionary and the ghost of a priest have an unanticipated encounter in a church or chapel where a mass of the other world will be celebrated. Although from a geographical point of view all these versions refer to the branch of Oïl languages and to the states of France, Belgium and Canada, most of them are also part of the culture of other language communities, such as Breton or Occitan.
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In this paper, we study from a bibliographic point of view seven chapbooks, one in prose and the rest in verse, which are bound in one volume preserved in the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, Perugia, catalogued under the shelfmark [I L... more
In this paper, we study from a bibliographic point of view seven chapbooks, one in prose and the rest in verse, which are bound in one volume preserved in the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, Perugia, catalogued under the shelfmark [I L 1402]. Some of these editions include the place (Cuenca) and the date of printing (1557 or 1558). From this information and from the formal analysis of the seven editions, it is possible to ascribe all of them to the press of Juan de Cánova. Two of the seven chapbooks transmit poems that we have not located in any other handwritten or printed source, as far as it has been achieved in our research. Furthermore, the fact that one of these poems is in Catalan and has a Valencian author (Onofre Almudéver) makes us suspect that those chapbooks, at least in part, were printed at the request of a bookseller established in Valencia.
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In this paper we study and edit one of the forty-four chapbooks compiled into the volume [IL 1402] of Perugia’s Biblioteca Comunale Augusta. Although this chapbook has not any indication of printing office or place, it explicitly states... more
In this paper we study and edit one of the forty-four chapbooks compiled into the volume [IL 1402] of Perugia’s Biblioteca Comunale Augusta. Although this chapbook has not any indication of printing office or place, it explicitly states the year 1552; and, according to the analysis of typefaces and some decorative elements, it was probably printed by Juan de Cánova. It includes three devotional poems with the following starting lines: 1) Encamina mi camino, / omnipotente Dios Padre, 2) Retraída está la reina, / madre de Dios eternal, 3) Dios te salve, clara estrella, / estrella clara del mar. The first work, the only one unpublished since 1552, was plagiarized by Bartomeu Auledes, who presented it in a competition held in Barcelona in 1580. The last composition is actually a recasting of some stanzas of two poems written by Juan de la Encina.
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In Perugia’s Biblioteca Comunale Augusta there is a collection of forty-four Spanish chapbooks, bound in a volume that has been listed under the shelfmark [I L 1402]. Two of them transcribe four hitherto unknown devotional works written... more
In Perugia’s Biblioteca Comunale Augusta there is a collection of forty-four Spanish chapbooks, bound in a volume that has been listed under the shelfmark [I L 1402]. Two of them transcribe four hitherto unknown devotional works written in octosyllabic verses by Gaspar Rodríguez,. In a poem with the opening line “Un caso muy lastimero”, Adam’s sin is contrasted with Christ’s redemption, recasting in a pious sense some unknown Coplas de la Paparuana. A piece about the Virgin of the Rosary (“Soy hermosa y acabada”) inspired by the popular song Gila Giralda, documented in several accounts from the second half of the sixteenth century, some of them from Seville. The other two poems with the opening lines “En estrecha confusión” and “Alto y sumo provisor” focused on the Lord’s Prayer and the rosary. We edited these four works and carried out a bibliographic study of the two chapbooks printed in 1562–1563. Although there is no indication of the printer office, we attribute them to Joan Navarro, a printer established in Valencia, by analyzing some decorative elements and comparing them with the rest of the volume or other printed books held in European libraries.
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Several copies of eight chapbooks attributed to Juan de Cánova (about 1552-1558) are bound in a volume of the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, Perugia, catalogued under the shelfmark [I L 1402]. In this paper we edit and contextualize... more
Several copies of eight chapbooks attributed to Juan de Cánova (about 1552-1558) are bound in a volume of the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta, Perugia, catalogued under
the shelfmark [I L 1402]. In this paper we edit and contextualize fourteen poems printed in one of these chapbooks. Among all these compositions, the seven following are only known through this printed book: "Señor Dios que me hiciste"; "Creo al tu poder divino"; "Venid, pecadores"; "Preguntaba la doncella"; "No sé si oís"; "Oh glorias al padre"; "Arrojé mi corazón".
the shelfmark [I L 1402]. In this paper we edit and contextualize fourteen poems printed in one of these chapbooks. Among all these compositions, the seven following are only known through this printed book: "Señor Dios que me hiciste"; "Creo al tu poder divino"; "Venid, pecadores"; "Preguntaba la doncella"; "No sé si oís"; "Oh glorias al padre"; "Arrojé mi corazón".
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We study and edit four Spanish poems with the following opening lines: 1) Digas, hortelano; 2) A vos, Virgen pía, estrella que guía; 3) Yo conozco, digo y cuento; 4) Oíd, reina que al cielo. The earliest known edition that includes all of... more
We study and edit four Spanish poems with the following opening lines: 1) Digas, hortelano; 2) A vos, Virgen pía, estrella que guía; 3) Yo conozco, digo y cuento; 4) Oíd, reina que al cielo. The earliest known edition that includes all of them was published sine notis (but probably in Valencia from 1561 to 1563) with a rubric that attributed the first work to Joan Timoneda, the third one to Francisco de Argüello and the last one to Ángel González. Some later literary sources and indexes of forbidden books consider that the four pieces were composed by Joan Timoneda, at whom Pere Salvà i Mallén assigned more specifically the second poem, titled Pavana de Nuestra Señora, although it was printed in a chapbook datable circa 1533-1535 and therefore it seems written prior to Timoneda’s output. These four pieces were published together in chapbook form during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but there is no evidence of its printed transmission during the eighteenth century, just when they were expurgated. We describe some known printed books and manuscripts transmitting these poems, and we relate them to another poetic works emerged in mid-sixteenth century Valencia.
Research Interests:
We edit and study seven devotional poems composed or compiled by Ausiàs Izquierdo. All them were printed in 1561-1562 in three poetic chapbooks, attributed to the Valencian printing of Joan Navarro, which today are part of a volume of the... more
We edit and study seven devotional poems composed or compiled by Ausiàs Izquierdo. All them were printed in 1561-1562 in three poetic chapbooks, attributed to the Valencian printing of Joan Navarro, which today are part of a volume of the Biblioteca Comunale Augusta in Perugia (shelf mark: [IL 1402]). Four of the seven works were known in the field of Hispanic literature through a chapbook entitled Coplas en loor del seráfico padre san Francisco (1587) and a Cancionero de Nuestra Señora (1591), printed both in Barcelona, the first one by Hubert Gotart and the second one by the widow of the same printer. Belonging to the tradition of devotional adaptations of previous songs and refrains, the other three poems are less known. These three chapbooks not only transmit the oldest known testimonies of these poems, but also provide further news on an author whose work was largely relegated to indirect and often confusing information.
Research Interests:
The 25 interdisciplinary research works included in this volume address the analysis of different texts, while paying attention to their literary traditions and the historical and cultural context of medieval and early modern Europe. The... more
The 25 interdisciplinary research works included in this volume address the analysis of different texts, while paying attention to their literary traditions and the historical and cultural context of medieval and early modern Europe. The three major thematic axes mentioned in the title—literature, science and religion—portray a complex set of relations which underscores the relevance of translation and knowledge transfer. This interplay—which ranges from literary works to technical handbooks—covers extensive geographic regions such as those of the Romance and the Anglo-Saxon languages.