- http://politicalscience.uwo.ca/people/faculty/full-time_faculty/chris_alcantara.html
Christopher Alcantara
Western University Canada, Political Science, Faculty Member
- Christopher Alcantara is associate professor in the department of political science at Western University. Much of h... moreChristopher Alcantara is associate professor in the department of political science at Western University. Much of his research examines the roots of collective action and intergovernmental cooperation in Canada, especially between Indigenous communities and the other three levels government (e.g. federal, provincial/territorial and municipal). He also writes about the importance of institutional design and the dynamics of institutional change using a variety of theoretical (e.g. rational choice, historical institutionalism, and political economy), conceptual (e.g. multilevel governance), and methodological approaches (e.g. archival research, elite interviews, experiments, and statistical analysis, the latter of which he relies heavily on his generous and talented co-authors!). He has also come to appreciate and to emphasize in his research the important role of agency in a variety of Canadian political arenas. He has written three books, A Quiet Evolution: The Emergence of Indigenous-Local Intergovernmental Partnerships in Canada (UTP: 2016, co-authored with Jen Nelles), Negotiating the Deal: Comprehensive Land Claims Agreements in Canada (UTP: 2013) and Beyond the Indian Act: Restoring Aboriginal Property Rights (MQUP: 2010), the latter of which was coauthored with Tom Flanagan and Andre Le Dressay. He has published numerous journal articles in Canadian Journal of Political Science, Canadian Public Administration, Electoral Studies, Journal of Elections, Public Opinion, and Parties, Public Choice, Publius: Journal of Federalism, Regional and Federal Studies, and Urban Affairs Review, among others. His research was a finalist for the Donald Smiley Prize in 2014, the Donner Prize in 2011 and the McMenemy Prize in 2013 and has won the 2014 International Council for Canadian Studies Pierre Savard Award for the best book in Canadian Studies, the 2014 Canadian Studies Network-Réseau d’études canadiennes Prize for the best book in Canadian Studies, the J.E. Hodgetts Award for best article in the journal, Canadian Public Administration, and the David Watson Memorial Award for "the paper published in the Queen's Law Journal judged to make the most significant contribution to legal scholarship.”edit
Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, public health officials became increasingly visible in the media, sometimes appearing alone or alongside elected officials to announce policy changes and updates on the virus. To what extent does varying... more
Throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, public health officials became increasingly visible in the media, sometimes appearing alone or alongside elected officials to announce policy changes and updates on the virus. To what extent does varying the official chosen to announce a new policy affect public support for the governing party and the policy? To answer this question, we analyze data from a survey experiment fielded in March 2022 announcing the implementation of additional COVID-19 vaccine requirements. We draw from three experimental treatments that manipulate who delivers the message and a control group. We find no discernible difference in either political or policy support when this message is delivered by a scientific expert, a political leader or both. The sole exception is the personal impact delivering this message has on the Premier’s rating, although this loss is only evident among those already opposed to COVID-19 regulations.
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In Westminster parliamentary democracies like Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, research has found that cabinet composition is driven mainly by longstanding norms and practices that privilege older, white males with certain educational... more
In Westminster parliamentary democracies like Australia, Canada, and New Zealand, research has found that cabinet composition is driven mainly by longstanding norms and practices that privilege older, white males with certain educational and political experiences. Do these trends apply at the subnational level where the demographic make-up can be quite different? To answer this question, we draw upon an original dataset of all members
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Researchers frequently rely on expert surveys to acquire information about political ideology and political parties, which they then use to explore a range of political phenomena such as proximity voting and satisfaction with democracy.... more
Researchers frequently rely on expert surveys to acquire information about political ideology and political parties, which they then use to explore a range of political phenomena such as proximity voting and satisfaction with democracy. Yet it is unclear whether experts and citizens place the parties similarly, which may have important implications for studies that rely on expert data. To what extent do citizens share expert views regarding political party placements? Using original data from Canada, we use multidimensional scaling techniques to examine and compare the responses of academic and journalist experts against a random sample of Canadians to a range of party placement questions. Our results suggest there is considerable variation between citizens and experts, and among specific subgroups of the general population. These findings have important implications for studies of party competition, voting behavior, and government responsiveness.
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Existing studies of policy diffusion rely on quantitative or qualitative methods depending on the number of cases and the policy at hand. Studies of diffusion in Canada, for instance, almost exclusively use qualitative techniques due to... more
Existing studies of policy diffusion rely on quantitative or qualitative methods depending on the number of cases and the policy at hand. Studies of diffusion in Canada, for instance, almost exclusively use qualitative techniques due to the limited number of subnational units. In this article, we explore whether machine learning techniques can complement qualitative approaches in these contexts. In 2015, the Canadian federal government decided to impose the legalization of cannabis and gave the provinces and territories a short time frame to develop and implement legislation. Previous qualitative research on this case found that within-province policy development was more salient than interprovincial diffusion. Using a plagiarism detection software, we find limited evidence of exact matches between provincial legislation, but a cosine score approach reveals significant similarities across provinces. These results suggest that computational and qualitative techniques together should be used where possible to identify and analyze policy diffusion in certain contexts.
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A variety of research has found strong evidence that men are more likely to donate to political parties and candidates relative to women. Yet studies of other kinds of political participation have observed a shrinking gender gap. What... more
A variety of research has found strong evidence that men are more likely to donate to political parties and candidates relative to women. Yet studies of other kinds of political participation have observed a shrinking gender gap. What explains this variation? One possible explanation comes from several studies that report women are more likely to donate to nonpolitical groups when told they have been entered into a monetary draw. Does simulating resource equality also reduce the political donations gender gap? To answer this question, we analyse original Canadian data from two surveys that asked participants how much they would give to a federal (survey 1)/provincial (survey 2) political party if they were given CDN$100. Contrary to our expectations, we find no gender gap at the federal level and a positive gap favouring women at the provincial level.
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The Canadian Senate was originally designed to act as an independent check on the House of Commons but over time, rampant and increasing partisanship rendered the Senate illegitimate in the eyes of the public. In 2014, Liberal leader... more
The Canadian Senate was originally designed to act as an independent check on the House of Commons but over time, rampant and increasing partisanship rendered the Senate illegitimate in the eyes of the public. In 2014, Liberal leader Justin Trudeau tried to reverse these trends by expelling all Liberal Senators from his party in hopes of reducing partisanship and restoring the Senate to its original, independent function. To what extent did this decision reduce partisanship? Using a difference-in-differences design, we analyse almost 7000 interventions over an 11-year period to find that partisanship remains strong in the Senate, with ex-Liberal Senators more likely to raise women's issues compared to Conservative Senators post-2014. This trend seems consistent with the Liberal Party's strong and the Conservative Party's weak feminist agenda after the Liberals formed the government in 2015.
Research Interests: Women's Studies, Institutional Change, Parliamentary Studies, Canadian Politics, Gender and Politics, and 11 morePolitical Representation, Causal Inference, Representation, Gender and representation, Partisanship, Upper Houses, Substantive Representation, Canadian Senate, Gender Issues and Politics, U.S. Senate, and Descriptive Representation
Interlocal agreements are becoming a popular policy tool for facilitating intergovernmental coordination and cooperation in Canada and the United States. Indigenous and local governments are also turning to these agreements despite long... more
Interlocal agreements are becoming a popular policy tool for facilitating intergovernmental coordination and cooperation in Canada and the United States. Indigenous and local governments are also turning to these agreements despite long histories of colonialism, exploitation and dispossession by the settler State toward Indigenous communities. To what extent do interlocal agreements between Indigenous and municipal governments require stringent accountability measures to facilitate intergovernmental coordination? Using a hierarchical Bayesian item response theory model, we explore this question by analyzing 317 interlocal agreements between Indigenous and municipal communities in Canada. We find that accountability strength varies significantly across agreements, contrary to our expectation that accountability requirements would be strong across agreements due to the long history of colonialism. We also find that some of the variation may be a function of the policy area addressed by each agreement, although this finding is likely the result of measurement uncertainty in our estimates.
Research Interests: Public Administration, Accountability, Indigenous Politics, Local Government, Measurement and Evaluation, and 11 moreColonialism, Municipal Solid Waste Management, Canadian Politics, Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations, Bayesian statistics & modelling, IRT research, Decolonization, Municipalities, Public Administration and Policy, Local/Municipal government, and Public Policy
Domestic policy responses to COVID-19 were remarkably consistent during the early days of the pandemic. What explains this policy convergence? Our formal model suggests that the novel character of COVID-19 produced a period of maximum... more
Domestic policy responses to COVID-19 were remarkably consistent during the early days of the pandemic. What explains this policy convergence? Our formal model suggests that the novel character of COVID-19 produced a period of maximum policy uncertainty, incentivizing political actors to converge on a common set of policies to minimize their exposure to electoral punishment. This convergence is likely to break down as policy feedback produces opinion divergence among experts and the public and as politicians recalculate the costs and benefits of various policy responses and under some conditions facing incentives to adopt extreme policies.
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Scholars who study centralization and decentralization in Canada usually rely on the distribution of authority and financial/human resources to identify transfers of “power to” and “power over” among different levels of government. We... more
Scholars who study centralization and decentralization in Canada usually rely on the distribution of authority and financial/human resources to identify transfers of “power to” and “power over” among different levels of government. We argue that patterns of non-financial asset ownership are a useful yet frequently overlooked measure of “power to.” We demonstrate that Canadian municipal policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic were shaped in part by the physical assets owned by municipal and provincial governments. These patterns of non-financial asset ownership reveal Canadian municipalities to be more important policy actors than typically assumed. A full understanding of the distribution of power within the Canadian federation requires attention to government ownership of physical assets.
Research Interests: Public Administration, Regional and Local Governance, Local Government, Federalism, Fiscal federalism and decentralization, and 7 moreCanadian Politics, Comparative Federalism, Urban And Regional Planning, Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations, Infrastructure, Public Policy, and COVID-19 PANDEMIC
What effect has the COVID-19 pandemic had on the political donations gender gap in Canada? Drawing on data from two national surveys conducted in May and August 2020, as well as Elections Canada data from 2019 and 2020, we find an overall... more
What effect has the COVID-19 pandemic had on the political donations gender gap in Canada? Drawing on data from two national surveys conducted in May and August 2020, as well as Elections Canada data from 2019 and 2020, we find an overall decline in contributions to political parties and a reduced but still significant gender gap, with women less likely to donate to political parties than men.
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Résumé This paper responds to Susan Campbell’s “On ‘Modest Proposals’ to Further Reduce the Aboriginal Landbase by Privatizing Reserve Land” that appeared in The Canadian Journal of Native Studies XXVII: 2 (2007). Specifically, this paper... more
Résumé This paper responds to Susan Campbell’s “On ‘Modest Proposals’ to Further Reduce the Aboriginal Landbase by Privatizing Reserve Land” that appeared in The Canadian Journal of Native Studies XXVII: 2 (2007). Specifically, this paper suggests that her characterization of Alcantara’s work as supporting the privatization of Reserve lands is inaccurate. Instead, the original article and the ones published afterwards argue that it is possible to use market-based approaches to improve economic development conditions on Canadian Indian Reserves. To do so, however, does not require the privatization of Reserve lands. L’auteur répond à l’article de Susan Campbell intitulé « On ‘Modest Proposals’ to Further Reduce the Aboriginal Landbase by Privatizing Reserve Land » qui est paru dans la Revue canadienne des études autochtones (XXVII, 2, 2007). Plus particulièrement, le présent article soutient que la caractérisation par S. Campbell du travail de C. Alcantara comme un soutien à la priva...
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I Resume One common misconception is that Indian reserves in Canada do not have individual private property. This is simply not the case, as several different individual private property regimes exist on First Nation territories. The most... more
I Resume One common misconception is that Indian reserves in Canada do not have individual private property. This is simply not the case, as several different individual private property regimes exist on First Nation territories. The most common type is the Certificate of Possession system, which allows individual Indians to obtain ownership of a tract of reserve land for the purpose of building a house, constructing a business, or exploiting its resources. This paper traces the history of individual private property rights on reserves in Canada and surveys the relevant legislation and caselaw in order to shed some light on the nature of Certificates of Possession. Une idee fausse assez· repandue veut que les residents d'une reserve indienne ne jouissent pas de droits de propriete individuels au Canada. Ce n'est tout simplement pas Ie cas, etant donne que les territoires des Premieres Nations possedent divers regimes de propriete privee. Le regime Ie plus courant est celui d...
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In 1973, the Canadian government created the federal comprehensive land claims process to negotiate modern treaties with Aboriginal peoples in Canada. Despite 35 years of negotiations, many Aboriginal groups have failed to complete modern... more
In 1973, the Canadian government created the federal comprehensive land claims process to negotiate modern treaties with Aboriginal peoples in Canada. Despite 35 years of negotiations, many Aboriginal groups have failed to complete modern treaties. This dissertation explains why some Aboriginal groups have been able to complete modern treaties and why some have not. After examining four sets of negotiations in Newfoundland and Labrador and the Yukon Territory, I argue that scholars need to pay greater attention to the institutional framework governing treaty negotiations and to a number of factors relative to the Aboriginal groups.
Over the last two decades, a number of Westminster parliamentary countries have adopted fixed or partially fixed election dates in response to growing public concerns about the ability of First Ministers to unfairly manipulate the timing... more
Over the last two decades, a number of Westminster parliamentary countries have adopted fixed or partially fixed election dates in response to growing public concerns about the ability of First Ministers to unfairly manipulate the timing of elections. Do First Ministers and their political parties gain an electoral advantage by controlling the timing of elections? Does that advantage disappear after the introduction of legislation constraining opportunistic election timing? We address these questions by analyzing and comparing 37 years of election results in eight Canadian provinces prior and subsequent to the passage of election timing legislation. Our evidence suggests that critics of the election timing power may be justified in calling for limits to this discretionary power. Use this link to get FREE read-only access to this paper: https://rdcu.be/Oz7K
Research Interests: Comparative Politics, Political Behavior, Voting Behavior, Political Science, Parliamentary Studies, and 9 moreCanadian Politics, Electoral Systems, Elections, Elections and Voting Behavior, Canadian Provincial Politics, Incumbency Advantage, Opportunistic Election Timing, Political Surfing, and Fixed Election Dates
Over the last 40 years, Indigenous communities in Canada have negotiated self-government agreements that allow them to express politically their unique identities, traditions and beliefs within the confines of the federal system. In this... more
Over the last 40 years, Indigenous communities in Canada have negotiated self-government agreements that allow them to express politically their unique identities, traditions and beliefs within the confines of the federal system. In this paper, we examine the motivations and range of candidates that have run for political office at the regional level in Nunatsiavut, an Inuit self-governing community in northern Labrador created through the Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement in 2005. In particular, we examine whether existing political behavior theories are applicable to Indigenous candidates running for office in these kinds of regions. To do so, we qualitatively analyze data from Nunatsiavut elections held between 2006 and 2017, including 11 elite interviews with candidates that ran for the office of Ordinary Member in 2014 and 10 interviews with candidates from other years. Our findings suggest that gender, and to a lesser extent, family dynamics, as well as, public attitudes towards candidates and negative attacks, may be barriers to running for office.
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Indigenous scholars and leaders have long been interested in reducing the role of the Canadian state in their political, economic, and social lives. This paper explores the extent to which digital currencies, such as Bitcoin or MazaCoin,... more
Indigenous scholars and leaders have long been interested in reducing the role of the Canadian state in their political, economic, and social lives. This paper explores the extent to which digital currencies, such as Bitcoin or MazaCoin, might be used to facilitate Indigenous self-determination, political autonomy, and economic prosperity. Based on our review of the literature, we argue that cryptocurrencies demonstrate some potential for advancing these goals but that there are a number of potential roadblocks as well. Future research should investigate how Indigenous communities might use digital currencies and other related technologies to further their political, economic, and social goals.
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ABSTRACT En dépit des succès remportés par le mouvement des droits des Autochtones et le mouvement des femmes dans la reconnaissance des droits de leurs membres respectifs au cours des trente dernières années, le sort des femmes qui ont... more
ABSTRACT En dépit des succès remportés par le mouvement des droits des Autochtones et le mouvement des femmes dans la reconnaissance des droits de leurs membres respectifs au cours des trente dernières années, le sort des femmes qui ont le statut d'Indienne continue de laisser à désirer. Un domaine en particulier, celui du partage des biens immobiliers matrimoniaux situés dans des réserves, est source de problèmes majeurs pour les Indiennes, parce qu'elles n'ont pas pu compter sur les tribunaux pour obtenir un règlement juste et équitable à la suite d'un divorce. Plutôt que de recevoir un droit de co-propriété du bien matrimonial ou d'obtenir la possession exclusive de la résidence familiale, elles sont souvent forcées de régler pour une compensation monétaire et, parfois, pour aucune compensation. Cette situation résulte de la juridiction constitutionnelle du Parlement fédéral sur les « Indiens et les terres réservées aux Indiens » ainsi que de la Loi sur les Indiens qui font en sorte que les lois provinciales portant sur le partage des biens matrimoniaux ne s'appliquent pas dans les réserves.
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... These treaties have allowed Aboriginal peoples to create new land management and governing regimes in the Yukon Territory, the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, British Columbia, Quebec, and Newfoundland and Labrador (Alcantara 2007a;... more
... These treaties have allowed Aboriginal peoples to create new land management and governing regimes in the Yukon Territory, the Northwest Territories, Nunavut, British Columbia, Quebec, and Newfoundland and Labrador (Alcantara 2007a; Dacks 2004; Henderson 1994 ...
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ABSTRACT Over the last fifty years or so, a number of Aboriginal groups in Canada have used protests, blockades, and occupations to oppose the Canadian state. Although most of these conflicts have received significant scholarly attention,... more
ABSTRACT Over the last fifty years or so, a number of Aboriginal groups in Canada have used protests, blockades, and occupations to oppose the Canadian state. Although most of these conflicts have received significant scholarly attention, a number of important phenomena related to Indigenous contentious collective action remain relatively unexplored or untested. One particular phenomena that is in need of further study is why Aboriginal groups decide to engage in contentious collective action in the first place. To address this question, this paper uses the theoretical lenses of rational choice and political opportunity structure to analyze the Labrador Innu's decision to mobilize and occupy the Goose Bay military air base during the 1980s and the 1990s.
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ABSTRACT This paper introduces a new approach to the comparative analysis of multilevel governance (MLG). Using water governance in North America as an illustrative example, it advances an innovative approach for scrutinizing the... more
ABSTRACT This paper introduces a new approach to the comparative analysis of multilevel governance (MLG). Using water governance in North America as an illustrative example, it advances an innovative approach for scrutinizing the varieties of actor constellations in multilevel settings. While MLG is commonly conceptualized rather broadly as a system, we define MLG instead as an instance of a specific actor configuration that can rigorously be distinguished from other configurations, most notably intergovernmental relations (IGR). With this more conceptually bounded classification, we suggest that scholars can now more fruitfully engage in systematic analyses of MLG and IGR across different types of political systems (e.g. unitary, federal and supranational). Our hope is that this paper will provide some much needed conceptual and analytical clarification to an increasingly nebulous debate on what MLG actually is and what it means for students of political science, public policy and public administration.
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A growing body of scholarship suggests that Indigenous peoples abstain from voting in national and subnational elections because of colonialism and so classic determinants of turnout do not apply. We investigate this argument by examining... more
A growing body of scholarship suggests that Indigenous peoples abstain from voting in national and subnational elections because of colonialism and so classic determinants of turnout do not apply. We investigate this argument by examining the relationship between electorate size and voter turnout in federal, provincial and regional elections in five Inuit communities in Canada, leveraging the fact that these communities are mostly similar across a range of factors. Given that these communities negotiated and established their own regional government in 2005 and given the colonial and settler nature of the federal and provincial governments, we expect classic determinants of turnout, such as electorate size, to apply only at the regional level. Surprisingly, however, we find that electorate size influences turnout at the federal and regional levels but not at the provincial level.
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Download the paper here (open access): https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/may-2021/the-covid-19-crisis-is-about-physical-infrastructure-too/ The role of infrastructure ownership and the ability for governments to respond quickly has... more
Download the paper here (open access): https://policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/may-2021/the-covid-19-crisis-is-about-physical-infrastructure-too/ The role of infrastructure ownership and the ability for governments to respond quickly has been missing from the pandemic analysis. Instead, federalism scholars have tended to focus on the division of powers and fiscal federalism. Yet infrastructure is critical to state capacity and state power within federations. We coin the term "infrastructural policy security" to describe the importance of a country's infrastructural asset profile for addressing its most pressing and basic policy problems and concerns.
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. Over the past three decades, Inuit economic development corporations (IEDCs) have played an important role in preparing the Inuit regions of Nunavik in northern Québec and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories... more
. Over the past three decades, Inuit economic development corporations (IEDCs) have played an important role in preparing the Inuit regions of Nunavik in northern Québec and the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the Northwest Territories for self-government. In addition to building vital capacity through the provision of services, programs and economic opportunities, IEDCs have also represented their respective regions in self-government negotiations with other levels of government. This corporate-led governance approach, which we call Inuit corporate governance, provides Aboriginal groups such as the Inuit with a de facto form of self-government and the opportunity to develop economic and political capacity in advance of adopting a more comprehensive and formal self-government arrangement. It also challenges existing assumptions about the relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the liberal–capitalist order that underpins the Canadian state.Résumé. Durant les trois dernières décennies, les Institutions de développement économique des Inuits ont joué un rôle important en préparation à l'auto-gouvernance de la population Inuit du Nunavik, dans le Nord-du-Québec, et de l'Inuvialuit, dans les Territoires du Nord-Ouest. En plus d'avoir permis le développement d'habiletés cruciales dans le domaine de l'offre de services, de programmes et d'opportunités de développement économique, les Institutions ont également contribué, à titre de représentantes de leurs régions respectives, lors de la négociation d'ententes portant sur l'auto-gouvernance avec divers paliers de gouvernement. Cette approche de gouvernance corporative Inuit fournit aux groupes autochtones, tels les Inuits, une forme d'auto-gouvernance de facto qui génère pour eux des opportunités de se développer économiquement et politiquement, en préparation à l'adoption d'un modèle d'auto-gouvernance plus élaboré et formel. Cette approche soulève également bien des questions quant aux fondements de la relation qui existe entre les peuples autochtones et l'ordre libéral capitaliste qui sous-tend l'État canadien.
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Does federalism prevent citizens from holding governments accountable for their actions? The pandemic represents the ideal scenario for testing the effects of federalism on democratic accountability because citizens are highly motivated... more
Does federalism prevent citizens from holding governments accountable for their actions? The pandemic represents the ideal scenario for testing the effects of federalism on democratic accountability because citizens are highly motivated to hold governments accountable for preventing or failing to prevent the rapid transmission of the virus. Previous research suggests that a number of institutional and political factors complicate the accountability function in federal systems. We add to this literature by assessing the effect of one political factor, exclusivity (measured in terms of policy variation at one level), on accountability. The coronavirus pandemic provides a unique opportunity to assess this factor given the high levels of issue saliency, media attention, and low levels of intergovernmental and interparty conflict it has generated. Drawing on original data from the May 2020 Democratic Checkup Survey and public data from the Canadian National Microbiology Laboratory, our preliminary findings suggest that interprovincial policy variation with respect to coronavirus testing is not correlated with public assessments of the adequacy of provincial testing, and so it seems that Canadians are not able to assign responsibility to the correct level of government despite ideal conditions for doing so.
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In most democratic countries, elected officials must balance the interests of their constituents against the interests of the broader electorate. One factor that is thought to affect this balance is the nature of the political offices... more
In most democratic countries, elected officials must balance the interests of their constituents against the interests of the broader electorate. One factor that is thought to affect this balance is the nature of the political offices that politicians occupy. Is this assumption true? We investigate the effect of one’s elected position on the likelihood of raising local issues in legislative assemblies by examining the Nunatsiavut Assembly, the legislative body of the Nunatsiavut Government in Labrador, Canada. The Assembly is unique because of the diverse range of elected positions that comprise it, which vary significantly in terms of the kinds of representational incentives that they impose upon their office holders. We assess the effect of these different positions on the likelihood of raising local issues by analyzing 48 Nunatsiavut Hansards using computer-assisted dictionary analysis. We also draw upon six elite interviews with current members. On balance, the evidence suggests that one’s position does affect the likelihood of raising local issues in legislative assemblies.
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Political parties regularly make promises to the public about what they hope to accomplish if and when they are elected to office. Once in office, the winning party, usually via the executive branch, announces its agenda by delivering a... more
Political parties regularly make promises to the public about what they hope to accomplish if and when they are elected to office. Once in office, the winning party, usually via the executive branch, announces its agenda by delivering a “speech from the throne” or a “state of the union/nation” address in the legislature. To what extent are governments able to fulfill the promises they make in these speeches? To answer this question, we investigate the impact of three structural constraints on promise fulfillment over time—procedural (e.g., majority vs. minority configurations); informational (e.g., new vs. incumbent governments); and economic (economic recession)—using an original dataset drawn from Canadian speeches from the throne between 1962 and 2013. Our findings, which both challenge and confirm the findings of existing literature on promise fulfillment, suggest that only procedural and economic constraints matter.
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Over the last two decades, a number of Westminster parliamentary countries have adopted fixed or partially fixed election dates in response to growing public concerns about the ability of First Ministers to unfairly manipulate the timing... more
Over the last two decades, a number of Westminster parliamentary countries have adopted fixed or partially fixed election dates in response to growing public concerns about the ability of First Ministers to unfairly manipulate the timing of elections. Do First Ministers and their political parties gain an electoral advantage by controlling the timing of elections? Does that advantage disappear after the introduction of legislation constraining opportunistic election timing? We address these questions by analyzing and comparing 37 years of election results in eight Canadian provinces prior and subsequent to the passage of election timing legislation. Our evidence suggests that critics of the election timing power may be justified in calling for limits to this discretionary power.
Use this link to get FREE read-only access to this paper: https://rdcu.be/Oz7K
Use this link to get FREE read-only access to this paper: https://rdcu.be/Oz7K
Research Interests: Comparative Politics, Political Behavior, Voting Behavior, Political Science, Parliamentary Studies, and 9 moreCanadian Politics, Electoral Systems, Elections, Elections and Voting Behavior, Canadian Provincial Politics, Incumbency Advantage, Opportunistic Election Timing, Political Surfing, and Fixed Election Dates
Although there is a rich literature on the negotiation and contents of comprehensive land claims agreements, very little has been written on the dynamics of their implementation. This article contributes by sketching out a framework for... more
Although there is a rich literature on the negotiation and contents of comprehensive land claims agreements, very little has been written on the dynamics of their implementation. This article contributes by sketching out a framework for analyzing the interactions between Indigenous, federal, and provincial/territorial governments in the implementation of modern treaties in Canada. It finds that a useful way for conceptualizing these situations is to focus on two characteristics relating to the treaty provisions and the signatories while remaining sensitive to the effects of time and other contextual factors.
DOI: 10.1111/capa.12219
DOI: 10.1111/capa.12219
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Are women and visible minorities more likely to contest and win municipal elections under different institutional and contextual circumstances? We examine this question using data collected on 934 individual candidates who sought election... more
Are women and visible minorities more likely to contest and win municipal elections under different institutional and contextual circumstances? We examine this question using data collected on 934 individual candidates who sought election in twenty-two large and mid-sized cities during the 2014 municipal election cycle in Ontario, Canada. The influence of three types of political opportunity structure on the 'decision to run' for female and minority candidates is examined, as well as the ability of these candidates to win when they do stand for election. While we uncover no evidence that such structures affect candidacy, our results do indicate district magnitude is negatively correlated with the likelihood of female and minority victory. This finding conflicts with the existing literature on the topic and has implications for debates on electoral reform and the representation of women and minorities.
Are women and visible minorities more likely to contest and win municipal elections under different institutional and contextual circumstances? We examine this question using data collected on 934 individual candidates who sought election... more
Are women and visible minorities more likely to contest and win municipal elections under different institutional and contextual circumstances? We examine this question using data collected on 934 individual candidates who sought election in twenty-two large and mid-sized cities during the 2014 municipal election cycle in Ontario, Canada. The influence of three types of political opportunity structure on the ‘decision to run’ for female and minority candidates is examined, as well as the ability of these candidates to win when they do stand for election. While we uncover no evidence that such structures affect candidacy, our results do indicate district magnitude is negatively correlated with the likelihood of female and minority victory. This finding conflicts with the existing literature on the topic and has implications for debates on electoral reform and the representation of women and minorities.
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Indigenous scholars and leaders have long been interested in reducing the role of the Canadian state in their political, economic, and social lives. This paper explores the extent to which digital currencies, such as Bitcoin or MazaCoin,... more
Indigenous scholars and leaders have long been interested in reducing the role of the Canadian state in their political, economic, and social lives. This paper explores the extent to which digital currencies, such as Bitcoin or MazaCoin, might be used to facilitate Indigenous self-determination, political autonomy, and economic prosperity. Based on our review of the literature, we argue that cryptocurrencies demonstrate some potential for advancing these goals but that there are a number of potential roadblocks as well. Future research should investigate how Indigenous communities might use digital currencies and other related technologies to further their political, economic, and social goals.
Résumé
Les chercheurs et les leaders autochtones cherchent depuis longtemps à réduire le rôle de l’État canadien dans la vie politique, économique et sociale des Autochtones. Cet article examine le rôle et l’importance des devises numériques, comme Bitcoin ou MazaCoin, dans l’atteinte, par les Autochtones, de l’auto-détermination, de l’autonomie politique et de la prospérité économique. D’après notre analyse documentaire, nous postulons que les crypto-monnaies peuvent contribuer à l’atteinte de ces objectifs, mais qu’elles posent également leur lot de problèmes. De futures recherches pourraient examiner les moyens que les groupes autochtones auraient pour exploiter les devises numériques et d’autres technologies connexes dans l’atteinte de leurs objectifs politiques, économiques, et sociaux.
Résumé
Les chercheurs et les leaders autochtones cherchent depuis longtemps à réduire le rôle de l’État canadien dans la vie politique, économique et sociale des Autochtones. Cet article examine le rôle et l’importance des devises numériques, comme Bitcoin ou MazaCoin, dans l’atteinte, par les Autochtones, de l’auto-détermination, de l’autonomie politique et de la prospérité économique. D’après notre analyse documentaire, nous postulons que les crypto-monnaies peuvent contribuer à l’atteinte de ces objectifs, mais qu’elles posent également leur lot de problèmes. De futures recherches pourraient examiner les moyens que les groupes autochtones auraient pour exploiter les devises numériques et d’autres technologies connexes dans l’atteinte de leurs objectifs politiques, économiques, et sociaux.
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Despite a rich and diverse literature on the revitalization of Indigenous legal traditions and constitutional orders, no one has yet looked at modern Aboriginal constitutions in Canada. This essay draws upon the comparative constitutional... more
Despite a rich and diverse literature on the revitalization of Indigenous legal traditions and constitutional orders, no one has yet looked at modern Aboriginal constitutions in Canada. This essay draws upon the comparative constitutional design and Aboriginal politics literatures to describe and analyze the texts of 14 Aboriginal constitutions. The findings suggest that these constitutional documents are similar to non-Aboriginal ones in many ways. Specifically, both deal with similar political problems and try to express and protect local political cultures. In short, they represent practical attempts to marry Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal constitutional orders and legal traditions in the contemporary context. Students of Aboriginal politics and law should pay greater attention to these documents, and especially to their origins and evolution over time.
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Over the last several decades, scholars working on Indigenous topics have faced increasing pressure to engage in research that promotes social justice and results in formal partnerships with Indigenous communities. In this article, we... more
Over the last several decades, scholars working on Indigenous topics have faced increasing pressure to engage
in research that promotes social justice and results in formal partnerships with Indigenous communities. In
this article, we argue that non-community-based research, in which the researcher exercises academic
autonomy over the project, still has a role to play in Indigenous-focused research, depending on the research
question, topic, and situation at hand. We explore this argument from the perspective of political scientists
who study Indigenous–settler political relations in Canada.
in research that promotes social justice and results in formal partnerships with Indigenous communities. In
this article, we argue that non-community-based research, in which the researcher exercises academic
autonomy over the project, still has a role to play in Indigenous-focused research, depending on the research
question, topic, and situation at hand. We explore this argument from the perspective of political scientists
who study Indigenous–settler political relations in Canada.
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Cooperation between municipalities and Indigenous people is transforming life in Canada for the better.
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Much of the coverage surrounding the relationship between Indigenous communities and the Crown in Canada has focused on the federal, provincial, and territorial governments. Yet it is at the local level where some of the most important... more
Much of the coverage surrounding the relationship between Indigenous communities and the Crown in Canada has focused on the federal, provincial, and territorial governments. Yet it is at the local level where some of the most important and significant partnerships are being made between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.
In A Quiet Evolution, Christopher Alcantara and Jen Nelles look closely at hundreds of agreements from across Canada and at four case studies drawn from Ontario, Quebec, and Yukon Territory to explore relationships between Indigenous and local governments. By analyzing the various ways in which they work together, the authors provide an original, transferable framework for studying any type of intergovernmental partnership at the local level. Timely and accessible, A Quiet Evolution is a call to politicians, policymakers and citizens alike to encourage Indigenous and local governments to work towards mutually beneficial partnerships.
In A Quiet Evolution, Christopher Alcantara and Jen Nelles look closely at hundreds of agreements from across Canada and at four case studies drawn from Ontario, Quebec, and Yukon Territory to explore relationships between Indigenous and local governments. By analyzing the various ways in which they work together, the authors provide an original, transferable framework for studying any type of intergovernmental partnership at the local level. Timely and accessible, A Quiet Evolution is a call to politicians, policymakers and citizens alike to encourage Indigenous and local governments to work towards mutually beneficial partnerships.
Research Interests: Indigenous Studies, Collaboration, Regional and Local Governance, Federalism, Local Government and Local Development, and 7 moreRegional development, Canadian Politics, Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations, Reconciliation, Cooperation, Social capital, qualitative methodlogy, civic enagagement, and Local/Municipal government
Abstract Government policy-making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy-making by... more
Abstract
Government policy-making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy-making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavily on political agency. Meaningful and enduring change to Aboriginal policy-making will therefore likely require significant institutional adjustments to the Canadian federation.
Sommaire
L’élaboration de politiques gouvernementales ayant une incidence sur les collectivités autochtones au Canada a souvent fait face à une résistance féroce de la part des dirigeants autochtones. Nous examinons la gouvernance à divers paliers gouvernementaux en tant que modèle de rechange pour l’élaboration de politiques autochtones en nous penchant sur une étude de cas particulière : le processus qui a abouti à l'Accord de Kelowna de 2005. Nous constatons qu'alors que la gouvernance à divers paliers gouvernementaux pourrait produire des résultats hautement souhaitables, sa mise en œuvre semble fortement liée aux organismes politiques. Des changements significatifs et durables à l’élaboration des politiques autochtones exigeront donc très probablement que d'importants ajustements soient apportés aux institutions de la fédération canadienne.
Government policy-making affecting Indigenous communities in Canada has often been met with stiff resistance from Indigenous leadership. We examine multilevel governance as an alternate model for Aboriginal policy-making by examining a particular case study: the process leading up to the 2005 Kelowna Accord. We find that although multilevel governance may have the potential to produce highly desirable outcomes, its emergence seems to depend heavily on political agency. Meaningful and enduring change to Aboriginal policy-making will therefore likely require significant institutional adjustments to the Canadian federation.
Sommaire
L’élaboration de politiques gouvernementales ayant une incidence sur les collectivités autochtones au Canada a souvent fait face à une résistance féroce de la part des dirigeants autochtones. Nous examinons la gouvernance à divers paliers gouvernementaux en tant que modèle de rechange pour l’élaboration de politiques autochtones en nous penchant sur une étude de cas particulière : le processus qui a abouti à l'Accord de Kelowna de 2005. Nous constatons qu'alors que la gouvernance à divers paliers gouvernementaux pourrait produire des résultats hautement souhaitables, sa mise en œuvre semble fortement liée aux organismes politiques. Des changements significatifs et durables à l’élaboration des politiques autochtones exigeront donc très probablement que d'importants ajustements soient apportés aux institutions de la fédération canadienne.
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"MQ-87181." Thesis (M.A.)--University of Calgary, Dept. of Political Science, 2002. Includes bibliographical references. Microfiche.
Book Chapter in the forthcoming, 2013 State of the Federation volume, to be published by MQUP: 2015.
Edited Book Volume on Aboriginal Multilevel Governance in Canada.
Edited Book Volume on Aboriginal Multilevel Governance in Canada.
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Do negative campaigns win elections? Do voters abandon candidates accused of scandalous behaviour? Do government apologies affect prospects for re-election? While many people assume the answer to each of these questions is yes, there is... more
Do negative campaigns win elections? Do voters abandon candidates accused of scandalous behaviour? Do government apologies affect prospects for re-election? While many people assume the answer to each of these questions is yes, there is limited empirical evidence to support these assumptions. In this book, Jason Roy and Christopher Alcantara use a series of experiments to test these and other commonly held beliefs.
Each chapter draws upon contemporary events and literature to frame the issues and strategies. The findings suggest that not all of the assumptions that people have about the best strategies for winning and keeping political power hold up to empirical scrutiny. In fact, some work in ways that many readers may find surprising.
Original and innovative in its use of experimental methods, Winning and Keeping Power in Canadian Politics is a persuasive analysis of some of our most prominent and long-standing political myths. It will be a "go to" resource for journalists, strategists, scholars, and general readers alike.
Each chapter draws upon contemporary events and literature to frame the issues and strategies. The findings suggest that not all of the assumptions that people have about the best strategies for winning and keeping political power hold up to empirical scrutiny. In fact, some work in ways that many readers may find surprising.
Original and innovative in its use of experimental methods, Winning and Keeping Power in Canadian Politics is a persuasive analysis of some of our most prominent and long-standing political myths. It will be a "go to" resource for journalists, strategists, scholars, and general readers alike.
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Nested Federalism and Inuit Governance in the Canadian Arctic traces the political journey toward self-governance taken by three predominantly Inuit regions over the past forty years: Nunavik in northern Québec, the Inuvialuit Settlement... more
Nested Federalism and Inuit Governance in the Canadian Arctic traces the political journey toward self-governance taken by three predominantly Inuit regions over the past forty years: Nunavik in northern Québec, the Inuvialuit Settlement Region in the western Northwest Territories, and Nunatsiavut in northern Labrador. The Canadian federal system was never designed to recognize Indigenous governance, and it has resisted formal institutional change. But change has come.
Indigenous communities have successfully mobilized to negotiate the creation of self-governing regions. Policymakers and politicians have responded by situating almost all these regions politically and institutionally within existing constituent units of the Canadian federation. The varied governance arrangements emerging as a result are forms of nested federalism, a new and largely unexplored model of government that is transforming Canada as it reformulates the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state.
Following the development trajectories of these three northern regions, Gary Wilson, Christopher Alcantara, and Thierry Rodon investigate their internal dynamics and their relationships with other levels of government in several key policy areas. This meticulous analysis offers new insight into the evolution of Indigenous self-government, as well as its consequences for Indigenous communities and for the future of Canadian federalism.
This book will appeal to scholars and students of political science, public administration, public policy, and Indigenous and northern studies, as well as to Indigenous policymakers and residents of the territorial and provincial North.
Indigenous communities have successfully mobilized to negotiate the creation of self-governing regions. Policymakers and politicians have responded by situating almost all these regions politically and institutionally within existing constituent units of the Canadian federation. The varied governance arrangements emerging as a result are forms of nested federalism, a new and largely unexplored model of government that is transforming Canada as it reformulates the relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state.
Following the development trajectories of these three northern regions, Gary Wilson, Christopher Alcantara, and Thierry Rodon investigate their internal dynamics and their relationships with other levels of government in several key policy areas. This meticulous analysis offers new insight into the evolution of Indigenous self-government, as well as its consequences for Indigenous communities and for the future of Canadian federalism.
This book will appeal to scholars and students of political science, public administration, public policy, and Indigenous and northern studies, as well as to Indigenous policymakers and residents of the territorial and provincial North.
Research Interests: Public Administration, Indigenous Studies, Indigenous Politics, Federalism, Regionalism, and 10 moreCanadian Politics, Indigenous Peoples, Federalism and Intergovernmental Relations, Multilevel governance, Inuit, Land claims, Canadian Public Policy, Nationalism and Decolonization, Land Claims and Self Government, and Public Policy
"This book provides the first systematic and comprehensive analysis of the factors that explain both completed and incomplete treaty negotiations between Aboriginal groups and the federal, provincial, and territorial governments of... more
"This book provides the first systematic and comprehensive analysis of the factors that explain both completed and incomplete treaty negotiations between Aboriginal groups and the federal, provincial, and territorial governments of Canada. Since 1973, groups that have never signed treaties with the Crown have been invited to negotiate what the government calls “comprehensive land claims agreements,” otherwise known as modern treaties, which formally transfer jurisdiction, ownership, and title over selected lands to Aboriginal signatories. Despite their importance, not all groups have completed such agreements – a situation that is problematic not only for governments but for Aboriginal groups interested in rebuilding their communities and economies.
Using in-depth interviews with Indigenous, federal, provincial, and territorial officials, Christopher Alcantara compares the experiences of four Aboriginal groups: the Kwanlin Dün First Nation (with a completed treaty) and the Kaska Nations (with incomplete negotiations) in Yukon Territory, and the Inuit (completed) and Innu (incomplete) in Newfoundland and Labrador. Based on the experiences of these groups, Alcantara argues that scholars and policymakers need to pay greater attention to the institutional framework governing treaty negotiations and, most importantly, to the active role that Aboriginal groups play in these processes."
Using in-depth interviews with Indigenous, federal, provincial, and territorial officials, Christopher Alcantara compares the experiences of four Aboriginal groups: the Kwanlin Dün First Nation (with a completed treaty) and the Kaska Nations (with incomplete negotiations) in Yukon Territory, and the Inuit (completed) and Innu (incomplete) in Newfoundland and Labrador. Based on the experiences of these groups, Alcantara argues that scholars and policymakers need to pay greater attention to the institutional framework governing treaty negotiations and, most importantly, to the active role that Aboriginal groups play in these processes."
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"While land claims made by Canada's aboriginal peoples continue to attract attention and controversy, there has been almost no discussion of the ways in which First Nations lands are managed and the property rights that have been in place... more
"While land claims made by Canada's aboriginal peoples continue to attract attention and controversy, there has been almost no discussion of the ways in which First Nations lands are managed and the property rights that have been in place since the Indian Act of 1876. Beyond the Indian Act looks at these issues and questions whether present land practices have benefited Canada's aboriginal peoples. Challenging current laws and management, this illuminating work proposes the creation of a new system that would allow First Nations to choose to have full ownership of property, both individually and collectively.
The authors not only investigate the current forms of property rights on reservations but also expose the limitations of each system, showing that customary rights are insecure, certificates of possession cannot be sold outside the First Nation, and leases are temporary. As well, analysis of legislation, court decisions, and economic reports reveals that current land management has led to unnecessary economic losses. The authors propose creation of a First Nations Property Ownership Act that would make it possible for First Nations to take over full ownership of reserve lands from the Crown, arguing that permitting private property on reserves would provide increased economic advantages.
An engaging and well-reasoned book, Beyond the Indian Act is a bold argument for a new system that could improve the quality of life for First Nations people in communities across the country."
The authors not only investigate the current forms of property rights on reservations but also expose the limitations of each system, showing that customary rights are insecure, certificates of possession cannot be sold outside the First Nation, and leases are temporary. As well, analysis of legislation, court decisions, and economic reports reveals that current land management has led to unnecessary economic losses. The authors propose creation of a First Nations Property Ownership Act that would make it possible for First Nations to take over full ownership of reserve lands from the Crown, arguing that permitting private property on reserves would provide increased economic advantages.
An engaging and well-reasoned book, Beyond the Indian Act is a bold argument for a new system that could improve the quality of life for First Nations people in communities across the country."
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How might water sharing agreements help some communities address water insecurity?
Research Interests: Public Administration, Indigenous Studies, Local Government, Canadian Politics, Sustainable Water Resources Management, and 10 moreFederalism and Intergovernmental Relations, First Nations of Canada, Collaborative Governance, Oneida Community, Ontario, Municipalities, Water Rights, Environmental Justice, Indigenous Rights, Water Rights, Public Administration and Policy, and Municipal water treatment
Land acknowledgements aim to raise awareness and facilitate Indigenous reconciliation, but more tangible acts would give meaning to their words.
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Toronto Star op Ed that analyzes the effect of election timing on vote choice by drawing on Canadian and comparative studies on the topic
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Op Ed on the effect of government apologies on public opinion towards the governing party.
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This column, published in the Record, discusses why seniority is a bad principle on which to base teacher hiring. Published 21 June 2016.
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"As we move into teacher hiring season, it’s time for Ontario policymakers to take a hard look at Regulation 274, which makes seniority the ruling principle in hiring." An opinion column published in the Toronto Star on 20 April 2016.
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This column, published in The Record, argues that changing our electoral system doesn't make sense if you consider its purpose and function within the broader Canadian political system. This is the crucial mistake that most advocates for... more
This column, published in The Record, argues that changing our electoral system doesn't make sense if you consider its purpose and function within the broader Canadian political system. This is the crucial mistake that most advocates for electoral reform make when they argue in favour of adopting a new system. Published on Monday 18 January 2016.
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Rather than criticize Ottawa for its tepid response to the Truth and Reconciliation report, Ontario should step up and take action itself. Published in the Toronto Star. Monday June 15 2015.
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If we want the report to change the country, we ought to focus on one or two concrete solutions to narrowly defined problems.
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This op ed, published in the Winnipeg Free Press, suggests that perhaps there can actually be too much of a good thing when it comes to publishing public salaries and expenses. It applies the logic typically used for public salaries to... more
This op ed, published in the Winnipeg Free Press, suggests that perhaps there can actually be too much of a good thing when it comes to publishing public salaries and expenses. It applies the logic typically used for public salaries to citizen usage of programs and services
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An op ed published in the Waterloo Region Record.
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Repairing the Aboriginal-Crown relationship requires Canadians to remember their legal and political heritage and civic identity. A column in the Winnipeg Free Press
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A satire of the Ontario government's obsession with job training and university education. Published in the Waterloo Region Record.
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Toronto Star 27 January 2015
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Winnipeg Free Press 17 September 2014
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Nunatsiaq News
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The Record 15 March 2014
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The Record 21 June 2014
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The Record 27 March 2014
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Toronto Star 26 March 2014
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The Record 20 June 2013
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Toronto Star 19 August 2012
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Toronto Star 28 March 2013
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Toronto Star 3 January 2013
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Toronto Star 21 November 2012
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Toronto Star 28 January 2012
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Toronto Star 1 December 2011
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Toronto Star 23 October 2011
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Toronto Star 5 May 2011
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Toronto Star 29 July 2010
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Toronto Star 21 September 2010
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The role of Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) is perhaps the most essential position for modern day municipalities. While these individuals play a critical role in the future direction and success of their organizations, data pertaining... more
The role of Chief Administrative Officer (CAO) is perhaps the most essential position for
modern day municipalities. While these individuals play a critical role in the future direction and
success of their organizations, data pertaining to their pending retirement in Ontario is a cause
for concern. These trends are particularly troubling for Ontario’s small municipalities who
already face challenges pertaining to the recruitment and retention of staff.
The CAO position has undergone a dynamic shift over the past two decades. Research
has shown that ideas and practices related to New Public Management (NPM) and New Public
Service (NPS) have directly impacted the position, moving it away from being one of purely
management to a combination of management and strategic leadership. In order for Ontario’s
small municipalities to continue serving their citizens effectively, they need to develop
strategies aimed at obtaining ‘top talent’ to fill the CAO position.
Through an analysis of the research currently available on this topic, this study
recommends a number of best practices that small municipalities should consider adopting to
maintain future stability at the senior leadership level. In addition, case studies for two
municipalities were developed based one-on-one interviews with elected officials and
administrators to ascertain what these organizations are doing to address this issue.
modern day municipalities. While these individuals play a critical role in the future direction and
success of their organizations, data pertaining to their pending retirement in Ontario is a cause
for concern. These trends are particularly troubling for Ontario’s small municipalities who
already face challenges pertaining to the recruitment and retention of staff.
The CAO position has undergone a dynamic shift over the past two decades. Research
has shown that ideas and practices related to New Public Management (NPM) and New Public
Service (NPS) have directly impacted the position, moving it away from being one of purely
management to a combination of management and strategic leadership. In order for Ontario’s
small municipalities to continue serving their citizens effectively, they need to develop
strategies aimed at obtaining ‘top talent’ to fill the CAO position.
Through an analysis of the research currently available on this topic, this study
recommends a number of best practices that small municipalities should consider adopting to
maintain future stability at the senior leadership level. In addition, case studies for two
municipalities were developed based one-on-one interviews with elected officials and
administrators to ascertain what these organizations are doing to address this issue.
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In early 2009, the Ontario Ministry of Education decided to create and fund a new mandatory internal audit process for all school boards in the province beginning in September 2009 of that year. The 2010-11 projected cost of this... more
In early 2009, the Ontario Ministry of Education decided to create and fund a new mandatory internal audit process for all school boards in the province beginning in September 2009 of that year. The 2010-11 projected cost of this initiative was $5 million. Since its implementation, Ministry of Education memos indicate that this new internal audit process has met with some difficulties. Academic literature suggests that internal audits can increase good governance, and provides economic value for an organization. However, a number of factors, such as those identified by principal-agent and resource dependency theories suggest that the effects of internal audits and the ways in which they are received can vary significantly. School boards, especially larger ones, may not share the same motivations and concerns as those of the Ministry in regards to the internal audit process.
This paper explores the reactions of Ontario school board officials to the internal audit function imposed on them in 2009. Specifically, it seeks to answer the following question: “What explains variation (if any) in Ontario school boards responses to recommendations by the regional internal audit teams to reform governance policies and processes”? Data for this research were gathered from an online survey conducted by the researcher and sent to employees at 59 Ontario school boards. It was expected that there would be a clear difference of opinion between larger and smaller school boards about the internal audit process. This, however, was not the case. Survey responses showed no major variation in opinions about this imposed function. Instead, school board employees across the province, like the auditors surveyed in other academic research, saw value in the internal audit process. Some respondents did indicate some frustration with the lack of resources to participate fully in the initiative. The Ministry’s recent appointment of an internal audit coordinator to help facilitate this process demonstrates that the problems with this mandated process may be the result of flawed policy implementation rather than a principal-agent conflict.
This paper explores the reactions of Ontario school board officials to the internal audit function imposed on them in 2009. Specifically, it seeks to answer the following question: “What explains variation (if any) in Ontario school boards responses to recommendations by the regional internal audit teams to reform governance policies and processes”? Data for this research were gathered from an online survey conducted by the researcher and sent to employees at 59 Ontario school boards. It was expected that there would be a clear difference of opinion between larger and smaller school boards about the internal audit process. This, however, was not the case. Survey responses showed no major variation in opinions about this imposed function. Instead, school board employees across the province, like the auditors surveyed in other academic research, saw value in the internal audit process. Some respondents did indicate some frustration with the lack of resources to participate fully in the initiative. The Ministry’s recent appointment of an internal audit coordinator to help facilitate this process demonstrates that the problems with this mandated process may be the result of flawed policy implementation rather than a principal-agent conflict.
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This is the major research paper of my MA student, Erin Orr (political science). I am not the author of this paper. Judicial impartiality is at the heart of the Canadian court system, yet there is popular demand for more diversity on the... more
This is the major research paper of my MA student, Erin Orr (political science). I am not the author of this paper.
Judicial impartiality is at the heart of the Canadian court system, yet there is popular demand for more diversity on the bench. In acknowledging that judges cannot be expected to completely ignore their personal experiences and values, an impartial bench must therefore consist of a diversity of views that could balance out any existing biases. Since the turn of the century, the representation of women has increased significantly. Considering the principles of judicial objectivity, political scientists are interested in discovering the role that female judges play in defining Canadian jurisprudence. Given that the Alberta Court of Appeal has had a female Chief Justice since 1992, Madam Catherine A. Fraser, and that the Court has a high proportion of female judges on the bench, the Alberta Court of Appeal makes a good case to study the role of female judges. Women can make a difference on the bench by introducing a unique perspective and further diversifying the voice of the court. One way female justices have been found to make a difference is through increased levels of communication and consensus. Sample data collected from eight different years under Chief Justice Catherina A. Fraser and her processor, Chief Justice James Herbert Laycraft, is used to compare the consensus rates and women’s presence on the panels. The findings are that there is no difference in consensus rates under the male and female Chief Justice. While the gender composition of the court has changed significantly throughout the years, little to no statistical evidence was found to confirm any differences between the courts under each Chief Justice.
Judicial impartiality is at the heart of the Canadian court system, yet there is popular demand for more diversity on the bench. In acknowledging that judges cannot be expected to completely ignore their personal experiences and values, an impartial bench must therefore consist of a diversity of views that could balance out any existing biases. Since the turn of the century, the representation of women has increased significantly. Considering the principles of judicial objectivity, political scientists are interested in discovering the role that female judges play in defining Canadian jurisprudence. Given that the Alberta Court of Appeal has had a female Chief Justice since 1992, Madam Catherine A. Fraser, and that the Court has a high proportion of female judges on the bench, the Alberta Court of Appeal makes a good case to study the role of female judges. Women can make a difference on the bench by introducing a unique perspective and further diversifying the voice of the court. One way female justices have been found to make a difference is through increased levels of communication and consensus. Sample data collected from eight different years under Chief Justice Catherina A. Fraser and her processor, Chief Justice James Herbert Laycraft, is used to compare the consensus rates and women’s presence on the panels. The findings are that there is no difference in consensus rates under the male and female Chief Justice. While the gender composition of the court has changed significantly throughout the years, little to no statistical evidence was found to confirm any differences between the courts under each Chief Justice.
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This paper was written by Warren Harris, a Diploma of Public Administration Student at UWO. This was his final research paper (June 2017) which he wrote as part of his degree. Although academia.edu lists me as author (and I can't seem to... more
This paper was written by Warren Harris, a Diploma of Public Administration Student at UWO. This was his final research paper (June 2017) which he wrote as part of his degree. Although academia.edu lists me as author (and I can't seem to delete my name), I AM NOT THE AUTHOR OF THIS PAPER.
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An MRP by Dylan Simpson
Successfully Defended on 26 March 2015
Successfully Defended on 26 March 2015
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An MRP written by Erin Estok
Defended on 16 September 2013
Defended on 16 September 2013
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An MRP written by Timothy Brandl
Defended 16 November 2012
Defended 16 November 2012
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An MRP written by Megan Gayda
Defended 22 August 2012
Defended 22 August 2012
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An MRP written by John Kennedy
Defended on 11 December 2012
Defended on 11 December 2012
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An MRP written by Patrick Trafford
Defended 23 August 2011
Defended 23 August 2011
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My lecture at the Couchiching Institute on Public Affairs Summer Conference in 2013. On a panel with Marilyn Poitras and Sheelah McLean. My talk begins at the 3:10 mark. Check it out on youtube at the link below.
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This collection of short papers, edited by Chris Alcantara, reflect on Graham White's impact on Canadian public administration. Authors include Michael Atkinson, Cheryl Collier, Jack Lucas, Jon Malloy and Paul Thomas.
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Fall 2018 syllabus
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This is the syllabus for my 4th year undergrad/grad course on multilevel governance offered in the Winter 2019 term
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Winter 2018 syllabus for multilevel governance course. 4th year undergrad seminar/graduate seminar course
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2nd year intro to Canadian politics class at UWO
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This is the Fall 2017 syllabus for the core graduate course in Canadian Politics.
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This is my syllabus for UWO's course on multilevel governance for the Winter 2017 term
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This is my syllabus for UWO's core MA/PhD course in Canadian Institutions for Fall 2016
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This one page flyer provides some information about our graduate programs and invites you to register for an online information session/webinar to be held on 29 November 2019. Click on the link in the flyer or go to the political science... more
This one page flyer provides some information about our graduate programs and invites you to register for an online information session/webinar to be held on 29 November 2019. Click on the link in the flyer or go to the political science page at UWO to register for the session.
https://politicalscience.uwo.ca/graduate/online_information_session/index.html
https://politicalscience.uwo.ca/graduate/online_information_session/index.html