Bolivarian Revolution

In this essay, I examine the controversy around the " Carnet de la Patria, " a national identity card issued in Venezuela in December 2016. I argue that this ID card belongs to a larger project of surveillance and regulation of identity developed by the Bolivarian Revolution and implemented by the late Hugo Chavez, and continued by current president Nicolas Maduro. Amid its worst economic crisis, the government claims that the new ID card will allow citizens better access to goods from supermarkets, replacing the fingerprint system (" captahuella ") that provoked massive protests in 2014. Opponents to this document have highlighted the parallel with the cards that exist in Cuba (" ration books "), and the manipulation of the database system to benefit only those who support the government and are already registered in previous official databases. The Venezuelan case provides an intriguing scenario that defies the regional region addressed to provide personal cards to undocumented groups. It also provides valuable comparative lessons about the re-emergence of surveillance technology and identity cards in modern authoritarian regimes.

When a state of emergency in Ecuador's prison system was declared in 2007, municipal leaders in Guayaquil built the country's first "supermax" prison, La Roca, for the administrative segregation of inmates considered a security threat. I suggest that administrative curtailment of access to these so-called "worst of the worst" prisoners merits legal comparisons with the juridical status of detainees in US "black site" facilities, the inter-American drug wars now paralleling the global war on terror insofar as prisoners' rights are concerned. Contrasting my brief visit to La Roca with political-economic and media analysis, my article draws two conclusions: (1) that limited physical access to prisoners, stimulated by administrative "zones of legal silence", demands an ethnographic focus on daily conditions of prison life using inconsistencies in administrative rhetoric; and (2) that measures to securitize the prison system have augmented prison directors' powers to coerce inmates and to confound understandings of their living conditions.

Au Venezuela les études et les recherches dans le champ de l’écologie politique sont rares et ont peu d’impact dans le débat politique ; en règle générale les conflits socio-environnementaux éveillent fort peu d’intérêt. Je vais ici tenter de les rendre visibles non seulement en tant qu’ils se déploient en un lieu spécifique, mais aussi en tant qu’ils sont partie intégrante de processus conflictuels...

This article analyzes the creative contributions to counterrevolutionary criticism in Venezuelan popular music (2002-2018). I examine how these musical productions reclaim discourses previously controlled by political power. From the working-class neighborhoods of cities such as Caracas and Maracay—Chavista territories par excellence—the emergence of a radical street consciousness bluntly attacks the symbolic apparatus of the Revolution. In this context, these cultural products question the government's fight for social justice and equality. In the study of the musical representation of political dissent, I focus on denunciations of a failed state, portrayals of socioeconomic tribulations, and possible solutions to the national crisis.

Bumerán Chávez: las fraudes que llevaran al colapso de Venezuela, libro de Emili J. Blasco

Primera edición, abril de 2015
© Emili J. Blasco
Diseño de cubierta y contraportada:
Daniela Santamarina
Maquetación y producción:
Ángel Luis Fernández Conde
Retrato de contraportada:
David Salas
ISBN-13: 978-1511522830
ISBN-10: 1511522836
Washington D.C., Madrid

Con la colaboración de: Center for Investigative Journalism in the Americas (CIJA), Inter-American Trends

Once capítulos de un engaño
Bajar al búnker
Introducción
1. EL FAUSTO DEL CARIBE
2. UN DOLOR DE RODILLA
3. «ES VERDAD, AÑADIMOS VOTOS FALSOS»
4. EL MONEDERO DE LA REVOLUCIÓN
5. ENRIQUECERSE CON EL SOCIALISMO
6. EL DROGADUCTO BOLIVARIANO
7. NICOLÁS EN LA GUARIDA DE HEZBOLÁ
8. CHÁVEZ-IRÁN, AMOR A PRIMERA VISTA
9. ESQUIZOFRENIA CON EL IMPERIO
10. DEL PAÍS DEL ¿POR QUÉ NO TE CALLAS?
11. COMBO McCHÁVEZ, DIETA TRÓPICAL

The election of President Hugo Chávez on December 6, 1998 was greatly significant for the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela as his victory signaled the end of Venezuela’s legacy of exclusionary politics, to be replaced with a participatory and protagonistic democracy of the Bolivarian Revolution and twenty-first century socialism. The revolution, especially through the non-andocentric and inclusionary constitution of 1999, along with the creation of misiones (missions or social programmes), has thus created spaces for poor and working class Venezuelans – and in particular, women – to exercise a new sense of citizenship, rights, inclusion and newly politicized social roles. In this way, the revolution has largely benefitted poor and working class women and in return the revolution has been sustained.

Given a popular discourse of feminism, the description of President Chávez as ‘the ideal man’ by female supporters and Venezuelan women being recast as ‘revolutionary’ and as ‘patriots,’ gender, that is masculinities and femininities, is re/de/constructed daily within the Bolivarian process. Such a re/de/construction of gender thus contradicts the public/private and active/passive binaries which permeate gender relations, gender spaces and political culture. Therefore, gender is at the heart of this political process. Furthermore, a recreating of colonial historical personalities and myths and the use of feminism as a popular tool of the state have also allowed for not only the creation of this new Bolivarian state but these have also greatly impacted the process of change for Venezuelan women and especially in the relationships of poorer women with the Bolivarian state, Chávez and what appears to be a polarized feminist movement. As such, certain contradictions exist and it is seen that the process’ inclusionary measures have excluded some, thereby challenging the transformative potential of the revolution on the lives of poorer women.

Este ensayo analiza el tratamiento de subjetividades afrodescendientes en la literatura venezolana contemporánea. Más precisamente, propone una reflexión sobre el uso de las herramientas retóricas que han favorecido la reproducción de estereotipos racistas y que han constreñido la inscripción de personajes negros y mestizos a ciertos contextos espacio-temporales, como se puede apreciar en varios textos literarios canónicos del siglo XX. Posteriormente, con el advenimiento de la Revolución bolivariana y la entrada al nuevo milenio, se afianza un discurso etnopopulista de vocación integradora que marca una fractura en el tratamiento de subjetividades afrodescendientes. En esta línea, se examinan detenidamente los efectos que el actual clima político y el surgimiento de nuevos movimientos sociales han tenido en el silenciamiento del tema racial en la literatura venezolana del nuevo milenio.

Democracy has never been more popular. It is successfully practiced today in a myriad of different ways by people across virtually every cultural, religious or socio-economic context. The forty-five essays collected in this companion suggest that the global popularity of democracy derives in part from its breadth and depth in the common history of human civilization. The chapters include exceptional accounts of democracy in ancient Greece and Rome, modern Europe and America, among peoples’ movements and national revolutions, and its triumph since the end of the Cold War. However, this book also includes alternative accounts of democracy’s history: its origins in prehistoric societies and early city-states, under-acknowledged contributions from China, Africa and the Islamic world, its familiarity to various Indigenous Australians and Native Americans, the various challenges it faces today in South America, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and Asia, the latest democratic developments in light of globalization and new technologies, and potential future pathways to a more democratic world. Understanding where democracy comes from, where its greatest successes and most dismal failures lie, is central to democracy’s project of inventing ways to address the need of people everywhere to live in peace, freedom and with a say in the decisions that affect their lives.

Tesis de maestría en desarrollo económico y cooperación internacional con mención cum laude. Este trabajo recupera la experiencia de las Empresas de Propiedad Social en el momento de construcción de Comunas en el año 2013. Reflexiona en torno a la materialidad de lo político desde el análisis y la propuesta teórica de Enrique Dussel y en el contexto del extractivismo petrolero, asimismo, identifica las tensiones y límites para construir alternativas socioproductivas en las comunas desde un estudio de caso antes de la crisis actual.

EN.
The thesis proposes to identify, realize and contextualize causes, origins and the evolution of the «socialism of the 21st century» in Latin America, with particular reference to Hugo Chávez Bolivarian Revolution’s experience in Venezuela. The study methodology took in to account the bibliographical reference readings and the considerable amount of the webographic references, as well as the consultation of legislative acts and audiovisual materials. We started from the premise of the realization of the failure of European «real socialism» in order to understand the theoretical and practical development of the «socialism of the 21st century» in a continent for centuries subjected to European colonialism. In the first chapter we defined the historical framework of reference of socialism as class of political thinking in Latin America and we explored the evolution of Latin American society from the ninetheenth-century separatist scenarios to the twentieth-century authoritarianism that prepare the way for progressives governments which open a new political direction at the dawn of the 21st century, including that of Hugo Chávez, ex leftist military inspired by Simón Bolívar, the father of national independence, that builds a Pan-American movement which leverages the leading role and the social emancipation of the masses and conquers the power riding the wave of unease of popular sectors, the fulcrum of the Chavist support in the years to come. Referring to these circumstances, we proceeded in the following two chapters to investigate the impact of social reforms introduced by the revolutionary government and the reactions within a society heavily and increasingly polarized in part because of the incandescent nationalist and anti-imperialist rhetoric of Bolivarian leader against the national bourgeoisie pro-American. On the background of the relations between the opposition and the United States stands out the stubborn critique of neoliberal globalization which results in the search for a new economic geopolitics that brings together progressive forces of Latin America and the Caribbean under the banner of "socialism of the XXI century "encouraged by stubborn resistance of the Cuban revolution to the common enemy in North America. In the final chapter the study of the process of internal transition to socialism was accompanied by a careful examination of regional alliances woven by Venezuelan President to consolidate the tightness of the progressive-socialist block in the economic and political dynamics of continental and extra-continental relations conducted by Bolivarian Venezuela.

IT.
La tesi si propone di individuare, comprendere e contestualizzare cause, origini ed evoluzione del «socialismo del XXI secolo» in America latina con particolare riferimento all’esperienza della rivoluzione bolivariana di Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. La metodologia di studio ha tenuto conto delle letture di riferimento bibliografiche e della ingente quantità di riferimenti sitografici, oltre che della consultazione di atti legislativi e di materiale audiovisivo. Si muove dalla premessa della constatazione del fallimento del «socialismo reale» europeo per arrivare a comprendere lo sviluppo teorico-pratico del «socialismo del XXI secolo» in un continente per secoli sottomesso al colonialismo europeo. Nel primo capitolo si è provveduto a definire il quadro storico di riferimento del socialismo come categoria di pensiero politico in America latina e ad indagare l’evoluzione della società latinoamericana dagli scenari indipendentisti ottocenteschi agli autoritarismi novecenteschi che preparano il terreno ai governi progressisti che inaugurano una nuova direzione politica all’alba del XXI secolo, tra cui quello di Hugo Chávez, ex militare di sinistra ispirato a Simón Bolívar, padre dell’indipendenza nazionale, che costruisce un movimento di ispirazione panamericanista facente leva sul protagonismo e sull’emancipazione sociale delle masse, che arriva al potere cavalcando l’onda del disagio dei settori popolari, fulcro del sostegno chavista negli anni a venire. Facendo riferimento a queste circostanze, si è proceduto nei successivi due capitoli ad indagare l’impatto delle riforme sociali apportate dal governo rivoluzionario e le reazioni all’interno di una società fortemente e sempre più polarizzata anche a causa dell’incandescente retorica nazionalista ed antiimperialista del leader bolivariano nei confronti della borghesia nazionale filo-statunitense. Sullo sfondo dei rapporti tra le opposizioni e gli Stati Uniti si staglia l’ostinata critica alla globalizzazione neoliberista che si traduce nella ricerca di una nuova geopolitica economica che riunisca le forze progressiste dell’America latina e caraibica sotto la bandiera del «socialismo del XXI secolo», incoraggiata dalla pervicace resistenza al comune nemico nordamericano della rivoluzione cubana. Nel capitolo conclusivo lo studio del processo di transizione interna al socialismo si è accompagnato all’attenta disamina delle alleanze regionali tessute dal presidente venezuelano per consolidare la tenuta del blocco progressista-socialista nelle dinamiche economiche e politiche delle relazioni continentali ed extracontinentali condotte dal Venezuela bolivariano.

A propos de David A. Bell, Le culte des chefs. Charisme et pouvoir à l’âge des révolutions, Paris, Fayard, 2022. Livre d’histoire, livre politique, livre méthodologique, ces trois dimensions sont ici savamment imbriquées et habilement présentées autour de ce qui reste la nature de l’histoire : l’enquête et le récit qui donnent à penser et incitent à faire soi-même l’Histoire. David Bell nous donne là une leçon importante.

Este trabajo tiene como propósito indagar sobre la relación existente entre las estrategias comunicacionales que implementan los gobiernos y la orientación ideológica dominante para conocer y caracterizar la naturaleza de la política nacional de comunicación determinando si es una política democrática o no, por ende, si es una sociedad democrática o no democrática. En el caso actual de la comunicación política venezolana, nos interesa conocer las estrategias comunicacionales implementadas por el gobierno para facilitar un cambio del modelo de sociedad actual. Así como determinar los valores que sustentan al proyecto social denominado “bolivariano”.

Para ello, se emplean diversos modelos y autores considerados como referencias clásicas para este análisis, con énfasis en los aportes de Harold Laswell, teórico considerado de los máximos exponentes de la Mass Communication Research, y Klaus Krippendorff, especialista en análisis de contenido y en el uso de las metáforas dentro de las Ciencias Sociales, así como en la experiencia comunicacional de la Alemania Nazi bajo la conducción de Joseph Goebbels.

Asimismo, revisamos el corpus teórico de Hannah Arendt para entender el fenómeno totalitario, Antonio Gramsci con el objeto de conocer elementos de la hegemonía en el escenario político y Erich Fromm para acercarnos a la relación entre el líder y los individuos. 

Mediante un instrumento para medir la comunicación hegemónica y analizar el discurso oficial se determinó la naturaleza e intenciones de la estrategia comunicacional y el posterior análisis permitió dilucidar las características del modelo de sociedad que subyace al denominado “Socialismo del siglo XXI”.

The present study aims to analyze the events in Venezuela from the arrival of Hugo Chávez Frías to power in 1998 and the position taken by the country within an antisystemic perspective in regional and international scenarios. The approach used in the analysis of antisystemic positions of Venezuela is based on the proposal advocated by Immanuel Wallerstein called World-Systems Analysis and Antisystemics Movements, on the work of Giovanni Arrighi on Systemic Cycles of Accumulation, and the theoretical scope developed by the Italian thinker Antonio Gramsci on Passive Revolution and  Piedmontese Function. To understand the process that occurs in Venezuela will be necessary to evaluate the historical failure of the model political party based on called Puntofijo whose collapse occurred with the victory of Hugo Chávez in late 1990. The administration of the Venezuelan leader has managed major advances in improving the social economic and social indicators of the poorest in the country. On the international scene, Chávez has adopted an anti-imperialist and anti-US Speech to mark his position as an alternative to neoliberal globalization. His performance is developed within the spectrum antisystemic to seek to promote the reduction of U.S. hegemony and seeks to build a multipolar world and Latin America with a less ideological and political influence in Washington.
Keywords: Bolivarian Revolution, Antisystemic Practice, Challenge to the U.S., Piedmontese Function, Hegemony.

Este artículo explica cómo la cooptación de la industria petrolera y la abrupta caída de los precios del petróleo entre 2014 y 2016, confluyeron en el proceso de falla del Estado venezolano. Empleando el modelo analítico de causalidad de Coleman, hacemos explícito el mecanismo causal entre la Revolución Bolivariana y Venezuela como petroestado fallido, resaltando como variables intervinientes la cooptación de la industria petrolera y la coyuntura crítica de precios de 2014-2016. Nuestro análisis sugiere que, para el periodo 2014-2019, el cuadro de deterioro del Estado en Venezuela obedece a una serie de decisiones económicas y políticas cuya base fundamental es la ideología chavista. Así, la coyuntura crítica de 2014-2016 dejó en evidencia los problemas estructurales del modelo revolucionario venezolano.

This book theorises Venezuela's Bolivarian Revolution as a counter- hegemonic globalisation project in which the construction of "21st century socialism" occurs simultaneously at the local, national, regional and global levels and scales through the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America - Peoples' Trade Agreement (ALBA- TCP). In these processes, the Venezuelan government's higher education for all strategy assumes a central role in the direct democratic and participatory democratic processes upon which the pluri-scalar construction of counter-hegemony depends. Within a critical theory approach, this fully revised and updated PhD thesis is grounded in a total of 16 months of ethnographic research conducted between 2005 and 2010 in Venezuela, Nicaragua and El Salvador, eight months of which in a municipalised Bolivarian University in Venezuela. The significance and originality of this interdisciplinary study of the construction of "21st century socialism" is revealed through the elaboration of structural features, political alignments and empirical findings, to explain the dynamics and geographies of the multi-dimensional development project.

Un paradoxe est perceptible en Colombie, en Équateur et au Venezuela : la dérision affichée par l'homme de la rue à propos du dispositif narratif et iconique de l'histoire officielle ne s'exerce presque jamais à l'égard du drapeau tricolore de l'arc-en-ciel que ces trois pays ont en héritage. Doit-on interpréter cette attitude comme l'expression du déni d'une tradition inventée, associée à l'État-nation, au profit de la nostalgie pour une Patrie bolivarienne ? En d'autres termes, il s'agit de vérifier l'assertion de Georges Duby, selon laquelle : " la trace d'un rêve n'est pas moins réelle que celle d'un pas ".

There is one perceptible paradox in Colombia, Ecuador and Venezuela : the derision shown by the common man about the narrative and iconic construction of official history almost never encompasses the three-colour rainbow flag that theses countries share. Should we interpret that attitude as an expression of denial of the invented tradition associated to the Nation-State, and therefore as nostalgia of the Bolivarian Homeland ? In other words the text will deal with George Duby's assertion according to which : " the trace of a dream is not less real than that of a step ".

Sigue vigente una paradoja en Colombia, el Ecuador y Venezuela : si es bien cierto que a muchos de sus nacionales les ha dado por hacer irrisión del dispositivo narrativo e icónico de la historia oficial, se puede comprobar que esta misma gente no se atreve casi nunca a burlarse de la bandera tricolor del arco-iris que los tres paises han heredado en común. ¿ Acaso, pues, tengamos que interpretar esta actitud como la expresión de una nostalgia de la Patria bolivariana en menosprecio de la tradición inventada, vinculada con el Estado-Nación que le sucedió ? En otros términos, este artículo se propone averiguar el aserto de Georges Duby según el cuál « no es menos real la huella de un sueño que la de un paso ».

Mots clefs : Mythe bolivarien ; État-nation ; Colombie ; Equateur ; Venezuela

Popular power, understood as a process through which organizations and social movements autonomously make decisions about public issues, was promoted by President Hugo Chávez through communal councils, communes, and other social organizations. The goal was to recreate the necessary social fabric to advance a revolutionary project of inclusion and participatory democracy. Over the course of more than 20 years, popular power has passed through different stages, from presidential advocacy, formation, development, and peak to decline, demobilization, and possible disappearance. However, there are still minority groups that are critical of Nicolás Maduro’s government and try to implement communal utopia. These are social movements that resisted being incorporated into the institutional social fabric and members of communal councils and communes who resisted bureaucratizing and co-opting practices. These groups have come together in ideologically diverse networks to defend autonomy. And they continue to preach Chavista ideals of inclusion and participatory democracy—ideals that, according to them, became distorted when Maduro took power as president in 2013. But even these scarce remnants are besieged by the governing party, the PSUV, which requires supporters and sympathizers, as well as by the government itself, which persecutes and criminalizes all criticism.The deep political, economic, and social crisis in Venezuela has made it impossible to continue the community organizing structure that was based on the transfer of economic resources. It has also led to popular sectors focusing on survival and to the government exploiting existing community networks as mechanisms of biocontrol through food programs like the CLAP food bags and the survival subsidies. As a result, the role of the people, embodied in community movements, becomes increasingly abstract in the face of popular power that is weakened, co-opted, bureaucratized, and, in most cases, demobilized and persecuted. Can popular power survive in these difficult conditions?

This article contributes to the resurgent interest in the historical question of strategy in/for progressive transformation, by elaborating “pluri-scalar war of position” as a methodological approach to counter-hegemonic socio-spatial restructuring. The concept evolved from my research in Latin America-Caribbean in the 2000s and early 2010s and integrates neo-Gramscian with human geography theory and method, arguing for the strategic imperative of capturing state power on the one hand, and for a politics of place-space-scale on the other. The article reasserts the importance of socio-spatial theory for transformative politics, within a vision of overcoming counter-productive divisions among the global lefts.
Free download: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/EWRZW8NAS7JSJHFWA8DM/full?target=10.1080/08854300.2021.1994295

The global phenomenon of decolonization was born in the Americas in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The First Wave of Decolonization is the first volume in any language to describe and analyze the scope and meanings of decolonization during this formative period. It demonstrates that the pioneers of decolonization were not twentieth-century Frenchmen or Algerians but nineteenth-century Peruvians and Colombians. In doing so, it vastly expands the horizons of decolonization, conventionally understood to be a post-war development emanating from Europe. The result is a provocative, new understanding of the global history of decolonization.

Hace casi una década, en los análisis sobre la evolución de la criminalidad organizada en América Latina comenzaba a ocupar un lugar destacado México, preanunciando lo que se registraría durante toda la gestión del presidente Felipe Calderón: el Estado enfrentado a organizaciones ilegales crecientemente complejas, que emplean la violencia como metodología y ejercen el poder sobre importantes porciones del territorio, configurando un cuadro donde los niveles de seguridad ciudadana decaen de manera abrupta y los homicidios violentos se incrementan de manera vertiginosa.
Esto mismo es lo que está ocurriendo en Venezuela, según se desprende de múltiples fuentes.
En materia criminal, el México de la primera década de este siglo es la Venezuela del segundo decenio, aunque con las particularidades propias de cada caso.

El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar el discurso patriótico asociado a la figura de Si món Bolívar -general venezolano de principios del siglo XVIII, líder político-militar del proceso independentista venezolano-ha sido un elemento clave fundamental en la constitución del discurso nacionalista en Venezuela. Así , para una mejor construcción argumental, el texto se subdividirá en tres partes. La primera, «Bolívar y la tradición bolivariana en Venezuela» aborda cómo se ha construido esa noción de ser venezolano a través de la imagen de Bolívar: es la ubicación histórica del proceso y el abordaje del largo plazo. Luego, con «Bolívar: referente de la Nación según la Revolución Bolivariana» se procederá a colocar la producción de discurso nacionalista en un horizonte temporal más limitado y reciente, a saber, el proceso político que, aunque tiene su presencia explícita a partir de 1992, se ha convertido en gobierno desde 1999. Finalmente, en un intento de concreción reflexiva, con la pregunta «¿Es posible una crítica a la razón bolivariana?» se procederá a hilvanar que elementos han de ser considerados para poder abordar lo que para mucha gente se ha convertido en un verdadero estado natural de cosas. Así , lo que se busca realizar es un abordaje del lugar que ocupa la figura de Bolívar en los procesos de construcción identitaria en Venezuela.

Este artículo analiza las relaciones de China y Rusia con Venezuela. Si bien ambas potencias eurasiáticas muestran similitudes generales en los objetivos que las han llevado a cooperar con la Revolución Bolivariana, mantienen diferencias específicas en sus motivaciones. Ambos poderes juegan al viejo rol de equilibrador externo (offshore balancer) en la perferia de un rival común, Estados Unidos.

La novela venezolana del siglo XXI se ha erigido como un observatorio creativo de la inmediatez política. Las intervenciones críticas que recoge este libro revelan un amplio abanico de corrientes temáticas y estrategias estéticas a través de las cuales se articula el tratamiento ficcional de la crisis del proyecto revolucionario y su impacto social.
A través de la lectura de novelas publicadas entre 2002 y 2015, la autora examina cómo el conflicto político ha permeado la actual narrativa venezolana para trazar los orígenes y consecuencias de una contemporaneidad turbulenta. Estos dispositivos creativos de resistencia desafían los discursos oficiales, al tiempo que denuncian los antecedentes y consecuencias de la fractura del orden institucional y contribuyen al balance histórico de uno de los periodos más convulsos de la nación.

This book explores the intersections of cultural policies, social changes, political conflict, and fiction writing in modern-day Venezuela. The study as a whole consists of two interrelated sections. The first section provides an analysis of the relationship between the discursive goals of the Bolivarian cultural policies and how authors work within and respond to them. The second section introduces a series of case studies of a comprehensive corpus of novels published between 2002 and 2015.
Narrativas del descalabro closes a gap in current Venezuelan literary studies by offering a comprehensive inquiry into the literary representation of the convulsive social and political changes introduced by the Bolivarian Revolution.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Presentación
Campo cultural y narrativas disidentes del periodo revolucionario
La narración del mal: Violencia, crisis moral e institucional en la novela venezolana del siglo XXI
País sin retorno: La experiencia migratoria en narrativas del periodo revolucionario
Alegorías la inmediatez política
Reescritura de la historia política venezolana en novelas del periodo revolucionario
Bibliografía
Índice de autores títulos y temas


September 2018
204 pages
23.4x15.6 cm
Monografias A
ISBN: 9781855663312
Format: Hardback
Tamesis Books
BIC DSK, 1KLSV, 2ADS, 3JM
BISAC LIT004100

Como sucedió antes con la Revolución Cubana, el inicio de un proceso revoluciona- rio en Venezuela desatado tras la llegada al poder de Hugo Chávez en 1999 provocó todo tipo de respuestas y ataques por parte de los centros hegemónicos mundiales. Las formas de ataque a la Revolución Bolivariana han sido constantes a lo largo de estos más de veinte años y, dada su pluralidad, podrían enmarcarse bajo el para- guas de la guerra híbrida, un concepto que ha tomado fuerza en los últimos años para caracterizar la manera en que se desarrollan los conflictos en el siglo xxi. En este artículo se caracterizará esta nueva (o no tan nueva) modalidad de guerra aplicada para el cambio de régimen en Venezuela detallándose algunos ejemplos de cómo se ha utilizado para desplegar un cerco de amplio espectro hacia este país que, en los últimos años, se ha ido estrechando bajo el Gobierno de Nicolás Maduro.

Within a critical globalization theory framework, this article analyses the military dimension of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America–Peoples’ Trade Agreement (ALBA-TCP) and its agenda of ‘peacekeeping’ and ‘humanitarian intervention’ in Haiti. Since its launch in 2004, the ALBA-TCP has established itself as an increasingly institutionalized, multidimensional, and pluriscalar counter-hegemonic Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) regionalism and globalization project. Integral to the pursued transformation of world order is the launching of a counter-hegemonic military agenda. Grounded in the Bolivarian philosophy of regional union, the article explores the ALBA-TCP collective defence policies, institutionalized in the Permanent Committee of Sovereignty and Defence, and the ALBA-TCP-Haiti cooperation before and after the earthquake of January 2010. By interrogating the nature of the military alliance and its humanitarian agenda, I propose that the ALBA-TCP’s revolutionary approach to internationalism, peacekeeping, and intervention may be understood as employing an ‘enlarged conception’ of humanitarianism that means neither militarized humanitarianism nor humanitarian assistance as isolated, short-term technical disaster relief, but as long-term emancipatory structural transformation. Military alliance, however, is necessary to defend the project against imperialist aggression.

We held the ‘Revolutions’ conference in 2017 to commemorate the Russian Revolution and redeem the actual record of revolutions in the Third World for the left. A quarter-century after the demise of the USSR, we found liberal capitalist triumphalism unwarranted. Two of the most important expectations to which it gave rise – that the world had become unipolar and that it would enjoy a peace dividend – remained unfulfilled. Instead, the world became multipolar and the West, led by the United States, engaged in unprecedented economic and military aggression against countries that contested its power. If this were not enough, social unrest and explosions in the First World as well as the Third underlined the relevance of revolutions. To trace their lineage, we recall capitalism’s intimate relation with revolution. It has needed revolutions to usher it into history and to usher it out. In addition to revolutions against developed capitalism, we also underline how important and necessary revolutions against nascent capitalism in various parts of the world have been. The contributions in this volume explore different parts of this lineage and vivify revolutions for our time.

In this article, discusses the recent Venezuelan international human mobility process. Venezuela, since the end of the 20th century, exhibits a change in its past migration pattern, losing its attraction as a receiving country, transforming itself into a population-expelling country.The new migration pattern occurs in a national context of high oil revenues, and, in a global context of migration crisis. To explain the Venezuelan migratory phenomenon, observed for nearly two decades, we have used three historical moments as a methodological resource, which offers an analytical structure that allows relating the economic, political and social changes occurred in the country during that lapse. Likewise, the limited migration statistics sources have forced us to articulate the official national and international statistics to approach the number of Venezuelan migrants. Finally, the main migratory destinations of this population are present destinations is presente

Muteveffa Venezuela lideri Hugo Chavez'in iktidar dönemini mercek altına alan makale, petrol, tarım, iş piyasası vb. alanlarda uygulanan politikaların etrafında yaşanan siyasi çekişmeleri inceliyor ve bu politikaların verdiği ekonomik sonuçları özetliyor. "Bolivarcı devrim" denemesinin Latin Amerika sol dalgası içinde oynadığı rol tanımlanıyor ve  Chavez deneyimi tarihsel ve coğrafi bağlamına oturtuluyor.

This informal study compares total deaths from the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela (1999-present) and the US war in Afghanistan (2001-2021). First I present perspectives on 3rd Generation asymmetrical warfare as applied in Afghanistan, and 4th Generation Warfare (4GW) as applied in Venezuela, as it will add context to the data presented in this study. Next, I explain the methodology of how I arrived at figures of 278,783 dead in Afghanistan and 402,985 deaths in Venezuela. This is followed by interpretations of the new data from this study, with commentary on the Cuban occupation and “Cubanization” of Venezuela in the context of the data on fatalities. Finally, the study compares the statistical similarities and differences of outcomes in the Bolivarian Revolution and the US war in Afghanistan.

Desde la mitad del siglo XX hasta finales de los años noventa la vanguardia cohabitó con el Estado venezolano en una relación compleja que fundó el sistema político nacional sobre la base de la literatura populista y el arte abstracto. En este artículo reviso algunas de la políticas verbales y visuales que acompañaron el tránsito de las dictaduras a la democracia en Venezuela. Para ello discuto algunos hitos de la vanguardia literaria, artística y política, así como dos “elecciones de reinas” que funcionaron como pivotes de la lucha democrática.

Borrador para el “Diccionario de las Religiones en América Latina", que editarán El Colegio de México y el Fondo de Cultura Económica, bajo la coordinación del Dr. Roberto Blancarte.

Visión panorámica de las relaciones entre el Chavismo y la Iglesia Católica, que actualiza brevemente nuestro recuento del año 2010. Incluimos comentarios someros sobre la coyuntura actual.