Criminalization

Objectives The aim of this article is to recognize and understand how certain discourses and practices carried out by health professionals and sonographers shape the emotional experiences of women who aborted with medication in two provinces of Cuyo, Argentina. Method The research was carried out with a qualitative design through a biographical method and thematic life-stories that emphasize the experience with medical abortion in conditions where abortion is legally and socially restricted. For this research, 18 in-depth interviews were conducted and analysed with women who underwent at least one voluntary pharmacological abortion made in a clandestine way between 2010 and 2019 and who registered interactions with professionals. The interviews were conducted between 2016 and 2019. Results Criminalizing, disciplinary and/or normativizing discourses implemented through direct and indirect actions affected the configuration of women's emotional experiences. The emotional effects o...

The increasing legislative activity in the field of eu criminal law has highlighted the need for a coherent and consistent approach to criminalisation, which has been acknowledged by the eu institutions themselves. One of the basic questions all legislators need to tackle, however, is what sorts of conduct can be (legitimately) criminalised. The aim of this article is, firstly, to examine the prevailing substantive criminalisation principle(s) in the eu Member States’ criminal law theories; secondly, to sketch an ideal criminalisation process, which although applicable at national level can be useful also at eu level, and thirdly, to inspect the existing criminal law grounds for criminalisation and the criminal policy orientations at eu level in order to find out what the underlying substantive criminalisation principle behind eu criminal law is or ought to be, alongside other principles that may act as ‘limiting factors’ within the criminalisation process.

We are living in a historical moment when an economic and political elite govern with neoliberal concepts of privatization, international debt, and immigration security, with highly controlled free trade agreements, with fossil fuel investments ravaging our lands, rivers, and air for their profit at our expense, with a war on drugs and now terrorists that legalizes a global-wide, racially-coded caste system of social and economic control. It’s bad, folks. I want to say it, aloud, because, well, I think we all have to start standing up and framing our contributions within the Truth of what we know…and then, then, to tell and listen and share the stories, otras historias, that are leading us to a new moral consensus. It gives me hope that these stories of the Otros Dreamers are just one example among a growing diversity of powerful narratives—like Black Lives Matter, Undocumented and Unafraid, 67 Sueños, Water is Life, Occupy Wall Street, los Indignados, Ayontzinapa, the Zapatistas, Cherán, El Buen Vivir y El Buen Migrar, and many, many others that I imagine many of you are a part of amplifying—narratives that continue to push us towards radically more inclusive, more equal, more connected, and more just visions of human and other-than-human rights and responsibilities.

Achieving environmental justice does not only require the provision of clean air and water in all the places where people carry out their lives, it also necessitates access to the very spaces of the urban environment. Through our research based on interview and archival data in a small U.S. city, we demonstrate that homeless persons are often viewed as a kind of environmental contaminant that should be cleaned up or kept out, either through the passage and enforcement of ''civility codes'' that criminalize homelessness or through NIMBY movements that develop to prevent the establishment of homelessness services in particular areas. While such efforts fail to purge cities of the homeless, they do reduce the availability of homelessness services in certain areas and push homeless dwellings to the unseen fringes of communities. In this way, we show, when homeless people are viewed as a kind of pollution, city policies develop that diminish their access to the urban environment and the resources it provides.

Cosa si cela dietro l'immaginario che i media veicolano quando parlano di black bloc, terroristi e ragazzi dei centri sociali? Quali sono gli strumenti più duri di cui il controllo sociale dispone per contrastare conflittualità, dissidi e rivolte interne? Quali effetti produce su un territorio e sulla vita delle persone la violenza poliziesca? Che differenza può esprimere, rispetto alla solita analisi esterna, un racconto in presa diretta di un movimento come quello valsusino?
Attraverso il metodo etnografico, con un approccio che ibrida diverse discipline e le proprie conoscenze ed esperienze da militante, in questo suo lavoro Senaldi prova a squarciare il velo che avvolge l'attivismo politico, sia per quel che riguarda i suoi livelli organizzativi, le cornici teoriche e motivazionali e i sistemi di valori che esso incoraggia, sia per quel che riguarda le risposte istituzionali di cui i movimenti sono obiettivo. Un racconto dal vivo del conflitto, per dissipare la cortina di fumo che avvolge gli attivisti, spesso dipinti come “marziani” provenienti dalla “galassia dei centri sociali”.

(Individual proposal)
The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 made attending and producing raves illegal in the U.K., which were defined as “gatherings on land in the open air of 100 or more persons at which amplified music is played during the night… [and whereby] ‘music’ includes sounds wholly or predominantly characterized by the emission of a succession of repetitive beats.”1

Reaction to the bill’s enactment included challenges from electronic dance music (EDM) pioneers such as Aphex Twin, Autechre, and Orbital, who began disrupting beat structures in their music and/or issuing warning labels on their CDs. They asked: What if the “repetitive” beats in question were randomized, syncopated, or otherwise altered in order to comply with the bill? Would broadcasting or performing that music still be criminalized?

It struck me that there were likely other musicians influenced by the bill in similar, yet subtler ways. Such began my quest to explore the ways in which EDM evolved in reaction to the Criminal Justice bill. Using the “Hip-Hop Word Count” project as a research model, I’ve begun to trace the musicality of EDM before and after the bill was passed to see if distinctions could be made in the ways the music was produced. Using BBC Radio 1’s “Essential Music” archives (the U.K.’s first public radio EDM program) as well as archival audio files from local pirate radio stations, British-based dance music charts, magazines and other rave culture artifacts, I will establish that a pattern of behavior emerged that deemphasized repetitive techno and acid house music in favor of break beats, garage, and more bass-driven EDM.

I would like to introduce my preliminary findings at the 2015 EMP Pop
Conference and use this data to further investigate the ways that criminalization has impacted EMD culture worldwide, sometimes in seemingly innocuous ways.

1 Criminal Justice and Public Order Act, 1994, c. 33, Part V: Powers in relation to raves.
http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1994/33/part/V/crossheading/powers-in-relation-toraves#commentary-c1980912

(Bio)
I am a postgraduate student at King’s College London. My current research
investigates the criminalization of rave and underground dance culture in New York City and London. I began my inquiry whilst a Riggio Writing and Democracy Fellow at The New School; my undergraduate thesis chronicled the criminal history of dance culture in NYC. “Breaking the Beat…” is an innovative project that aims to extend my research and engage others in my topic of interest.

In this article we offer a theoretical framework for conceptualizing the relationship between gang identification, place, and identity saliency. In our interviews with current and former street gang members, participants consistently described gangs as neighborhood-based entities, but also couched these local identities within much broader Crip or Blood affiliations. These amount to multiple, simultaneously claimed identities. However, we show that not all identities are equal-that as a social geographic area increases, identities become more diffuse and less salient, territorial, or "gang-like", resulting instead in expansive, symbolic "umbrella identities" that cover several distinct places and gangs. These umbrella identities proved quite fluid, such that Crip and Blood affiliations had little relationship to one's gang identity and even produced some gangs with mixed Blood and Crip memberships.

This paper employs a critical disability studies lens to identify and examine the ableist contours of the 1969 omnibus Criminal Code Reform bill. At first glance, it would appear that disability was not a point of focus for the reform, which claimed to decriminalize homosexuality, abortion, and contraception, while in actuality, re-criminalizing them upon new grounds. However, the discourses embedded in the bill are fundamentally rooted in ableism and saneism, and, much like those deployed in the White Paper, state multiculturalism, and "Just Society," were directed towards the production of the normative white, male, cis, heterosexual, property-owning citizen, who is still at the heart of contemporary legislation-albeit in new ways. Ultimately, this paper demonstrates that a critical disability studies lens provides both a fruitful approach for analyzing the intersections of cis-heterosexism, settler colonialism, racism, and ableism underlying the bill, as well as a social justice framework for organizing across differences to challenge these oppressive systems.

Chhaupadi is a form of menstrual seclusion practiced in Nepal in which women and girls are isolated during their menstrual cycles and follow numerous restrictions. The tradition dates back centuries and can have serious physical and mental health consequences. While the practice was criminalized in 2017 with fines and jail time, this legislative action comes after more than a decade of legal history, from an initial ban in 2006, to declaring it a form of violence against women in 2009, and finally, its criminalization in 2017. Exploring levels of awareness regarding the 2017 chhaupadi criminalization, perceptions of the legal penalties, and whether or not criminalization will lead to behavior change are imperative next steps for informing the development of evidence-based interventions targeting chhaupadi. In this qualitative investigation conducted in Kalikot district, six focus group discussions and 33 in-depth interviews were conducted with a total of 81 participants. School-going girls, girls who have dropped out of school before completing twelfth grade, mothers, fathers, teachers, health care providers, religious leaders, traditional healers, grandmothers and police participated in the study. The results indicate that criminalization is generally perceived as a positive step for initiating chhaupadi behavior change, and one-third of participants expressed that they plan to change their behaviors after learning that chhaupadi is punishable with fines and/or jail time. However, accurate information about the criminal code is extremely low and therefore interventions ensuring communities and law enforcement are informed of the criminalization and associated penalties are urgently needed. In addition, even after its criminalization, chhaupadi behavior change is anticipated to be gradual and is expected to require long-term interventions targeting social pressure associated with upholding the tradition and raising awareness via appropriate trainings, engaging the media, and beyond.

In recent decades, highly-publicized school rampage attacks with multiple victims have caused widespread fear throughout the United States. Pulling from in-depth interviews with school officials (administrators, counselors, security and police officers, and teachers), this article discusses officials’ perceptions of fear and risk regarding rampage shootings and how this relates to their justification for and acquiescence to the expansion of punitive discipline and increased security. Data collected in this study provide additional understanding of the causes of enhanced discipline and security from the perspective
of those tasked with administering school safety in the wake of recent mass attacks.  Utilizing insight from moral panic theory, the findings suggest that, when the genuinely high potential cost of school massacres fused with an exaggerated perception of their likelihood and randomness, school rampage attacks came to be viewed as a risk that could not be tolerated and must be avoided at nearly any cost.

"The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences explores these competing narratives and the consequences of criminalizing immigration in the United States and abroad. It examines the impact of national, state, and local legislation on the psychosocial well being of immigrants. The book explores key ways in which immigration is criminalized, and examines how the problematization of immigration becomes a political tool. The first chapters of the book explore the criminalization of immigration through the lens of pacification and the theater of cruelty. In both chapters, the authors seek to understand the process of “othering” members of the immigrant population to exact social control and to mollify the public. These front chapters set the tone for remainder of the book. They provide the impetus for why states have enacted, or have attempted to enact state level immigration laws that make it nearly impossible for the undocumented to live within the boundaries of these states. In section two, three U.S. states are highlighted: Arizona, Alabama, and Indiana. While the chapters on Arizona and Alabama summarize key aspects of state laws, author Sujey Vega highlights the life of one undocumented immigrant as she navigates life in the Heartland.

The book then turns its focus to the criminalization of immigration in a socio-political context. Here, four chapters provide explorations of the criminalization of immigration on labor standards enforcement, immigrant detention, the right wing perspective in the United States and in Europe, and white supremacy. Labor standards impact the rate by which undocumented immigrants are paid, which in turn impacts their health and safety within and outside the workplace, protections from workplace discrimination, and collective activity protections. The criminalization of immigration erodes many of the workplace and labor protections that we have come to view as essential. Similarly, the privatization of corrections has influenced the incarceration and detention of many undocumented immigrants and has even influenced the very laws described in section two of this book. If not for the possibility of profiting off of the detention of the undocumented, many of immigration related laws would not have come to fruition.

The next section of the book provides a transnational and international context to the criminalization of immigration. With chapters focusing on human rights violations, the transnational dimensions of Mexican migration, the making of the Maras, and the criminalization of immigration in the United Kingdom, these chapters ask the reader to examine the criminalization of immigration from a broader perspective. The reader learns how national issues become international and, likewise how international immigration issues influence national policy.

The final chapters of the book put the human face on the criminalization of immigration. Each chapter represents a case study of a specific aspect of the criminalization of immigration. They approach the issue from the viewpoint of a day laborer, an undocumented woman who has become a victim of domestic violence, a child whose parents are undocumented, and a detention officer who wrestles with his decisions to continue his job. Regardless of which chapters one reads, the raw emotion felt by placing oneself in each context is overwhelming.

Overall, The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences provides a complete examination of an issue that cuts through emotional value conflicts. It provides the facts and knowledge essential for a fair and balanced debate"

Master thesis:
The thesis addresses the process of labelling and exclusion of the most disadvantaged patrons in the public library, on the basis of their behaviour or appearance, believed to be deviant or undesired. Like in analogous institutions, characterised by and proud of a peculiar egalitarian self-representation, such stigma creates practices of social exclusion, that reflect peculiarities as well as broader dynamics. I open with a diachronic analysis of the public library and its foundational values, emphasising the idea of meritocratic equality of self-development, and its ambivalences. Then, I focus on the topic of marginalised users, starting from the concept of acceptability thresholds, distinctive of the public domain in general, and decomposing the literature on the “problem patron”. I thus address the definition of legitimate and “improper” patrons as process of stigmatisation, regarding distinct levels of meaning-making. I complete my study with some findings from research I conducted for the Trento Municipal Library

Final mark: 110/110 cum laude

The aim of this article is to show that criminal paternalism is not an autonomous principle of criminalization. Upon making a distinction between tutelary and despotic paternalism, it shows that the former is a manifestation of the principle of harm, while the latter is only apparently opposed to liberalism. Indeed, the criminal norms that are usually seen as despoticly paternalistic are instead expressions of either legal moralism (and should be dealt with as such) or (as is the case with tutelary paternalism) of the principle of harm. In the latter cases, the problem is that the principle of harm itself offers a far less stable ground for criminalization than anti-paternalists seem to believe. The article also provides a critical account of the anti-paternalists’ view on consent. The conclusion is drawn that what the debate on criminal paternalism actually calls for is a thorough discussion on whether individuals have a “right to make mistakes” (even when such “mistakes” consist in self-harm).

Se describe cómo sucede el comercio de ropa usada en Estados Unidos en general y en particular en la frontera de Texas, y cómo se organiza su contrabando para que finalmente llegue a ciudades como Monterrey. Se destacan los siguientes aspectos: a) que históricamente el comercio de ropa usada se ha basado en el funcionamiento de lo que Ribeiro (2008) llama redes de economía (i)lícita; b) que en los últimos años el contrabando y distribución de pacas ha sido cooptado por redes de economía ilegal; c) que lo anterior es una consecuencia de la disputa por el territorio y el uso de la violencia entre el Estado mexicano y grupos delincuenciales. A la pregunta empírica sobre por qué grupos del narcotráfico se esfuerzan por controlar actividades ilegales e informales, la respuesta propuesta en este capítulo es que principalmente esto les sirve como una manera de controlar territorios. Y a la pregunta, más abstracta, sobre qué implicaciones tiene esto en términos de la organización de actividades informales en una frontera internacional, la respuesta sugerida en este trabajo es que se pasa de una organización espacial a una de tipo territorial.

RESUMO: Com a saída dos militares do centro do governo e o fim da guerra fria ganha corpo um debate sobre o papel das Forças Armadas no Brasil contemporâneo. Nessa direção, o presente trabalho começa abordando o que se convencionou chamar de crise de identidade militar como uma porta de entrada à análise da construção de novas missões de ordem e segurança internas pela instituição militar no panorama pós-guerra fria. Ao lado disso, com uma agenda específica para as Forças Armadas latino-americanas, os EUA passaram a propugnar e pressionar o envolvimento dos militares em tarefas policiais rotineiras em detrimento da clássica função de defesa externa. Dentro desse quadro mais amplo, a "Operação Rio" foi utilizada como importante teste crítico às forças sociais interessadas na questão da participação das FFAA em missões de tipo policial. Efetivamente, ela viria a abrir as portas a uma participação mais ativa dos militares nas mais distintas missões ligadas à temática interna durante o primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, com a definição prática de uma missão militar de ordem interna e o início da superação da crise de identidade militar então existente. Tal como está configurada hoje, a missão militar acha-se assentada em bases precárias, sendo o principal traço a destacar o da manutenção da vocação interna, sobretudo por intermédio do Exército.

This article examines United States immigration policy in three states: Arizona,
Alabama, and Indiana. All three states have varying rates of Latino immigration and
a complex set of socioeconomic and cultural factors; yet nonetheless, all have
participated in the criminalization of undocumented immigrants through state-level
legislative action. First, this article explores Latino migration to the United States
and its relationship to the forces of globalization. Second, we discuss the
consequences and impacts of racialized and decentralized immigration policy. Third,
we detail the history and background of each state law and its economic and social
costs. Lastly, we conclude with implications of these policies on the lives of
undocumented immigrants, social welfare policy, social work and transnational
practice, and social work education.

Le prospettive femministe in ambito criminologico si sviluppano tra gli anni Settanta e Ottanta, grazie alla contaminazione portata dall’elaborazione delle teorie femministe della cosiddetta «seconda ondata» in
ambito filosofico, sociologico e storico e all’emergere della critica ai fondamenti epistemologici e metodologici delle scienze sociali da parte di studiose e ricercatrici. La critica femminista alla criminologia dominante (mainstream – poi rinominata malestream) e a quella – critica – di
matrice realista di sinistra, si articola riflettendo le declinazioni storiche del femminismo più ampio, producendo, più che un corpus organico riconoscibile
a una criminologia femminista, un insieme di prospettive
che hanno radicalmente trasformato e trasgredito la criminologia sia dal punto di vista epistemologico che da quello metodologico.
In questo capitolo descriveremo la genealogia delle prospettive femministe dalla sua «irruzione» nel campo della criminologia; le sue articolazioni teoriche ed epistemologiche durante la seconda e la terza ondata
del femminismo; per poi analizzare il nucleo fondamentale delle analisi femministe, ossia l’analisi femminista dei processi di criminalizzazione e vittimizzazione fondati sul genere e dei loro «confini sfuocati », che le prospettive femministe superano gettando luce sull’agency dei
soggetti.

ABSTRACT
The Jacobean era's infamous witchcraft trials are recalled after reservoir repairs close to Pendle Hill reveal a buried cottage with bricked‐up cat. Interpretations of the building as the site of Malkin Tower, recorded in court records as the venue of a witches coven are critically evaluated in the light of archaeological and historical evidence.

KEYWORDS
WITCH, PENDLE WITCH TRIALS, PENDLE HILL, MALKIN TOWER, FOLK BELIEF, MAGIC, LANCASTER ASSIZES, WISE WOMEN, CUNNING FOLK, ARCHAEOLOGY, HISTORY, SEVENTEENTHCENTURY, ALIZON DEVICE, SALEM WITCHES, THOMAS POTTS, LOWER BLACK MOSS, ELIZABETH SOUTHERNS, DEMDIKE, ELIZABETH DEVICE, JAMES DEVICE, ANNE WHITTLE, CHATTOX, ANNE REDFERNE, JANE BULCOCK, JOHN BULCOCK, ALICE NUTTER, KATHERINE HEWITT, ALICE GRAY, JENNET PRESTON, GUNPOWDER PLOT, CAT

In this paper, I argue that school-to-prison pipeline (SPP) research on Latin@s shows the existence of an interconnected system of policies and social practices, in and out of schools, punitive and non-punitive in nature, which together work to criminalize Latin@ students and their families. This intersection (Crenshaw, 1991) and multiplicity (Hames-Garcia, 2012) of oppressive immigration, mass incarceration and schooling systems, among other factors, shapes the process and outcomes of Latin@s’ criminalization (Scott & Saucedo, 2013; Timmons Flores, 2013; Campano et al, 2013). As a result, I believe we must re-conceptualize the “pipeline” metaphor in
a way that views policies and social practices that criminalize Latin@ students and their families as part of an interconnected, interdependent system or web. Such an expansion of how we understand this term challenges a central assumption inherent in this “pipeline” metaphor; that the criminalization of youth flows unidirectionally and unidimensionally from schools to prisons and that disruption of such criminalization should be primarily focused on fixing punitive policies in schools. Advocacy and research efforts built upon the reconceptualization of this system or web would address the criminalizing social practices and policies that, while interconnected with much of the existing SPP literature, have been largely missed in the dominant SPP discourse.

In addition to the nationwide phenomenon of mass incarceration,  there exists a sub-problem in the U.S. of overrepresentation in prisons and jails of those with severe and persistent mental illnesses (SPMI).  The disproportionate imprisonment of those with mental illnesses is one driving force of mass incarceration.  Furthermore, we have reached an era characterized by the “criminalization of mental illness.”  Driving this is another feature of the mass incarceration era, the change in the types of institutions that incarcerate those subject to social control in American society.  With the deinstitutionalization movement, and the closure of mental health institutions (largely brought about by the 1963 Community Mental Health Act),  there has been a shift towards incarcerating the mentally ill in criminal justice institutions such as prisons and jails.  This essay will consider the role mental illness should play in sentencing, and how this might reduce the disproportionate levels of prisoners with mental illness. More specifically, this paper examines the sentencing rules where the defendant has a SPMI, but has failed to successfully meet the insanity defense.

Pratiche punitive
XENIA CHIARAMONTE
IL LABORATORIO DELLA GIUSTIZIA POLITICA
Al suo corso al Collège de France del 1971-1972 Michel Foucault dà il nome di “Teorie e istituzioni penali”, ma in ouverture tiene a precisare che, per la verità, “manca un terzo termine: pratica” (Foucault 2019, p. 15). In uno dei saggi sul “caso 7 aprile” che ha saputo meglio cogliere le torsioni della procedura penale viene proposta “non una storia delle leggi ma una storia delle prassi giudiziarie” (Ferrajoli 1983, p. 167). Non dissimilmente, il pionieristico studio su “Magistrati anarchici e socialisti” di Canosa e Santosuosso (1981) si misura con l’arduo compito di leggere parallelamente teorie e procedure, previsioni normative e loro applicazione, law in books with law in practice.
È questo il banco di prova e lo scavo cognitivo che, solo, ci consente di scendere al livello dell’ingranaggio della macchina della giustizia, in particolare di quella politica.

Criminalization is a process that results in defining a certain deed as criminally illegal and criminally punishable one. Criminalization of the propaganda of any symbolics is a challenge for the legislator, due to the difficulty of its justification. The setback lies in the need, on the one hand, to ensure the human right to freedom of expression un, and, on the other hand, to limit this right only in cases of its use in contexts incompatible with the objectives of the Convention. By this approach, the European Court of Human Rights seeks to maintain pluralism of views in democracies.

The proportionality principle in criminalization has a dual nature: balancing and human rights restriction. These two components of the principle are two sides of one medal, one of each must balance the other for the proportionality principle in criminalization to be implemented. In proportionality as balancing, the priority is to balance contradictory interests, rationalize and legitimize criminalization, and in proportionality as human rights restriction - protection of individual freedom from excessive state intervention, incl. establishment of only proportional restrictions on human rights and freedoms.

Criminalization of public demonstration of "Z" symbols is compliant with the proportionality principle because 1) "Z" symbols have only one meaning that is incompatible with the objectives of the ECHR - support for armed aggression against Ukraine; 2) the purpose of its public use is to express political views, that is illegal by its nature, on supporting the armed aggression of the russian federation or to justify its criminal actions; 3) "Z" symbols are associated with well-known mass violations of human rights, which discredit it; 4) the demonstration of "Z" symbols can cause many citizens anxious feelings, fear or indignation and even violate the rights of the dead; 5) as a result of public demonstration of "Z" symbols there is a danger of riots, in addition, 6) its demonstration is a threat to democracy in Ukraine, in particular, its national security, territorial integrity, public safety

In cities and towns across Canada, Indigenous girls are being hunted, harassed, and criminalized by local law enforcement agents and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police. These normalized outbreaks of state control, often punctuated by the use of deadly force, are not isolated incidents in an otherwise just and fair social order. Rather, they are reflective of Indigenous girls' daily realities embedded within the structure of an ongoing settler colonial social context that has strategically invented the criminal justice system to secure and maintain settler sovereignty. As such, this paper aims to redirect our critical analysis of the policing and caging of Indigenous girls through the geopolitics of settler colonialism. In the wake of mass protests against colonial state violence throughout 2014, resistance decrying the justice system and insisting that #BlackLivesMatters and that Indigenous lives matter, I argue that we have an urgent need to listen to the stories that Indigenous girls have to tell. These are not just any stories, but narratives that profoundly destabilize the hubristic portrayal of Canada as a humanitarian nation cleansed of settler colonial rule.

This research aims to contribute to understanding what criminalization for boys of color looks like in urban elementary school settings and offering insights into what we must do to disrupt criminalization in urban schools. Using multiple sources of data from four elementary schools across a two-year period, we found that boys of color in the study were subjected to criminalization as part of their daily educational experiences. Their bodies and behaviors were hyper-policed, disparately punished, and routinely labeled with criminalizing terms. Further, we found masternarratives framing boys of color as disrespectful and habitually truant to be ambiguous and empirically false.

In November 2018, the New South Wales government rushed a new homicide offence of "drug supply causing death" through Parliament. It is now a crime-punishable by up to 20 years' imprisonment for a person to supply a prohibited drug for financial gain where another person self-administers the drug and dies. The offence was implemented in response to drug-related deaths at music festivals. While similar provisions exist in the United States, the crime of drug supply causing death is the first of its kind to be enacted in Australia. This article critically examines the new offence. I critique the haste with which the legislation was introduced and identify problems that may arise in relation to prosecutions, especially with regard to proof of causation and mens rea. I argue that this "law and order" response to drug-related harms is not only unjustified; it may also do more harm than good.