Foreigners Modern Period

El presente artículo busca ofrecer una aproximación al estudio de las identidades políticas en las investigaciones históricas. Abordando los procesos de construcción e identi cación de las identidades desde la noción de extranjería, conceptualizada como una condición de extrañamiento, incertidumbre y posibilidad, se persigue adentrarse al análisis histórico e historiográ co cues- tionando los planteamientos constructivistas y estructuralistas. En de nitiva, se busca repensar la extranjería desde diversos casos de estudio (la grandeza de España y los pares de Francia; el dinasticismo; las naturalizaciones y la religión; los comerciantes, la visión de las comunidades indígenas, etc.), para así reconsiderar las identidades políticas en el mundo moderno.

is article approaches the study of political identities in historical research. By drawing on the notion of foreigners —conceptualized as a condition of estrangement, uncertainty and possibility—, and in order to approach processes of construction and identi cation of identities, this text studies thoroughly the historical and historiographical analysis questioning constructivists, and structuralists approaches. Finally, the aim is to rethink the condition of the foreigner by taking into account different study cases (such as the Grandeeship of Spain and the Pairs of France; dynasticism; naturalizations and religion; merchants; the imaginaries on the indigenous communities; among others) to reconsider political identities in the modern world..

Comment vivre au quotidien avec cet Autre que représente l'Étranger ? Par l'étude des " Turcs " musulmans installés à Venise au XVIe siècle, ce mémoire de recherche analyse l'histoire d'une rencontre, celle du citoyen de la République et du sujet de l'Empire... à moins que ce ne soit celle du Chrétien et du Musulman ? Entre échanges et heurts, fascination et peur, la cohabitation semble loin d'être évidente. Et pourtant, elle existe !

How to live everyday with this Other than represents the Foreigner ? By the study of the Muslim " Turks " settled in Venice in the Cinquecento, this Master 2 thesis analyzes the history of a meeting, that of the citizen of the Republic and the subject of the Empire ... unless it is the one among Christian and Muslim ? Between exchanges and conflicts, fascination and fear, the cohabitation seems far from being obvious. And yet, it exists !

The present paper analyzes the integration of Italian communities -Genoese, Florentine, Venetian, Lombards- in port societies of Andalusia (Seville, Cadiz, Puerto de Santa María, Jerez) from the 13th to the 15th centuries. To do so I have taken as documentary basis demographic sources such as the repopulating books (repartimientos), registers of inhabitants and tax registers. The results offer new light about the geography of Italian presence in the territory.

In 1780, the well-known publicist and publisher from Berlin, Friedrich Nicolai, noticed that in the Viennese suburb called Leopoldstadt:

‘one meets many Turkish men. They live in the City around the Fleischmarkt, where they also have warehouses for their goods. However, they come here in part for business, and in part because the nearby bridge conveniently has a coffeehouse. It looks eccentric that some go dressed half Turkish and half German’.

The eccentricity in the eye of the Prussian traveller meets the surprise that we sometimes express in the face of the religious and cultural diversity of the early modern metropolis, and this in turn questions deeply a present world obsessed by its cultural identities. Although we tend to reify otherness, studying the Ottoman population in eighteenth-century Vienna paves the way to another understanding of cosmopolitanism dynamics. It forces us to move the focus of history of foreigners away from cultural issues to an examination of the overlapping and crisscrossing administrative, social and urban dimensions of the pragmatic process of social integration.
L’Orient à Vienne is first a history of the Austrian enlightenment. Throughout the eighteenth century the reorganisation of the management of Oriental affairs benefited a new political elite involved in – and taking advantage of – the profound reform of the monarchy and supporting enlightened absolutism at the same time. However, this elite progressively spread out into several rival clienteles, which competed to control the management of Turkish trade and diplomacy, because of the influence it had on the government and the personal enrichment it generated. The Oriental Academy, established in 1754 to train young scholars in Turkish, Arabic and Persian and to serve in the Administration in the Ottoman Empire – as interpreters, chancellors and diplomats – was actually nothing but the incubator of the Chancellor’s creatures. The history of Oriental knowledge fits in with a socio-political history of the administration and was not restricted to artificial national boundaries. Indeed, the emergence of this elite was based on deep economic, social and political connections with Ottoman society and especially with Ottoman subjects in Vienna, as the Conscription of the Turks and Turkish of 1767 testifies.
Although historians used to identify and divide them into distinct nations and diasporas – overstressing their ethnic/religious/cultural features –, Muslim, Sephardic, Armenian and Greek merchants actually proceeded along similar paths of life and similar practices in the city. They were a population, more than a community, that represented about one per cent of the city’s inhabitants in 1775 since, far from being exclusively populated by merchants, it was composed of diverse economic actors, from janissaries to cooks, and was gender diverse, since children represented the biggest component. Studying merchants draws a new economic and social geography of the Austrian monarchy wide open to the Ottoman Empire, and it presents Vienna as a hub between Turkey, the Holy Roman Empire, Central Europe and the Adriatic Sea. Plus, Ottoman trading companies were transcontinental, religiously plural and they constantly interacted with local merchants, administrators and diplomats.
Indeed, the familiarity of Ottoman merchants with the Viennese political elite and its clients played a significant role in reorienting Austrian commercial policy in favour of the Ottoman merchants and in strengthening the authority of the administration over the city. Ottomans gave the Emperor the excuse to liberalize Viennese trade, thus far controlled by a bourgeoisie granted with economic and political privileges. Plus, Ottomans symbolically lived under the protection of the administration, set up in buildings and blocks owned by the administrators of trade and diplomats, strategically located in the old merchant area of the city, where they could find both housing and warehousing. They became members of the elite urban kinship. Being an Ottoman became so appealing that it guaranteed the social integration of the subjects of the Sultan and made more valuable their legal and economic condition, rather than being an “Imperial and Royal subject” of the Habsburg monarch. Moreover, while they were tied with the Viennese administrative elite, the Ottoman merchants systematically reaffirmed their belonging to the Ottoman Empire symbolically by joining the corteges of the envoys of the Grand Seigneur, or in claiming their political identity in case of litigation. Indeed, just as the merchants did, Ottoman diplomats also bonded with the reforming Austrian elite and the aristocracy in the common purpose of securing and promoting Ottoman trade in Central Europe and, in this way, strengthened their respective economic and political clientele in both Vienna and Istanbul.
Austrian administrators, Ottoman merchants and ambassadors formed a milieu, an urban geography that calls for a reinterpretation of the history of eighteenth-century Vienna and a deconstruction of diaspora patterns. The installation of the Ottomans in the city didn’t depend at all on some community logic but on the function of the urban space, where they imbedded themselves and their economic activity. Using such a presence as a contrasting medium reveals the economic heart of the city and allows us to observe its workings. Before everything, it enables us to understand that Vienna was a very attractive city port on the Ottoman trading route, presenting a logic of settling and blending quite similar to Venice, Livorno or Smyrna, usually much more emphasized in the historiography. This calls for an opening up of Mediterranean history and a questioning of the common idea of a decline of cross-cultural trade during the eighteenth century. This meets the new history of an opened, fluid and vibrant Central Europe. It undermines the prejudices of both our post-Soviet and post-9/11 conception of what is Europe.
Finally, this study tempers the role played by the cultural dimension in the globalised world and warns against overstressing ethno-religious features in national politics and in everyday life. It breaks with the sacralisation of differences and calls for a reorientation of the focus of the social sciences on the economic and social logic that generates the social bonding and blending, even in a cross-cultural context.

Review:

Journal of Modern History: http://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/abs/10.1086/688817

Journal of Early Modern History: http://booksandjournals.brillonline.com/content/journals/15700658

Revue d'Histoire Moderne et Contemporaine: https://www.cairn.info/revue-d-histoire-moderne-et-contemporaine.htm

Bulletin critique des Annales islamologiques: http://www.ifao.egnet.net/bcai/31/

Zeitschrift für Historische Forschung : http://ejournals.duncker-humblot.de/toc/zhf/44/2

Very little is known about Florentine presence in Andalusia in the Late Middle Ages. From very different sources —mercantile collected letters, accounting entries, ricordanze, chronicles and nautical documentation— the present articles aims to outline the issue with more accuracy. Therefore, the study deals with information about the Florentine community in Seville and Cadiz in chronological order, to better appreciate the quantitative and qualitative differences between 14th and 15th centuries. The prosopographical method has been favoured, trying to offer the most possible complete portraits of considered individuals and societies. Last, the study deals with the presence of Florentine merchant galleys and the opening of a consulate in Cadiz.

Ever since mass tourism began, a few spots on the planet have enjoyed the privilege of becoming powerful points of attraction. Be it the Alhambra in Granada or the Parthenon in Greece, the city of Venice or the Great Pyramids, people
were (and are) attracted by such places like iron filings by a magnet, enthralled, certainly, by the magic feeling of the place, but to a no lesser degree by the cultural constructions associated with them.

Studying the relationship between foreignness and social bonding illuminates the logics of integration. In 18th century Vienna, the Ottoman presence was inscribed above all within the socio-political history of the city. The Ottoman presence played a part in the Kameralismus of the Imperial administration and in the development of Viennese enlightened absolutism, to the detriment of Municipal liberties. It reinforced the social position of the established ministerial elite against their challengers. It fit ted into a trans-imperial familiarity between the Holy Roman Empire and the Sublime Porte, and into the rise of a cosmopolitan oriental milieu in Vienna. In such a situation, the status of foreigners was no longer a brake on integration, but a pre-requisite and a catalyst for it instead.

Interroger le rapport entre extranéité et lien social permet de mettre au jour les logiques de l’intégration. Dans la Vienne du XVIIIe siècle, la présence ottomane s’inscrit avant tout dans l’histoire sociopolitique de la ville. Elle participe au caméralisme de l’administration impériale et au développement du despotisme éclairé viennois au détriment des libertés municipales. Elle permet à l’élite en place de renforcer sa position à l’encontre des clientèles ministérielles concurrentes. Elle s’inscrit dans une familiarité trans-impériale établie entre le Saint Empire et la Sublime Porte et la production à Vienne d’un milieu oriental cosmopolite. Dans cette confi guration, l’extranéité n’est pas un frein à l’intégration, mais elle constitue son levier et sa condition.

Invitant son lecteur à rompre avec une définition négative de l’étranger qui se réduirait à l’exclusion de la citoyenneté de l’individu venu d’ailleurs, Simona Cerutti l’emmène à travers les cercles de l’extranéité. La méthode – la microstoria – est éprouvée, mais elle reste efficace. Le terrain – Turin et le Piémont – est toujours aussi fertile, et les résultats, déjà présentés par l’auteure, sont ici utilisés au service d’un changement de paradigme : le passage de l’étude de l’étranger à celle de la « condition d’extranéité ».
Toutefois, au risque de sortir de la microstoria, l’ouvrage appelle également à suivre une autre piste.

This article analyzes the ways in which Canadian and Australian immigration policies represent causes and consequences of neoliberal restructuring. Interrogating neoliberalism as a series of political-economic and moral changes derived from the marketization of societal and governmental arrangements, it illustrates how numerically-based ‘points systems’ have been employed as mechanisms for: gauging human capital; establishing indices of risk and undesirability; and promoting the ‘responsibilization’ of incoming migrants. In doing so the points systems' historical trajectory is traced through a variety of administrative reforms characteristic of neoliberal government and flexible accumulation. Ultimately, this article contends that as rational, technical and economically guided systems of enumeration and assessment, both governments' policies mirror, enhance and extend neoliberal arrangements and sensibilities. In providing ostensibly objective techniques of evaluation the points systems have assisted in injecting the ideal neoliberal citizens- who are, above all, flexible, cosmopolitan, entrepreneurial and autonomous- from abroad. Overall this paper contributes to studies of state restructuring by providing new insights into the links between the neglected domain of immigration control and emergent techniques of societal regulation and citizen-making.

The Castilian term corporación and their English equivalents (corporation) and French (corps) designated in the Ancien Régime society all the organized groups, institutionalized and recognized as such by the law. The foundation of colleges and hospitals, charitable trusts, chapels, religious confraternities and other places of worship linked to a particular foreign community was framed in the context of ‘representation of the (foreign) nations’ in the Spanish court and cities of the Monarchy. Actually it was a matter of ‘making the community visible’, while these institutions operated also internally as instruments of corporate protection and internal solidarity for foreign communities in Spain. In this contribution we focus on these physical spaces of representation, the intermediary role of these institutions with the Monarchy, their agents, their identity (cultural and art production, local and public holidays) and the systems of Royal and private patronage they used to receive, in a context of harsh competition between the foreign nations themselves.

In this paper we suggest an entangled and comparative history of four Mediterranean ports, Marseille, Livorno, Trieste and Corfu, 1770s-1880s, examining in particular the interaction between different states and trading groups, the outcome of which is all too often uncritically characterised by historiography as the emergence of a cosmopolitan maritime world. While engaging with ongoing debates on cosmopolitanism we do not limit our analysis to a conceptual discussion over the notion itself. Rather, we aim to test its pertinence in a more dynamic way by studying the ‘management of cosmopolitanism’, namely, the role different authorities (state and city) played in enhancing the cohesion of a Central Mediterranean commercial space. Our analysis is twofold; first, we argue that the alleged cosmopolitanism of these ports was as much a result of state policies as it was of individual and group strategies. Secondly and in connection with the above, we study the way cosmopolitan patterns resulted in new forms of urban networking and planning – for instance, through the promotion of new commercial institutions, such as Chambers of Commerce and other trade associations, or through the integration of our four port cities into various regional or transnational networks.

The study of Genoese activities in the Kingdom of Granada has mostly focused in the main ports. On this occasion we tackle their presence and economic interests in Guadix through the reconstruction and following of three family-merchant groups (Gentile, Cigala, De Vares) in a key moment, the transition from Islamic to Christian rule.

During eighteenth century, the surveillance of foreigners depended mainly on the cooperation of neighbours by denunciation. This informal vigilance, where the government only acted in case of conflict, was finally replaced by an institutionalized, clandestine, and permanent control. The article is based on documentation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, published and so far unknown sources from the Archivo General de la Nación Argentina. The most relevant sources are royal decrees, edicts and government orders, especially registration of foreigners, and Cabildo proceedings.

In the collaborative play Sir Thomas More, written as propaganda against anti-alien rioting in the early 1590s the character Lincoln reads out a letter he has written concerning the immigration influx:
"For so it is that aliens and strangers eat the bread from the fatherless children, and take the living from all the artificers and the intercourse from all the merchants, whereby poverty is so much increased, that every man bewaileth the misery of other; for craftsmen be brought to beggary, and merchants to neediness" (1.118-129).
In this particular abstract the strangers are accused of stealing jobs and food from English-bred citizens and even earlier in the play the strangers are depicted as women abusing ruffians. In current society, parallels with these particular statements are not rare as in the 21st century, refugees are still accused of all the things listed above.

The point of departure for this dissertation is a historical, epistemological and methodological discussion of the notion of “community”. Based on a comparative approach to the three cases of the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles from the age of the “Greek Enlightenment” (c. 1770) up until the birth of an independent Neohellenic state (1830), this study aims to challenge the conventional image of early modern foreign communities as homogeneous and inclusive groups, by rendering the complex, diverse, and often contradictory trajectories of groups and individuals that formed what we know as “the Greek Diaspora”. Paying special attention to issues such as the administrative control of the migrants, the collective uses of urban space, and the sharing of socio-cultural practices, it reconstructs the multi-layered background that supported the expression of communal identities among the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles. By recasting the three cases under scrutiny within the wider context of the many connections and relations that existed among them, the dissertation stresses the ways in which the entanglement of mercantile, migratory and family networks came to “shape” the Greek Diaspora as a space both physical and socio-symbolical. Conversely, and in a micro-historical perspective, it also analyses the role played by the “communal institutions” (namely the Greek-Orthodox churches and brotherhoods) in shaping collective identities and governing plural and heterogeneous social groups, as well as the many types of reaction and resistance to this progressive “institutionalisation” of community life. Lastly, a case-study on the ambiguous involvement of the Greeks in Venice, Livorno and Marseilles in the Greek war of independence (1821-1830), sheds light on the complex issue of the “patriotism of the expatriates”, and argues for an essential distinction between the making of communal identity, and that of national (or even “proto-national”) consciousness.

Перевод с галансково письма, что подал боярину Илье Даниловичу Милославскому райтарсково строю полковник Исак фан Буковен, как всяких чинов урядников воспросить про ратное ученье, что всякому уряднику в ратном строе подобает ведать. И против тех воспросов – ответ. / Подг. к публ., коммент. А. В. Малов // Российский архив. История отечества в свидетельствах и документах XVIII – XIX вв. М., 1995. С. 7-9. – (0,57 п.л.)
The manual Reitarska Colonel Isaac van Bokhoven for the examination of professional competence of foreign officers, taken to the Russian service 1651 / Инструкция рейтарского полковника Исаака Фан-Буковена для проверки профессиональной компетенции иностранных офицеров, принимаемых на русскую службу 1651 г.

Los puertos y sus aguas eran los cauces por donde circulaban hombres, mercancías e ideas en contextos de paz. Los Habsburgo trataron de acentuar la naturaleza fronteriza de esos espacios portuarios, en contextos bélicos con potencias consideradas herejes. Sin embargo, bajo el argumento de la necesidad de abastecimiento marítimo exterior y del mantenimiento de los intercambios comerciales, incluso con el enemigo, siguieron llegando a puertos católicos productos y, sobre todo mercaderes, de origen confesional incierto que consiguieron permanecer e integrarse en esas comunidades portuarias. Este trabajo se centra en los puertos vascos, reputados como nobles y católicos, y en los mecanismos de inclusión y exclusión regulados desde los plataformas provinciales y locales durante los siglos XVI y XVII que permitían controlar la inserción de los extranjeros originarios de espacios religiosos potencialmente no católicos –ingleses, franceses, holandeses y portugueses– en los grupos oligárquicos urbanos.

Esta contribución examina, desde una perspectiva de largo recorrido, la cultura de servicio de las élites extrapeninsulares y las críticas políticas basadas en su origen foráneo. Con este fin se indaga en las bases de poder de estas élites a principios del XVIII, su abierto cuestionamiento desde mediados de la centuria y la posibilidad americana como alternativa de ascenso social y diversificación de intereses fuera de España. Plantea la hipótesis de una entrada en crisis de la cultura cortesana del antiguo régimen, que veía normal la utilización y el patronazgo de la nobleza internacional por parte del rey. Durante el reinado de Carlos III dos episodios clamorosos, el motín de Esquilache en 1766 y el fracaso de Argel en 1775, escenificaron esta ruptura, provocada por el difícil equilibrio a la hora de dosificar las gracias entre la nueva nobleza de servicio colocada al frente de las reformas (los «técnicos») y la vieja nobleza de prestigio que secularmente había heredado los méritos de sus antepasados.

Abstract
Intertext and Imagology. “Foreigners” and “Exiled”. A Gnostic Mythology of the Exile
The present paper aims at analysing the ways in which the ancestral xenophobia exceeds modern scents. As investigated, from a connotative point of view, the foreigner’s portrayal can induce a state of detachment and even threat. The vocabulary of some indo-european languages, together with the idioms of the negative alterity and the foreigner’s literature come to prove this. Still, in the fictitious collective, the foreigner is much more than a sum of ethnic features, it is exactly what draws our attention and even more, the recurrence of a gnostic scenario in the Romanian presentation of the history and of the exile as seen by authors such as: Mircea Eliade, Emil Cioran, Vintilă Horia, Ioan Petru Culianu. The corpus chosen is not exhaustive but illustrative and intended to catch the other’s figure (Euripide, Albert Camus, Thomas Mann, Mircea Eliade, Emil Cioran, Vintilă Horia, Michael Cunningham) from different perspectives.

The publication is a reference for prosopographical work by senior officers of the New Model Army from coming to Russia first hired officers in 1628 in preparation for the Smolensk war (1632-1634) to leave from Russia last mercenaries in 1636. The Article covers ranks from major to Colonel and Junior officer ranks regimental level: regimental quartermaster, scribes etc. A study prepared on the books of Razrjadny and Kazenny Offices, which are more fully reflected the composition of the officer corps.

Esta intervenção interroga-se a propósito da rentabilidade da produção literária de aqueles viageiros que efetuaram breves estadias no antigo Reino da Galiza, como oossível fonte informativa sobre o funcionamento das instituições culturais que operavam no século XVIII galego.

Cada vez vamos conociendo mejor la capacidad de la Monarquía hispánica para atraer a miles de individuos de origen extra peninsular entre los siglos XVI y XVIII. Nuevas aproximaciones como las de este volumen están contribuyendo a reequilibrar una imagen casi unívoca de España como un territorio fundamentalmente de emigración económica (de peninsulares y canarios hacia América desde 1492); de expulsiones religiosas forzadas (de judíos en 1492, de moriscos en 1609); de exilios políticos más o menos voluntarios (como el círculo de los primeros liberales españoles en Londres en torno a Lord Holland, del que formaría parte desde 1810 el famoso escritor sevillano José Blanco White); o de exilios políticos obligados (como los afrancesados tras la guerra de Independencia española en 1814). Desde el siglo XVI una efectiva propaganda anglo-holandesa contribuyó de manera decisiva a la conformación de la imagen de una Monarquía cerrada sobre sí misma, celosa por conservar anacronísticamente su monopolio comercial con América, siempre hostil a la presencia de extranjeros y, por supuesto, fanática en términos religiosos. Desde los viajeros franceses del XVII hasta pensadores como Montesquieu o Voltaire en el XVIII, pasando también por los viajeros británicos y famosos economistas como Adam Smith, confirmaron muchas de estas impresiones negativas sobre los usos y costumbres españoles.

This article tackles a concrete aspect of cross-cultural labor relations in the Early Modern and Modern Mediterranean, by focusing on a legal case involving Greek craftsmen in early 19th-century Venice. The study of this particular case leads us to touch on a number of issues pertaining to the Venetian labor world in troubled times, as well as to contacts between Venetian and Greek populations, and the complex social structure of the Greek-orthodox community. Challenging the apparent triviality of a legal quarrel involving a small number of individuals of different origins, it addresses the question of work and labor relations as an observation point on the Venetian social fabric. In the light of the conflicts which set the guild of the Venetian cloth merchants and that of the Greek overcoat tailors against each other for most of the second half of the eighteenth century, it reassesses the importance of social practices, labor relations, and communal logics, in the making of cross-cultural contacts in Early Modern and Modern urban environments.

Cet article souligne l'importance des sources maçonniques pour l'étude des migrations modernes et contemporaines à l'échelle des individus et à l'échelle de la communauté. Il étudie la participation des Grecs à la vie maçonnique marseillaise au XIXe siècle pour montrer qu'elle s' inscrit dans le cadre plus large de l'adhésion des «orientaux»-les migrants originaires du bassin oriental de la Méditerranée-à la Franc-maçonnerie.