Francisco Goya

Ce livret réunit un ensemble de textes et d’images ayant trait au Monde renversé et à un ensemble de pratiques et de situations relevant de ce motif : carnaval, charivari, etc.
Il est question dans les textes de Michel Cegarra, Lise Lerichomme et Martine Sadion, de renversement, d’échange ou de subversion des rôles sociaux et des rapports de genre, de circulation et de porosité des représentations et de leurs significations. Pour ce faire il et elles s’attachent à la fois à l’histoire de l’art et à celle des traditions et des représentations populaires.
Édité à l’occasion de la clôture de l’exposition « La Bibliothèque grise, ch. 4 : objets parlants », de Jérôme Dupeyrat et Laurent Sfar, à la Ferme du Buisson, la réflexion de ces auteurs déplie et poursuit différents questionnements apparus au cours de cette exposition.

The heart of Turrell’s work is the Roden Crater, out in Arizona. François Jonquet met the artist at his ranch, in the Painted Desert, and visited the Crater, this work which he is constantly sculpting and developing. He reports on this vertiginous experience

The critical activity of Tzvetan Todorov turned in the final period of his career on visual arts studies. This piece highlights how the Todorov’s approach to these matters, although near to others academic fields interested on this subject like Bildwissenschaft and Visual Studies, is treated in a very personal way. Indeed, through the analysis of the author’s methods and their application on the essays Goya. À l’ombre des lumières (2011) and Le Triomphe de l’artiste (2017), the piece points out how, according to Todorov, artistic expression shall be read like a contribution to building an accomplished social immaginary, characterized by figurative specificity and intellectual autority. Then, regarding some considerations from Gilbert Durand and Yves Bonnefoy, the paper focuses on the hermeneutic purposes of Todorov’s works, in which different discursive levels – figurative, immaginative, biographical – dialogue to each other with the aim of emphasise the ethical and historical significance of a specific intellectual experience, the activity and life of the artist himself.

Open access full-text.https://doi.org/10.17613/ek9a-mx94
David Tombs, ‘Hidden in Plain Sight: Seeing the Stripping of Jesus as Sexual Violence’, Journal for Interdisciplinary Biblical Studies Special Issue: Activism in the Biblical Studies Classroom: Global Perspectives 2:1 (Autumn 2020), pp. 224-247.

Abstract
Recent work in biblical studies has given increased attention to a reading of Jesus as a victim of sexual abuse. This article explores how the stripping of Jesus might be understood as an example of abuse 'hidden in plain sight'. Most students are initially surprised or doubtful when it is suggested that Jesus is a victim of sexual violence. However, this scepticism can become a powerful learning resource if they are helped to 'discover' it for themselves through an experiential learning process. This might involve a critical examination of crucifixion and stripping images, and/or a contextual bible study on Matthew 27:26-31. Discovering the sanitising and erasure of sexual violence in the dominant (mis)understanding of crucifixion can offer students insight into other ways that past and present sexual violence is often marginalised, normalised, or hidden. Often these classroom exercises prompt a discussion of what makes abuse 'sexual abuse'.

Appreciation of Goya’s work in nineteenth-century France owed much to the endeavours of the artist Valentín Carderera. Unpublished correspondence reveals how he distributed prints and drawings from his major collection of Goya’s work by sale or exchange among artists, writers and historians, including Prosper Mérimée and Gustave Brunet.

Starting with Goya's Caprichos and ending with Charlie Hebdo's offensive cartoons (and the outraged reactions both sets of images elicited), this essay considers satire less as an attack on others than an opportunity for self-reflection. Especial attention is paid to the relation between Goya's etchings and their captions, and to the iconoclastic reaction to Goya of a major nineteenth-century art writer, John Ruskin.

The Swiss/German painter Paul Klee had a long history of affinity for the art of children. As the scholar O. K. Werchmeister notes, it is perhaps “one of the most salient features in the artist’s work.” Whether it was through his deliberate use of a naïve, awkward, and childlike style, or through the depiction of games, animals, and toys within his subject matter, much that appears within Paul Klee’s work is clearly centered within the realm of children’s art. In fact, one of the seminal child-related motifs found within Klee’s images is that of puppets and puppetry. This paper examines a particular moment with respect to Klee’s depiction of puppets. Specifically, it considers a series of pen and paper drawings Klee produced in 1938 in which the theme of the “unstrung” puppet is deployed by the artist as a political and social metaphor. In addition to the analysis of these drawings, the paper also considers several important paintings produced by Klee during this same time period - Outbreak of Fear III and A Woman for the Gods - which I argued continued the development of the fractured puppet motif. In the mid 1930’s Klee was diagnosed as suffering from scleroderma, and would subsequently die from myocarditis in June of 1940. Previous art historical scholarship has sought to interpret many of the images produced by Klee during this time, including the aforementioned drawings and paintings, as personal statements by the artist about his own impending mortality. However, I argue that these pictures were a direct response by Klee to Nazi violence. Paul Klee had left Germany following Hitler’s rise to power. His work was vilified as “degenerate art” by the Nazis at the 1937 entartete Kunst exhibition, and hundreds of his paintings and drawings were seized. It was during this exact time period that the German fascists initiated what would become a new trend in warfare - the aerial bombing of civilians. On April 26th of that same year, the Nazi Condor Legion undertook the terror-bombing of Guernica in support of Franco’s forces. Seen as a response to this carnage, Klee’s “unstrung” puppet images can be understood as an attempt by the artist to overlay the idea of modernist abstraction with the human destruction of war. In effect, Klee’s broken puppets ask: is this severed head, scattered hand, and broken body an evocation of the abstract modernist dynamism of the human form? Or, are we looking at the crushing result of an aerial bombing? I show that, through the deployment of these late 1930’s puppet images, Klee reaches the point at which modernist aesthetics, and notions of the beautiful in art are themselves problematized by the events of history.

This work does not aim to fill a gap in the bibliography, either because its subject matter was not covered by previous essays or compilations or because it constitutes an update and improvement over previous catalogues raisonnés. It simply aims to make available to students and print lovers an overview of the entire collection of Goya prints, with decent photographs and –most of the times– a short description and/or explanation in English. Those wanting to deepen their knowledge of Goya prints should refer to the at least sixteen catalogues raisonnés of the graphic work of Goya that have been published since 1842.  Orozco has compiled a bibliographic notice with the most relevant publications. Whenever these books or articles are available online, he has included the corresponding link.
Goya's work has been universally recognized as an artistic bridge between the mentality of the Ancien Régime and the convulsive emergence of Modernity. His  production of graphic work, shows his constant evolution and reveals an artistic field where he had more possibilities to experiment his creativity. Goya's graphic work amounts to two hundred and eighty-eight prints: two hundred and forty-four copper engravings divided into five suites, twenty-two copper engravings hors-série and twenty-two lithographs.
In this catalogue, every print is identified by, at least, its Gassier-Wilson and Harris numbers. In many of the prints included are illustrations of preparatory drawings, often with cataloguing data.

My review essay of Jean-Luc Godard's profound, passionately detached audiovisual work <Le livre d'image>(2018/2019) aka <The Image Book>. 

In contradistinction to the tempting yet rather conventional attempt to recycle the idea of 'archive' along the lines of <Histoire(s) du cinéma>, I chose to render manifest the lush legacy of Jean Rouch whose pioneering attempt at 'Ethno-fiction' is here recalibrated- in conjunction with Yervant Gianikian & Angela Ricci Lucchi's 'archeological probe'- in the midst of the Arab Spring's bitter aftermath and global islamophobia- or, the so-called 'the global civil war.'

* The original title of this essay when I contributed it was: <Future of 'Le Petit Soldat' and 'War Game', or Coughing of an 'Ardent Hope'>.

원래 편집부에 보낸 원고의 제목은 <‘소년병’과 전쟁놀이의 미래,  또는 ‘열렬한 희망’의 기침>이었다.

Presso il Museo Universitario dell’Università “G. D’Annunzio” di Chieti, sono conservate quaranta delle ottanta acqueforti della prima edizione della serie grafica intitolata I Disastri della Guerra di Francisco Goya. Questo importante gruppo di stampe provengono dalla collezione dei coniugi Paglione e sono state donate all’Università di Chieti da Alfredo Paglione. Il saggio ha l’obiettivo di analizzare la genesi dell’opera mettendola in relazione con i fatti storici che furono alla base della sua ispirazione, di esaminare le scene in base al loro significato iconologico, di ricostruire la storia della provenienza dell’edizione Paglione.

Supernatural and fantastic works hold a significant place in Francisco Goya’s oeuvre, yet their meaning is often perplexing on both iconographic and symbolic levels. Particularly enigmatic is "Flying Witches" (Museo del Prado), one of Goya’s six witchcraft paintings purchased in 1798 by the Duke and Duchess of Osuna. An examination of the hitherto misconstrued bodily configuration of the witches’ victim reveals the supernatural phenomenon described in the scene. Although the victim’s convulsive body invokes the pathos formula of the famous Laocoön statue group, it registers demonic possession, not generic suffering. That Goya conceived "Flying Witches" in its entirety as a scene of possession is supported by its similarities with two images: an illustration in Laurent Bordelon’s "History of the Ridiculous Extravagancies of Monsieur Oufle" and Raphael’s "Transfiguration." As an expression of Enlightenments ideas, "Flying Witches" cues scepticism towards the supernatural and censures the Inquisition as an archaic institution.

The frescoes of San-Antonio de la Florida, regarded by many as Spain's Sistine Chapel, are the capital work of Goya, both for the importance of the surface decorated and because the artist revealed himself in this work with his true character and unique temperament. Although this church is at most a chapel (Ermita), the figures measure two meters and thirty centimeters, and the compositions fall into the category of monumental paintings by their number, their arrangement and their sequence. It can also be said that the Spanish pictorial revival sprang from the ashes of the 1798 Florida Frescoes and that the paintings, particularly the miracle of Saint Anthony of the dome, give birht to Goya's so-called expressionism developed in in Los Caprichos (1799) and all his future art. For the first time, Goya was able  in La Florida to paint frescoes without eclesiastic or bureaucratic supervision, needing only the approval of the King.  And he used the opportunity to end an era of religious painting, turning the same subjects into secular ones.
In the absence of photography, the Florida frescoes were publicised in the nineteenth century by means of engravings, and this book is also centered on the most beautiful rendering into etchings that the frescoes have ever inspired. Painter and engraver José María Galván (1837-1899) was one of the leaders of the renovation of the engraving art in the nineteenth century in Spain, particularly through the publications El Arte en España (1862-1869) and  El grabador al aguafuerte (1874-1876), and which occurred at the same time as similar groupings were formed in France (Sociéte des Aquafortistes de Cadart, Société des aquafortistes français).
Galván worked on the frescoes on two occasions. The first etchings were realized in 1874 and were published in the portfolios of El grabador al aguafuerte between 1874 and 1876.  Galván chose to make in 1878 an oil copy of the frescoes as a preliminary study to proceed to etch and re-engrave Goya's paintings, this time in their definitive form of  sixteen plates with a total of twenty seven engravings. That version earned him a second-class medal at the National Exhibition of Fine Arts in 1878 and ten years later he published the collection in a book.

El salvaje en sus múltiples manifestaciones y cargas semánticas –del buen salvaje al caníbal– ocupa un lugar privilegiado en el imaginario latinoamericano del siglo XIX. En la historiografía ilustrada, los discursos de la emancipación y las literaturas nacionales, el salvaje funciona como un artefacto de enunciación retórico-cultural, ya para establecer las continuidades simbólicas de la nación con el pasado indígena, ya para marcar metafóricamente las alteridades étnicas y políticas respecto a las cuales se definieron hegemónicamente las identidades nacionales. Así, el salvaje fue el cuerpo simbólico que la Ilustración criolla le disputó a la europea y también el signo ambivalente de la asincronía americana frente a la Modernidad occidental; fue el tropo para señalar la represión española durante la independencia y al Otro indócil de los relatos nacionales (el indio bravo reencontrado en los procesos de expansión territorial de los Estados nacionales o el negro insurrecto de las plantaciones). El salvaje fue la extrañeza familiar o amena y el locus del terror; el espejo de idílicas citas arqueológicas y el reflejo turbio de la mala conciencia de la colonialidad. Pero, sobre todo, el salvaje –buen salvaje o caníbal– funcionó como máscara y guardarropía cultural: de la sumisión política y de la insurrección, del mestizaje y del blanqueamiento, de aspiraciones de unidad y de ansiedades frente a la heterogeneidad y la fragmentación. El salvaje constituye un índice (en el sentido benjaminiano) del archivo cultural latinoamericano, de las relaciones inestables y malestares de los proyectos nacionales, de las eventuales pugnas y complicidades de los nacionalismos del siglo XIX con el (neo)colonialismo y el capitalismo global, y de los conflictos étnicos y de clase al interior de las comunidades imaginadas.

Este capítulo retoma los rastros de esa compleja economía simbólica en una serie de textos culturales relacionados con:

1) Las disputas y tensiones entre la Ilustración criolla y la europea acerca de la semántica del salvajismo. 2) El discurso de la venganza criolla de la “injusticia de la Conquista” en el pensamiento de la emancipación y la reactivación contra España del tropo lascasiano del imperio devorador. 3) La representación de heterogeneidades étnicas conflictivas para el Estado-nación y el correlativo distanciamiento del Romanticismo latinoamericano temprano respecto del buen salvaje rousseauniano. 4) El uso del tropo caníbal dentro del discurso de “civilización y barbarie” en la pugna entre proyectos nacionales en la Argentina. 5) El desplazamiento étnico del tropocaníbal hacia “lo africano” y Haití, y su articulación al nacionalismo en el Caribe. 6) El indianismo brasileño, cuyos buenos salvajes y caníbales articulan tanto la imaginación idílica de la génesis nacional, como las pesadillas de una sociedad esclavista.

An extended version of the text of the lecture held at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences / Who actually painted the Black Paintings? The news that the world-famous Goya cycle is to be taken away from Goya by Juan José Junquera, a professor at the Complutense University of Madrid, has hit the world press like wildfire. The Black Paintings originally adorned the walls of a farmhouse in Manzanares, Quinta del Sordo, and are thought to be the work of the elderly, deaf Goya. The present paper gathers together the enigmas and attempts at interpretation surrounding the cycle of paintings and, by reconstructing a possible iconographic programme, attempts to develop a new, more complex one, by drawing on the vocabulary of contemporary philosophical aesthetics, using sources such as Goya's surviving, often erotic letters to his friend Martin Zapater, which give us an insight into the strange and captivating world of the painter, who was becoming increasingly radicalised politically. For Goya, the question of identity or authenticity, in an age when submission and dissolution were expected above all, is a matter of truth: an absolute struggle for freedom against absolute oppression - albeit a dreamy, semi-conscious guerrilla struggle, without any organization or planning. /Keywords: Gilles Deleuze, Bellori, Edmund Burke, sublime vs. mirabile, figura serpentinata, Callot, idea fantastica, Caspar David Friedrich, Fred Licht, Jutta Held, Patrizi, Jörg Traeger, Martin Zapater, gay studies, Sabine Poeschel, Hogarth, Reva Wolf, Werner Hofmann, Mengs, manierism, Janis Tomlinson, phantasmagoria, Rabelais, capricchios, Juán José Junquera, Quinta del Sordo, the letters to Martin Zapater, Juliet-Wilson Bareau, Manuela B. Mena Marqués, Nigel Glendinning, Priscilla E. Muller



Ki festette valójában a Fekete festményeket? Futótűzként járta be a világsajtót az a hír, hogy a világhírű Goya-ciklust Juan José Junquera, a madridi Complutense egyetem professzora elvitatja Goyától. A Fekete festmények eredetileg egy Manzanares-parti parasztház, a Quinta del Sordo falát díszítették, az idős, süket Goya alkotásainak tartjuk őket. Jelen tanulmány összegyűjti a képciklust övező rejtélyeket és értelmezési kísérleteket, és rekonstruálva a lehetséges ikonográfiai programot, a korabeli filozófiai esztétika hívószavainak bevonásával kísérletet tesz egy új, komplexebb, részben Gilles Deleuze barokk-felfogásával operáló értelmezés felvázolására, olyan források segítségével, mint Goya ránk maradt, sokszor erotikus levelei, melyeket barátjának, Martin Zapaternek írt, s melyek beavatnak a politikailag is egyre radikalizálódó festő különös, magával ragadó világába. Goyánál az identitás vagy autenticitás kérdése egy olyan korban, amikor elsősorban behódolást és feloldódást vártak el, az igazság ügye: az abszolút elnyomás elleni abszolút szabadságharc -  noha egy álomkóros, félig öntudatlan gerillaharc, minden szervezettség és tervszerűség nélkül.


Keywords: Gilles Deleuze, Bellori, Edmund Burke, sublime vs. mirabile, figura serpentinata, Callot, idea fantastica, Caspar David Friedrich, Fred Licht, Jutta Held, Patrizi, Jörg Traeger, Martin Zapater, gay studies, Sabine Poeschel, Hogarth, Reva Wolf, Werner Hofmann, Mengs, manierism, Janis Tomlinson, phantasmagoria, Rabelais, capricchios, Juán José Junquera, Quinta del Sordo, the letters to Martin Zapater, Juliet-Wilson Bareau, Manuela B. Mena Marqués, Nigel Glendinning, Priscilla E. Muller

Résumé. Souvent synonyme de « moquerie » ou plus vaguement apparentée au genre comique, la satire est rarement regardée comme mode d’énonciation à part entière. La complexité propre qu’elle recèle force pourtant l’attention et conduit à considérer que sa mise en œuvre dans le domaine pictural est loin d’être évidente. Il s’agit ainsi, à travers cette étude, d’ouvrir un champ de réflexion autour de l’idée de « satire figurative » pour mieux cerner les spécificités d’un type de représentations dont l’identification résulte souvent de considérations purement intuitives. La recherche d’ingrédients fondamentaux attestant qu’il existe bien une catégorie d’images pouvant être dites « satiriques » permettra en outre d’envisager plus précisément le cas de Goya et sera l’occasion de donner quelques éléments de réponse à une question qui n’a encore jamais été directement abordée dans la vaste bibliographie consacrée à l’artiste : en regard de la tradition picturale qui le précède et au-delà de l’utilisation, sans doute trop « machinale », que nous avons tendance à faire de l’adjectif, dans quelle mesure est-il légitime de considérer l’œuvre de l’Aragonais comme « satirique » ?

Resumen. A menudo sinónima de “burla” o más remotamente relacionada con el género cómico, la sátira casi nunca se valora como modo de enunciación de pleno derecho. Ahora bien, su complejidad propia llama la atención y lleva a considerar que su implementación en el ámbito pictórico está lejos de ser evidente. A través de este estudio, se trata pues de abrir un campo de reflexión sobre la idea de “sátira figurativa” para entender mejor las especificidades de un tipo de representaciones cuya identificación muchas veces procede de consideraciones exclusivamente intuitivas. La búsqueda de ingredientes fundamentales que acrediten la existencia de una categoría de imágenes que podrían ser llamadas “satíricas” permitirá además focalizarse sobre el caso de Goya y será ocasión para dar algunos elementos de respuesta a una pregunta a la que la amplia bibliografía dedicada al artista todavía no se ha enfrentado de forma directa: en vista de la tradición pictórica que llega antes y más allá del uso, sin duda demasiado “automático”, que tendemos a hacer del adjetivo, ¿en qué medida resulta legítimo considerar la obra del aragonés como “satírica”?

Abstract. Usually seen as a synonym for “mockery”, or more vaguely related to the comical genre, satire is rarely apprehended as a mode of enunciation in its own right. However, the particular complexity it discloses holds the attention, and leads one to consider how far from being obvious its implementation in the pictorial field is. This study thus aims to open new ways of reflecting on the idea of “figurative satire” in order to better pinpoint the distinctive features of a type of representations whose identification is more often led by merely intuitive considerations. Besides, finding basic elements which attest the existence of the category of “satirical pictures” will allow for a more precise approach of Goya’s case. It will be an opportunity to start answering a question which has never been addressed by the vast bibliography dedicated to the artist: both in view of the pictorial tradition which precedes him and beyond the probably too “automatic” use we tend to make of the adjective, to what extent is it suitable to consider the Aragonese’s work as “satirical”?

The very same Neostoicism that at the beginning of the XVIIth century helped —as Domínguez Manzano states— “to build an autonomous moral system, justifiable on its own and independent from external doctrinaire impositions, but at the same time compatible with the main Christian dogmas”, became the basis of Goya´s personal and collective philosophical proposal when Europe, and especially Spain, was once more burning in war.  It was therefore the time to support the natural right, the individualism and the reasoning  —consubstantial to the human condition— against the uneducated barbarism or the prevailing absolutist dogmas. By offering this Stoic solution, Goya is not turning anachronistically to a moral from the past, but to an up-to-date one. In fact this moral will become an essential source for the development of the liberal ideology, which will reach its peak since the disastrous consequences of the Napoleonic wars. This paper analyses from print 1 Tristes presentimientos de lo que ha de acontecer  to 15 Y no hai remedio.

Distopya kelimesi ilk defa İngiliz John Stuart Mill tarafından 19. yüzyılın başında kullanıldı. Kendisi devlet memuru ve filozoftu. Yalnız kelime kökeni bu yıllarda çıksa da ilk distopik öğeler mitoloji ile baş gösterdi. Uranus yeni doğan çocuklarının hepsini eşi ve annesi Gaia’nın karnına geri iterek yeni gelen potansiyel “baş tanrılar”ın doğmasına izin vermedi. Buna sinirlenen Gaia ise türlü hilelere başvurarak oğlu Kronos’a eşinin hayalarını kestirdi. George Orwell’ın da 1984’teki “… Kimse devrimi korumak için diktatörlük kurmaz; diktatörlük kurmak için devrim yapar.” sözüne paralel olarak Kronos da kendi çocuklarını yedi. Saltanatın yahut kötülüğün isim değiştirdiğini görüyoruz bu gibi örneklerde, ama asla yok olmuyor. Aynı enerjinin korunum yasası gibi, hep vardı. Hep el değiştiriyor. Bu dosyada savaşların, yaşamın içindeki distopyaların sanatçıyı nasıl etkilediğini, sanata yansımalarını çok kısa bir biçimde inceleyeceğiz.

A newly discovered sheet of copies of details from two of Goya’s Caprichos is here identified as one of many drawings that Eugène Delacroix made of prints by the man he described as ‘a great artist whose compositions and energy have so often inspired me’.

Questo lavoro è una rilettura del pensiero di Giorgio Agamben e ha, fondamentalmente, come punto di partenza il suo Autoritratto nello studio (Nottetempo, 2017). A partire dagli incontri fatti da Agamben: con Heidegger, Benjamin, Enzo Melandri, Foucault e via dicendo; a partire dai luoghi in cui ha vissuto: Roma, Venezia, Parigi, Londra, ecc; e a partire dagli oggetti citati nella sua autoeterografia, vale a dire quadri, lettere, cartoline, libri e fotografie, questa tesi propone una nuova lettura del pensiero estetico di Agamben per mezzo del gesto di un Agamben collezionista di incontri, luoghi, tempi, oggetti. Inoltre, mediante una lettura archeologico-filosofica, questo lavoro cerca di capire lo statuto dell’arte contemporanea partendo dal Perro semihundido di Francisco de Goya e dai ready-made di Marcel Duchamp. Se questa tesi ha come punto di partenza l’autoritratto nello studio, il punto di arrivo non può essere che un altro-ritratto nello studio.

A sketch of my collection was attributed to Francisco Bayeu y Subias by the experts. After cleaned and restored appeared a hidden signature, difficult to see but reliable, by Francisco de Goya. This book explains how and why Goya painted and signed the previous sketch for his dome "Regina Martyrum" in the Basilica del Pilar in Zaragoza (Spain)
The full book in PDF and high resolution images are available free of charge on the web
https://drive.google.com/file/d/16nx2Xva2GeucHemxk2Mn7Fta2BHn8QpD/view?usp=sharing

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Un boceto de mi colección se atribuyó a Francisco Bayeu y Subias por los expertos. Después de limpio y restaurado apareció una firma oculta, difícil de ver pero cierta, de Francisco de Goya. En este libro explico cómo y porqué Goya pintó y firmó ese boceto o “borroncico” dibujado para su cúpula “Regina Martyrum” de la Basílica de Pilar de Zaragoza (España)
El libro completo en PDF e imágenes de alta resolución se encuentran disponibles gratuitamente en la web
https://drive.google.com/file/d/16nx2Xva2GeucHemxk2Mn7Fta2BHn8QpD/view?usp=sharing

La Biblioteca Histórica y el Museo de Historia de Madrid atesoran el borrador autógrafo de la partitura, el manuscrito original del libreto y los figurines diseñados para el estreno en 1864 de la zarzuela Pan y Toros, compuesta por Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, una de las más célebres del repertorio musical español de mediados del siglo XIX. El presente artículo arroja datos inéditos sobre este patrimonio documental y artístico escasamente difundido, asegurando al pintor Manuel Castellano como autor de los figurines y localizando las fuentes de las que se sirvió para ambientar esta obra en la España de Carlos IV. Del mismo modo, se analizan dos diseños para el escenario del segundo acto, conservados en el libreto original de José Picón. A lo largo del artículo se trazan vínculos entre este repertorio dedicado al espectáculo y otras obras literarias y pictóricas inspiradas en ese mismo periodo histórico, demostrando cómo ese imaginario goyesco acabó siendo determinante para la configuración de la imagen nacional de España en las artes del siglo XIX.

The Historical Library and the Museum of History of Madrid hoard the score, the original libretto and the dress designs for the 1864 premiere of the zarzuela Pan y Toros composed by Francisco Asenjo Barbieri, one of the most famous pieces of the Spanish musical repertoire from mid-19th century. This article generates unpublished data on this scarcely disseminated heritage, assuring the painter Manuel Castellano as author of the dress designs and locating the sources used to set this work in the Spain of Charles IV. In the same way, two designs are analyzed for the setting of the second act preserved in the original libretto by José Picón. Throughout the article, several links are drawn between this repertoire dedicated to the show and other literary and pictorial works inspired by that same historical period, as well as demonstrating how that goyaesque imaginary became decisive for the configuration of the national image of Spain in the arts of the nineteenth century