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After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for... more
After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for socio-economic reforms and regime change in Malaysia. But what have been the institutions of the prevailing regime that need to be reformed and changed? This article offers a critical review of the evolving development agendas since the 1990s of the successive governments of Mahathir Mohamad, Abdullah Badawi, and Najib Razak, each couched in different catchphrases: Wawasan 2020, Islam Hadhari, and 1Malaysia. A close reading of these programs suggests that their substance articulates two persistent logics: the ruling elite’s constant requirement for political stability enforced by a strong state; and, the need to adapt to the demands and opportunities of accumulation in specific phases of Malaysia’s capitalist development in the context of globalization. Th...
Driven by the logic of competition in global capitalism, digitalisation is revolutionising the workplace, introducing both opportunities and challenges. This policy study reflects on the complex interplay between technology and work,... more
Driven by the logic of competition in global capitalism, digitalisation is revolutionising the workplace, introducing both opportunities and challenges. This policy study reflects on the complex interplay between technology and work, focusing on the impacts of algorithmic management (AM) techniques on workers’ rights, dignity and well-being. Drawing on preliminary findings from an ongoing study of the Foundation for European Progressive Studies in collaboration with Nordic-based partners, which includes a review of relevant literature and consultation with stakeholders among trade unions, policymakers and academics, the policy study highlights the complexities and contradictions of AM, and the limitations of current policies and institutions in dealing with the fast-paced digital transformation. It emphasises the importance of worker agency and participation in the innovation process, proposing the need to create socio-institutional frameworks to direct a pro-labour digital transition and institutionalise co-determination as a viable solution for workers to actively engage with incessant technical changes. It concludes with a forward-looking perspective, advocating for research methodologies and problem-solving approaches that cater to the needs of diverse working contexts. The purpose is to contribute to informed policymaking that ensures a fair, democratic and humane work environment in the digital age.
Tämä teksti pohjautuu Kehitystutkimuksen päivillä Helsingissä 16.-17.2.2023 järjestettyyn paneelikeskusteluun. Suomen Kehitystutkimuksen seuran vuosittain järjestämän kansainvälisen konferenssin teemana oli tänä vuonna konfliktit, kehitys... more
Tämä teksti pohjautuu Kehitystutkimuksen päivillä Helsingissä 16.-17.2.2023 järjestettyyn paneelikeskusteluun. Suomen Kehitystutkimuksen seuran vuosittain järjestämän kansainvälisen konferenssin teemana oli tänä vuonna konfliktit, kehitys ja rauha. Se kokosi yli sata opiskelijaa, tutkijaa, asiantuntijaa ja käytännön toimijaa eri puolilta maailmaa keskus telemaan näistä ajankohtaisista ja tärkeistä aiheista. Paneelikeskustelussa pohdittiin Ukrainan sodan vaikutuksia sekä konfliktien ja kehityksen yhteenkietoutumista globaalissa Etelässä. Tarkoituksena oli analysoida kriittisesti euro-ja länsikeskeistä keskustelua ja tarjota siihen laajempaa näkökulmaa. Panelistit olivat tutkijanuran eri vaiheita edustavia tutkijoita, joilla on syvällistä ymmärrystä ja asiantuntemusta erilaisista maantieteellisistä ja kulttuurisista konteksteista, mukaan lukien Aasia, Afrikka, Lähi-itä ja Latinalainen Amerikka. Esitämme neljän panelistin ja paneelin puheenjohtajan välillä käydyn keskustelun kysymys-vastaus-muodossa. Alun perin englannin kielellä käyty keskustelu on käännetty suomeksi.
There has been growing interest among journalists and social scientists in covering and studying contemporary Philippines as news about the controversial President Rodrigo Duterte frequently hit world headlines. Duterte, who has assumed... more
There has been growing interest among journalists and social scientists in covering and studying contemporary Philippines as news about the controversial President Rodrigo Duterte frequently hit world headlines. Duterte, who has assumed international notoriety yet national popularity since his astounding election in 2016, is often presented in political analyses as Southeast Asia’s representative strongman in the recent wave of global populism sweeping democracies from the West to the East. However, as this chapter explicates through an analytical framework, the Duterte phenomenon as a case of authoritarian populism, in which undemocratic politics is gaining popular legitimacy, has its own historical and conjunctural particularities. Specifically, a dozen of key defining dimensions have become manifest—in actual, conceptual, and discursive terms—during the six-year tenure, from candidacy to presidency, of Duterte’s authoritarian-populist regime.
Pokud si lze v souvislosti s vleklými pokusy o regulaci vznikajících technologií v USA a EU něco přesvědčivě uvědomit, pak je to skutečnost, že oligarchové z oblasti velkých techno-logií se nestarají o blaho jednotlivců, zaměstnanců,... more
Pokud si lze v souvislosti s vleklými pokusy o regulaci vznikajících technologií v USA a EU něco přesvědčivě uvědomit, pak je to skutečnost, že oligarchové z oblasti velkých techno-logií se nestarají o blaho jednotlivců, zaměstnanců, sociálně-ekonomickou situaci ani o demokracii, pokud je k tomu občanská společnost a veřejné orgány nedonutí.
If there is any compelling realisation about the protracted attempts in the US and EU to regulate emerging technologies, it is that Big Tech oligarchs do not care about the well-being of the individual, or the workers, the socio-economy... more
If there is any compelling realisation about the protracted attempts in the US and EU to regulate emerging technologies, it is that Big Tech oligarchs do not care about the well-being of the individual, or the workers, the socio-economy or democracy, unless civil society and public authorities force them to do so.
After reading David Christian’s essay for the Great Transition Initiative (GTI) and getting reintroduced to the Big History (BH) project at this historic moment in the struggle for planetary well-being, I realize that even if earthlings... more
After reading David Christian’s essay for the Great Transition Initiative (GTI) and getting reintroduced to the Big History (BH) project at this historic moment in the struggle for planetary well-being, I realize that even if earthlings and fellow species were made extinct due to more severe climate change, pandemics, and nuclear wars, the Earth and the whole system of the universe would continue to exist. A couple of BH assumptions are worthy of reflection for the GTI: firstly, that the evolution of the cosmos from the Big Bang to the present is characterized by increasing complexity; and secondly, that while the human existence and our ecosystem are fragile, humanity is distinctive for our capacity for collective learning.1 Based on the rich ideas discussed in GTI forums through the years, I reckon that the latter assumption is easily agreeable, but the former is problematic—especially its single metanarrative about the origin story.
To fact-check and counter the historical denialism of the Marcos family, there is need for a counterfactual history analysis of the failings of the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution.
Mainstream interpretations of the interplay between technology and society have revolved around three theoretical frameworks: technological determinism, social constructionism, and neoliberalism. Technological determinists center... more
Mainstream interpretations of the interplay between technology and society have revolved around three theoretical frameworks: technological determinism, social constructionism, and neoliberalism. Technological determinists center technology as the driving force of history. Social constructionists regard society as the shaper of technology’s advance. Neoliberals prioritize multinational corporations and finance capital as the main drivers of technical innovation. All three agree on the progressive potentials of technology for social and economic development. However, each suffers from fundamental blind spots regarding the regressive logic of capitalist market competition, which constrains the possibility for technology-society synergy in service of human solidarity and a sustainable civilization.
Stephen Sterling’s essay “Educating for the Future We Want” provides a glimpse of his significant contributions to studies on global education and sustainability.1 It historically charts the limited conception and passive reception of... more
Stephen Sterling’s essay “Educating for the Future We Want” provides a glimpse of his significant contributions to studies on global education and sustainability.1 It historically charts the limited conception and passive reception of “sustainability education” (i.e., the integration of sustainability agenda into education policy, or the treatment of education as change agent for sustainability goal). The more extensive emphasis that Sterling discussed about the ideational and discursive aspects (i.e., “the epistemic sets of values and ideas”) in explaining why sustainability education is narrowly conceived and widely unrecognized may overshadow his important acknowledgement of the material circumstances (i.e., “the socioeconomic, political, and technological pressures”) through which historical progress and change originate. Good intentions for reforms and policies for transformation are not enough; progressive movements for the great transition must overcome the “very real constraints and influences that weigh heavily on mainstream educational thinking and practice.” Indeed, philosophical ideas about global education are not, and should not be, independent of real material conditions of the contemporary world under capitalism.
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons... more
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons from the limitations of the recent network structure of new social movements, notably the World Social Forum, and rectify the failures of the old internationals of left-wing cadres. The actualization of such a radical idea also needs to observe the realpolitik of class formation and class struggle under conditions of the imperialistic globalization of capitalism today. Envisioned as a plural and participatory learning organization, the new International’s progression should be evolutionary and its strategic engagements have to balance the imperatives of political realism with the ideals of democratic values.
The Southeast Asian Games has been negatively politicised since the 1950s. It has sported a complex interplay of colonialism, decolonisation, nationalism, geopolitics, patronage and capitalism. Repurposing it for the well-being of... more
The Southeast Asian Games has been negatively politicised since the 1950s. It has sported a complex interplay of colonialism, decolonisation, nationalism, geopolitics, patronage and capitalism. Repurposing it for the well-being of individual athletes and the regional sporting culture is long overdue. Yet, to depoliticise sports toward positive purpose necessitates collective political action.
In his late-night Talk to the Nation on COVID-19 on 6 April, Rodrigo Duterte, the populist President of the Philippines, echoed the affirmation of leaders from rich countries in North America, Europe, and Asia: to do “whatever it takes”... more
In his late-night Talk to the Nation on COVID-19 on 6 April, Rodrigo Duterte, the populist President of the Philippines, echoed the affirmation of leaders from rich countries in North America, Europe, and Asia: to do “whatever it takes” for the economy to survive the pandemic. The problem, however, is that, on his own admission, Duterte is incompetent in economics. His stubbornly militaristic mindset and police-centric approach to governance is even more problematic when dealing with complex developmental causes and impacts of the coronavirus outbreak.

Yet the Philippine state’s inadequate institutional capacity to respond to the epidemic goes deeper. Given the national economy’s position in the hierarchical global economic system, its structural weaknesses impacts on how effective the government’s response can be. The current mainstream approaches to resolve the pandemic and the multiple crises of capitalism would fail to address the convoluted historical process of maldevelopment of the Philippines. Thus, a radical political strategy with a new economic paradigm for post-pandemic reconstruction is needed.   

Link: https://developingeconomics.org/2020/06/13/addressing-the-pandemic-in-the-philippines-necessitates-a-new-economic-paradigm/
Contemporary Southeast Asia is a diverse region that is fully integrated into the world economy. Its eleven constituent countries are distinct with unique historical, political, economic, and cultural configurations – as such, they... more
Contemporary Southeast Asia is a diverse region that is fully integrated into the world economy. Its eleven constituent countries are distinct with unique historical, political, economic, and cultural configurations – as such, they develop unevenly within, and respond accordingly to, the evolution of the global capitalist system. This chapter provides a survey of literatures, themes and debates that have significantly contributed to the study of Southeast Asia from the discipline of international political economy (IPE). It shows how specific IPE scholarship about Southeast Asia since the 1950s have been framed within the general theories of development (i.e., modernization and dependency) and capitalism (i.e., neoclassical economics, historical institutionalism, and social conflict approach). In particular, the areas of inquiry of these competing perspectives—either in the analysis of individual countries or the region as a whole—revolve around the issue of the relationship between the state, market, and society.
What would a desirable and viable global organization of progressive movements look like in the context of the historical conjuncture of crises-ridden capitalism? I propose here a reorientation of progressive politics that are attuned to... more
What would a desirable and viable global organization of progressive movements look like in the context of the historical conjuncture of crises-ridden capitalism? I propose here a reorientation of progressive politics that are attuned to both the fundamentals of structural change and the basic daily needs of human beings.

At this historic juncture, progressive movements ought to inspire and consolidate the reflexive capability of human beings for concerted action, survival, learning, and innovation. Humanity must be convinced to take on the progressive perspective that egoistic individualism is part of the pandemic problem, and that the most potent solution to this tragedy is the care and concern of collective being to live together in compassion, solidarity, and mutual aid toward the common good.

Meanwhile, progressive movements must be able to address people’s basic day-to-day concerns and connect these with the struggle for fundamental structural changes. We need movements that are not merely daydreaming about the future, but are relevant and effective in crisis and pandemic times. These are movements for the moment, the present, and the everyday.
Juego argues that the new Internationale’s “primary organizational function should be the global coordination of actions of progressive grassroots movements from country to country.” He calls for a ‘learning organization,’ where the new... more
Juego argues that the new Internationale’s “primary organizational function should be the global coordination of actions of progressive grassroots movements from country to country.” He calls for a ‘learning organization,’ where the new Internationale supports “a continuous dialogue between bottom-up and top-down approaches to decision-making.” He sees it as “[a]kin to a global coordinating council” meaning that it works to integrate and synthesize the “varying initiatives, campaigns, and mass actions at all geographical levels of membership” while remaining mindful of the “dialectics between reform and revolution.” The new Internationale must, moreover, be “grounded on a pragmatic understanding of realpolitik especially in struggles at national and local scales,” and institutionalize a commitment to dialogue, research, and discussion.
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons... more
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons from the limitations of the recent network structure of new social movements, notably the World Social Forum, and rectify the failures of the old internationals of left-wing cadres. The actualization of such a radical idea also needs to observe the realpolitik of class formation and class struggle under conditions of the imperialistic globalization of capitalism today. Envisioned as a plural and participatory learning organization, the new International’s progression should be evolutionary and its strategic engagements have to balance the imperatives of political realism with the ideals of democratic values.
Note: A longer version in the English language of this article can be found in this link: https://www.academia.edu/38123530/Human_Rights_Against_Populism_A_Progressive_Response_to_the_Politics_of_Duterte_and_Mahathir. *** In diesem Jahr... more
Note: A longer version in the English language of this article can be found in this link: https://www.academia.edu/38123530/Human_Rights_Against_Populism_A_Progressive_Response_to_the_Politics_of_Duterte_and_Mahathir.

***
In diesem Jahr 2018 begehen wir den 70. Jahrestag der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte (AEMR) – einem Jahr, in dem zwei politische Themen die Region Südostasien beherrschen: der aufkommende „autoritäre Populismus“ eines Rodrigo Duterte auf den Philippinen und die Rückkehr zu den „Asiatischen Werten“, forciert durch Mahathir bin Mohamad in Malaysia.
Interview Weltweit wächst die Zahl populistischer Staatschefs – auch in vielen asiatischen Ländern ist das der Fall. Wie gelingt es ihnen, die Menschen für ihre Ideen zu mobilisieren? Im Interview bietet der philippinische... more
Interview Weltweit wächst die Zahl populistischer Staatschefs – auch in vielen asiatischen Ländern ist das der Fall. Wie gelingt es ihnen, die Menschen für ihre Ideen zu mobilisieren? Im Interview bietet der philippinische Politikwissenschaftler Bonn Juego Erklärungsansätze für den Aufstieg rechtspopulistischer Politiker/innen.
As the world celebrates the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 2018–2019, the region of Southeast Asia highlights two compelling political phenomena: the emergent ‘authoritarian populism’ of Rodrigo... more
As the world celebrates the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 2018–2019, the region of Southeast Asia highlights two compelling political phenomena: the emergent ‘authoritarian populism’ of Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines and the return to the ‘Asian Values’ of Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia.

The discursive strategy of Duterte and Mahathir against human rights ideas signifies a dangerous scorched-earth rhetoric. The crux of their criticisms is oriented towards the destruction of the very foundations of human rights virtues: universality, inalienability, indivisibility and interdependence.

Populism viciously promotes the false consciousness that there can be political democracy and economic development even without human rights. As more people across the world are quickly swayed into this propaganda, whatever are left of the ideological and institutional gains that democratic forces have fought and died for during the long twentieth century are ruthlessly being destroyed.

There are vital lessons that a re-organized progressive movement can draw from the fundamental and tactical errors of the liberal tradition that has predominantly carried the human-rights banner.

- Link to the article: https://th.boell.org/en/2018/12/28/human-rights-against-populism-progressive-response-politics-duterte-and-mahathir.

- Link to the hbs-SEA special series on UDHR-70: https://th.boell.org/en/70-years-universal-declaration-human-rights-udhr.
An interview with Bonn Juego by Ella Soesanto and Fabian Heppe (in Perspectives Asia's November 2018 special issue on 'Nationalisms and Populisms in Asia')
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a crisis response of the capitalist class to manage the conflict-ridden consequences of economic... more
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a crisis response of the capitalist class to manage the conflict-ridden consequences of economic globalization; and, as an ideological project of a section of the ruling elites to justify the embedding of market-oriented development processes in a politically repressive government institution. To contribute to recent scholarship attempts at defining the character and tendencies of this emergent regime, the article traces one of its key ideological antecedents from Carl Schmitt’s earlier formulation for a “strong state, free economy”. It then presents a survey of how this concept articulating the compatibility of authoritarianism and capitalism has manifested in related theories and actual policies since the long twentieth century – notably in: German ordoliberalism, Thatcherism and Reaganomics, the Kirkpatrick Doctrine and Political Development Theory, the Asian Values discourse, and the Effective State and Good Governance agendas. The governing authority in this regime can be called an authoritarian-neoliberal state.
After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for... more
After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for socio-economic reforms and regime change in Malaysia. But what have been the institutions of the prevailing regime that need to be reformed and changed? This article offers a critical review of the evolving development agendas since the 1990s of the successive governments of Mahathir Mohamad, Abdullah Badawi, and Najib Razak, each couched in different catchphrases: Wawasan 2020, Islam Hadhari, and 1Malaysia. A close reading of these programs suggests that their substance articulates two persistent logics: the ruling elite’s constant requirement for political stability enforced by a strong state; and, the need to adapt to the demands and opportunities of accumulation in specific phases of Malaysia’s capitalist development in the context of globalization. The analysis reveals the attempts at maintaining authoritarian neoliberalism, or a neoliberal economy embedded in an authoritarian polity, as the de facto social regime in contemporary Malaysia. By examining policy documents, speeches, and news reports, the article discloses how this regime had been enunciated or reified in public discourses, policies, and actions of the respective administrations.
Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte led a phenomenal campaign to win the 2016 national election. During his first two years in power Duterte as become the protagonist and exemplar of a key new development – the social formation of a... more
Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte led a phenomenal campaign to win the 2016 national election. During his first two years in power Duterte as become the protagonist and exemplar of a key new development – the social formation of a regime of authoritarian populism. Based on an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, and official policy documents from 2017, the article examines various features of this emergent regime and then illuminates the historical-institutional mechanisms that brought it about. The inquiry is predicated on an understanding that the old EDSA Republic’s liberal-democratic regime has been marked by intractable socio-economic crises since its installation in 1986. This triggered different political tendencies and trajectories that Duterte has been able to mould into a new mode of regulation and governance. The central discussion elucidates some of the significant features that constitute the process through which the new regime of authoritarian populism is taking shape. The conclusion highlights the mutually reinforcing features of the dying EDSA-type liberal democracy and the emerging Duterte-led authoritarian populism. This suggests that the former has been a spawning ground for the latter.
I offer here some reflections on the commons. In particular, I reflect upon the question “How does  the  commons,  as  an  alternative  perspective,  see  the  relationship  between  humans  and nature?”
Research Interests:
In the past 15 years, " the private turn " in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations... more
In the past 15 years, " the private turn " in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations centered on the giving and receiving of aid to the new economic diplomacy focused on the development of private sector business activities.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a capitalist class response to manage the series of crises of neoliberal globalization in the past... more
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a capitalist class response to manage the series of crises of neoliberal globalization in the past two decades. At the same time, as this article illuminates, this regime can be understood as an ideological project of a section of the political-business elites to intellectually justify the embedding of capitalist development processes in an authoritarian political framework. To contribute to conceptualizing the nature, character, and tendencies of this emergent regime, the article traces its conceptual antecedents from long established philosophical influences, theoretical underpinnings, and actual governance policies that have attempted to rationalize the compatibility of capitalism and authoritarianism, notably: the ; the Asian Values discourse since the 1990s; the mid-! " # the political theorist Carl Schmitt during World War II. The state form governing this regime can be ca-$ %# earlier conceptions of developmental states and regulatory states in the case of East and Southeast Asia. From the foregoing reviews, the article concludes with a survey of authoritarian neoliberalism.
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In the past 15 years, “the private turn” in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations... more
In the past 15 years, “the private turn” in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations centered on the giving and receiving of aid to the new economic diplomacy focused on the development of private sector business activities.

The implications of this emergent phenomenon for both development theory and practice are however understudied in (Nordic) development research, and no comparative studies have been undertaken. Such study is important in terms of: (i) the past, present, and future of North-South development cooperation; (ii) feasible development strategies for both developed and developing countries; and (iii) the processes of development and democratization in what used to be known as the “Third World” with durable authoritarian political regimes.
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Dr. Bonn Juego shares some reflections on the commons, reflecting upon the question “How does the commons, as an alternative perspective, see the relationship between humans and nature?” Source:... more
Dr. Bonn Juego shares some reflections on the commons, reflecting upon the question “How does the commons, as an alternative perspective, see the relationship between humans and nature?”

Source: https://th.boell.org/en/2016/05/27/commons-perspective-human-nature-relations-analysis-vision-and-strategies-alternative
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The discursive strategies behind a candidate’s campaign message can make or break a presidential ambition. The foremost objective is to build a hegemonic discourse to secure votes by occupying the electorate’s minds and hearts with ideas.... more
The discursive strategies behind a candidate’s campaign message can make or break a presidential ambition. The foremost objective is to build a hegemonic discourse to secure votes by occupying the electorate’s minds and hearts with ideas. Discourse shapes a voter’s perception, which in turn becomes one’s belief and sense of reality. Public presidential debates are battlegrounds of competing discourses.
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The paper argues that the current global capitalist crisis entails an assault on democracy. Since crisis connotes danger and opportunity, the recent crisis appears to be a danger to democracy but an opportunity to its antithetical ideals.... more
The paper argues that the current global capitalist crisis entails an assault on democracy. Since crisis connotes danger and opportunity, the recent crisis appears to be a danger to democracy but an opportunity to its antithetical ideals. At the international level, multilateral institutions have seized the moment to reaffirm the perpetuation of the discursive and structural hegemony of neoliberalism. In
This paper examines gender based disparities in the labour market, that persist across the globe in the form of low participation, occupational segregation, vulnerable employment, wage disparity, limited access to skill, gendered division... more
This paper examines gender based disparities in the labour market, that persist across the globe in the form of low participation, occupational segregation, vulnerable employment, wage disparity, limited access to skill, gendered division
of unpaid work and other forms of discrimination within and outside the labour market, which have serious implications on female empowerment and upon the macro economy. It gives an overview of the gendered structure of the labour market, focusing particularly the global South, taking selected countries from Latin America, sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. The paper discusses the various economic and social dynamics – both structural and trends, and looks at the policy structures in different countries of these three regions that govern the constraints to full economic participation of women. With this, the paper goes into analysing progressive strategies to reduce gender based inequities in the world of work – both paid and unpaid - to ensure stability and expansion of decent employment opportunities among women.
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Regionalism of the Commons: Exploring Alternatives to the ASEAN Economic Community The regional integration goals of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) will not be realized by the December 2015 deadline due to complex and interdependent... more
Regionalism of the Commons:
Exploring Alternatives to the ASEAN Economic Community

The regional integration goals of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) will not be realized by the December 2015 deadline due to complex and interdependent dynamics at both the national and regional levels. Between the competing dominant projects for Southeast Asia’s present and future - the AEC’s neoliberalism by modernizing elites and the oligarchies by traditional political-business alliances -, Bonn Juego sketches out an alternative progressive project for a regionalism of the commons from below.
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The Political Economy of the ASEAN Regionalization Process: Neoliberalism and Southeast Asia’s Authoritarian Oligarchies Bonn Juego unpacks the political economy of the ASEAN model of regional integration: the convergence upon one... more
The Political Economy of the ASEAN Regionalization Process: Neoliberalism and Southeast Asia’s Authoritarian Oligarchies

Bonn Juego unpacks the political economy of the ASEAN model of regional integration: the convergence upon one neoliberal capitalist economic system embedded in ten different political regimes and cultural communities, forming a regional bloc fully integrated into global production and trade. Continued neoliberalisation project within the framework of the forthcoming ASEAN Community Vision 2025 project will have to contend with the enduring non-democratic and oligarchical political-economic structures in the region. The tension between the imperatives of “market sovereignty” under neoliberalism and the entrenched principle of “state sovereignty” of ASEAN countries will define the open-ended tendencies and outcomes of the ongoing regionalisation process in Southeast Asia.
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Sociology, Economic Sociology, Human Geography, Asian Studies, Economic Geography, and 28 more
Neoliberal globalization has ushered in a variety of capitalism in Southeast Asia’s uneven development landscape. Unpacking the complexity of contemporary capitalist development in the region entails an appreciation of how vested... more
Neoliberal globalization has ushered in a variety of capitalism in Southeast Asia’s uneven development landscape. Unpacking the complexity of contemporary capitalist development in the region entails an appreciation of how vested interests give shape to processes of neoliberalization. This article investigates how and why dominant elite classes and social forces mediate the interrelated neoliberalization processes of market reforms and state institutional restructuring in ways that are incoherent with the ideology of competitive capitalism. Empirically, by studying diverse socio economic structures of the Philippines and Malaysia, the article provides an exposition of recent infrastructure projects done through state dealings with capital as part of, or in relation to, neoliberal policies of privatization and liberalization which have been embroiled in controversies over graft and corruption practices involving sections of domestic elites and transnational capital. It shows the realpolitik of the elite-driven and conflict-ridden constitution of capital accumulation in emerging economies of Southeast Asia. Specifically, the empirical cases offer insights into the common pervasive themes of “elite capture” and “elite conflicts” that mutually constitute Southeast Asia’s evolving political economy of development.
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The paper attempts to contribute to a critical reading of contemporary global political economy. It provides an analysis through an empirical exposition of the latent and manifest ways neoliberalism is being reproduced institutionally and... more
The paper attempts to contribute to a critical reading of contemporary global political economy. It provides an analysis through an empirical exposition of the latent and manifest ways neoliberalism is being reproduced institutionally and relationally despite and because of the ongoing global capitalist crisis. To this end, three interrelated themes are highlighted here: first, the constitutive role and functional character of crises in the evolution of capitalism and the reproduction of its current neoliberal configuration; second, the continuity of long-held ideas of groups ranging from multilateral organizations to global justice movements – hence, the absence of relatively new perspectives – as evident in their respective policy prescriptions and crisis responses that effectively perpetuate the hegemony of neoliberal capitalism; and third, the emergence of the political-economic regime of authoritarian liberalism in East and Southeast Asia as a perceptible consequence of the intensifying crisis.
Against the background of ongoing global crisis of capitalism, the article reflects on the most important and intriguing contributions of the French Regulation School within the Marxist tradition to critical international political... more
Against the background of ongoing global crisis of capitalism, the article reflects on the most important and intriguing contributions of the French Regulation School within the Marxist tradition to critical international political economy. In particular, it examines and critiques the respective theses of principal regulationists—Aglietta, Lipietz, and Boyer—about capitalist stability, contradictions, dynamics, and relations. Aglietta’s limited conception of crises and contradictions is scrutinised by proposing a framework of agential-structural interrelations—specifically, the interactions between class struggle and market-dependence—in understanding capitalist relations and proc- esses. Lipietz’s level of analysis on ‘national’ capitalism is questioned with a comprehension of the global character and universalising tendencies of capitalism. And Boyer’s reading of finance-led growth as the new regime of accumulation is explored with an argument to put more significance on reproduction than regulation and to bring back production and its interaction with the system of exchange in the analysis of capitalist development. The conclusion proposes a synthesis of regulation approach and the concepts from classical Marxism to better capture the specificities of contemporary capitalist development.
Die gegenwärtige globale Krise wirkt sich nicht nur auf „die Wirtschaft“ aus, sondern geht verstärkt auch mit – offenen und versteckten – autoritären, antidemokratischen Tendenzen einher. Bonn Juego und Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt zeigen... more
Die gegenwärtige globale Krise wirkt sich nicht nur auf „die Wirtschaft“ aus, sondern geht verstärkt auch mit – offenen und versteckten – autoritären, antidemokratischen Tendenzen einher. Bonn Juego und Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt zeigen dies anhand der wundersamen Wiederauferstehung von IWF und Weltbank sowie am Beispiel des „autoritären Liberalismus“ in Ost- und Südostasien.

And 5 more

Abstract: Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will... more
Abstract:
Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will be developed. The first part of the presentation will elucidate the significant features of the process through which the new regime of authoritarian populism is taking shape in the Philippines, and conclude that the dying EDSA-type liberal democracy has been a spawning ground for the popularity of Duterte’s authoritarian politics. The second part will unpack the historical trajectory and prevailing institutions of Malaysia’s neoliberal economy embedded in an authoritarian political framework – which shall serve as initial conditions, normative indicators and benchmarks against which the promises for regime change of Mahathir and his Reformasi allies must be evaluated. Based on these studies in contemporary Southeast Asia, the seminar will comparatively reflect upon the contradictory trends of cases in which a democratic route has been taken to either legitimize or overcome authoritarianism.
 
Short bio:
Bonn Juego is postdoctoral researcher at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland, with interdisciplinary teaching responsibilities in the social, political and economic sciences of development issues. He is visiting fellow at SEARC, City University of Hong Kong during the autumn of 2018, and has held guest researcher positions at the Department of Political Science, Aalborg University, and the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen. His recent publications and research endeavours are on contemporary Philippines and Malaysia, the political economy of the ASEAN Economic Community project, the challenge of right-wing populism and nationalism in Asia and Europe, the concept of authoritarian neoliberalism, and the new privatization of global development finance. His talk is based on two recent publications: “The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots” (Asia Maior, 2018) and “The Institutions of Authoritarian Neoliberalism in Malaysia: A Critical Review of the Development Agendas Under the Regimes of Mahathir, Abdullah, and Najib” (ASEAS, 2018).
This talk was later published into an article: Juego, Bonn (2018) "The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots," in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164. (See -... more
This talk was later published into an article:

Juego, Bonn (2018) "The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots," in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164.

(See - https://www.academia.edu/36911234/The_Philippines_2017_Duterte-led_Authoritarian_Populism_and_Its_Liberal-Democratic_Roots)
A year after his phenomenal rise to power, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte continues to be a popular yet controversial political figure. The seminar will reflect upon Duterte’s abiding national popularity amid growing local and... more
A year after his phenomenal rise to power, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte continues to be a popular yet controversial political figure. The seminar will reflect upon Duterte’s abiding national popularity amid growing local and international oppositions against his political style and policy choices. It will do so by examining the strengths and contradictions of Duterte’s particular type of populism that cuts across classes, genders, generations, and the political spectrum. Accordingly, it will try to assess contemporary Philippine society, politics, and economy by evaluating Duterte’s anti-elite campaign rhetoric during the elections vis-à-vis the actual and potential consequences of his actions as the governing elite in power. Issues to be discussed in the seminar will include: the limits of Duterte’s police-centric war on drugs; the domestic and geopolitical implications of his pro-China foreign relations strategy; the prospects for ASEAN regionalism under his chairmanship; the state of the government’s peace negotiations with the armed communist rebels and Islamic separatist groups; and an economic forecast for the country’s growth and development.

Organizers of the open seminar: Forum on Asian Studies – Department of Political Science, Stockholm University; ABF Stockholm – Arbetarnas Bildningsförbund; and Olof Palme International Center

8 May 2017, Stockholm

Link: http://www.asianstudies.su.se/2.35480/seminars/open-seminar-the-philippines-a-year-after-the-duterte-phenomenon-1.318998#.WN0BGF7Ps6s.facebook
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