- Political Economy, Southeast Asia, Development Economics, International Development and Cooperation, Sociology, International Relations, Development Studies, The Global Political Economy, and 29 moreHuman Geography, Economic History, Migration, Social Movements, Geopolitics, Varieties of Capitalism, Technology Governance, Innovation Studies, Regional Integration, ASEAN, Critical international political economy, Asean Economic Community, International Political Economy, Development Economics, Southeast Asian Studies, Neoliberalism, Political Economy, International Development Cooperation, History of Economic Thought, Southeast Asian Politics, Global Political Economy, Marxism, Southeast Asia, Economic Geography, Neoliberal ideologies, Globalization, Critical Geography, Refugee Studies, and Migration Studiesedit
Research Interests: Political Science, International Political Economy, Southeast Asia, Modernization, Historical Institutionalism, and 11 moreSocial Conflict Theory, South east Asia, Developmental State, Global Political Economy, Dependency, Neoclassical Economics, Scholarship, Development theories, Political Economy of Southeast Asia, kansainvälinen politiikka, and poliittinen taloustiede
After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for... more
After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for socio-economic reforms and regime change in Malaysia. But what have been the institutions of the prevailing regime that need to be reformed and changed? This article offers a critical review of the evolving development agendas since the 1990s of the successive governments of Mahathir Mohamad, Abdullah Badawi, and Najib Razak, each couched in different catchphrases: Wawasan 2020, Islam Hadhari, and 1Malaysia. A close reading of these programs suggests that their substance articulates two persistent logics: the ruling elite’s constant requirement for political stability enforced by a strong state; and, the need to adapt to the demands and opportunities of accumulation in specific phases of Malaysia’s capitalist development in the context of globalization. Th...
Research Interests: Asian Studies, Development Economics, Development Studies, Democratization, Capitalism, and 15 moreEconomic Development, China, Democracy, Elections and Voting Behavior, Authoritarianism, Authoritarian regimes, Democracy and democratization, Development policy, Asian Values, Electoral Authoritarianism, Elections in Authoritarian states, Development Policies and Strategies, Authoritarian Neoliberalism, AUTORITARISMUS, and Asian Varieties of Capitalism
Driven by the logic of competition in global capitalism, digitalisation is revolutionising the workplace, introducing both opportunities and challenges. This policy study reflects on the complex interplay between technology and work,... more
Driven by the logic of competition in global capitalism, digitalisation is revolutionising the workplace, introducing both opportunities and challenges. This policy study reflects on the complex interplay between technology and work, focusing on the impacts of algorithmic management (AM) techniques on workers’ rights, dignity and well-being. Drawing on preliminary findings from an ongoing study of the Foundation for European Progressive Studies in collaboration with Nordic-based partners, which includes a review of relevant literature and consultation with stakeholders among trade unions, policymakers and academics, the policy study highlights the complexities and contradictions of AM, and the limitations of current policies and institutions in dealing with the fast-paced digital transformation. It emphasises the importance of worker agency and participation in the innovation process, proposing the need to create socio-institutional frameworks to direct a pro-labour digital transition and institutionalise co-determination as a viable solution for workers to actively engage with incessant technical changes. It concludes with a forward-looking perspective, advocating for research methodologies and problem-solving approaches that cater to the needs of diverse working contexts. The purpose is to contribute to informed policymaking that ensures a fair, democratic and humane work environment in the digital age.
Research Interests: Management, Algorithms, Artificial Intelligence, Technology, Human Rights, and 12 moreDigital Technology, Human Resource Management, Surveillance Studies, Capitalism, Work and Labour, Labor unions, Workers rights, Digitalisation, Digitalization, Digital Capitalism, Platform Economy, and algorithmic management
Tämä teksti pohjautuu Kehitystutkimuksen päivillä Helsingissä 16.-17.2.2023 järjestettyyn paneelikeskusteluun. Suomen Kehitystutkimuksen seuran vuosittain järjestämän kansainvälisen konferenssin teemana oli tänä vuonna konfliktit, kehitys... more
Tämä teksti pohjautuu Kehitystutkimuksen päivillä Helsingissä 16.-17.2.2023 järjestettyyn paneelikeskusteluun. Suomen Kehitystutkimuksen seuran vuosittain järjestämän kansainvälisen konferenssin teemana oli tänä vuonna konfliktit, kehitys ja rauha. Se kokosi yli sata opiskelijaa, tutkijaa, asiantuntijaa ja käytännön toimijaa eri puolilta maailmaa keskus telemaan näistä ajankohtaisista ja tärkeistä aiheista. Paneelikeskustelussa pohdittiin Ukrainan sodan vaikutuksia sekä konfliktien ja kehityksen yhteenkietoutumista globaalissa Etelässä. Tarkoituksena oli analysoida kriittisesti euro-ja länsikeskeistä keskustelua ja tarjota siihen laajempaa näkökulmaa. Panelistit olivat tutkijanuran eri vaiheita edustavia tutkijoita, joilla on syvällistä ymmärrystä ja asiantuntemusta erilaisista maantieteellisistä ja kulttuurisista konteksteista, mukaan lukien Aasia, Afrikka, Lähi-itä ja Latinalainen Amerikka. Esitämme neljän panelistin ja paneelin puheenjohtajan välillä käydyn keskustelun kysymys-vastaus-muodossa. Alun perin englannin kielellä käyty keskustelu on käännetty suomeksi.
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There has been growing interest among journalists and social scientists in covering and studying contemporary Philippines as news about the controversial President Rodrigo Duterte frequently hit world headlines. Duterte, who has assumed... more
There has been growing interest among journalists and social scientists in covering and studying contemporary Philippines as news about the controversial President Rodrigo Duterte frequently hit world headlines. Duterte, who has assumed international notoriety yet national popularity since his astounding election in 2016, is often presented in political analyses as Southeast Asia’s representative strongman in the recent wave of global populism sweeping democracies from the West to the East. However, as this chapter explicates through an analytical framework, the Duterte phenomenon as a case of authoritarian populism, in which undemocratic politics is gaining popular legitimacy, has its own historical and conjunctural particularities. Specifically, a dozen of key defining dimensions have become manifest—in actual, conceptual, and discursive terms—during the six-year tenure, from candidacy to presidency, of Duterte’s authoritarian-populist regime.
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Pokud si lze v souvislosti s vleklými pokusy o regulaci vznikajících technologií v USA a EU něco přesvědčivě uvědomit, pak je to skutečnost, že oligarchové z oblasti velkých techno-logií se nestarají o blaho jednotlivců, zaměstnanců,... more
Pokud si lze v souvislosti s vleklými pokusy o regulaci vznikajících technologií v USA a EU něco přesvědčivě uvědomit, pak je to skutečnost, že oligarchové z oblasti velkých techno-logií se nestarají o blaho jednotlivců, zaměstnanců, sociálně-ekonomickou situaci ani o demokracii, pokud je k tomu občanská společnost a veřejné orgány nedonutí.
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If there is any compelling realisation about the protracted attempts in the US and EU to regulate emerging technologies, it is that Big Tech oligarchs do not care about the well-being of the individual, or the workers, the socio-economy... more
If there is any compelling realisation about the protracted attempts in the US and EU to regulate emerging technologies, it is that Big Tech oligarchs do not care about the well-being of the individual, or the workers, the socio-economy or democracy, unless civil society and public authorities force them to do so.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Technology, Regulation And Governance, Economics of Innovation, Surveillance Studies, and 9 moreCapitalism, Work and Labour, European Parliament, Artifical Intelligence, Workers rights, Political economy of regulation, Digitalization, Big Data / Analytics / Data Mining, and algorithmic management
After reading David Christian’s essay for the Great Transition Initiative (GTI) and getting reintroduced to the Big History (BH) project at this historic moment in the struggle for planetary well-being, I realize that even if earthlings... more
After reading David Christian’s essay for the Great Transition Initiative (GTI) and getting reintroduced to the Big History (BH) project at this historic moment in the struggle for planetary well-being, I realize that even if earthlings and fellow species were made extinct due to more severe climate change, pandemics, and nuclear wars, the Earth and the whole system of the universe would continue to exist. A couple of BH assumptions are worthy of reflection for the GTI: firstly, that the evolution of the cosmos from the Big Bang to the present is characterized by increasing complexity; and secondly, that while the human existence and our ecosystem are fragile, humanity is distinctive for our capacity for collective learning.1 Based on the rich ideas discussed in GTI forums through the years, I reckon that the latter assumption is easily agreeable, but the former is problematic—especially its single metanarrative about the origin story.
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To fact-check and counter the historical denialism of the Marcos family, there is need for a counterfactual history analysis of the failings of the 1986 EDSA People Power Revolution.
Research Interests: Constitutional Law, Political Economy, Southeast Asian Studies, Human Rights, Democratization, and 15 moreStorytelling, Political communication, Populism, Philippines, Social Media, Democracy, Development and Human Rights, Elections and Voting Behavior, Election Campaigning, Philippine government and politics, Liberal Democracy, Disinformation, Overseas Filipino Workers, Martial Law In the Philippines, and Ferdinand Marcos
Mainstream interpretations of the interplay between technology and society have revolved around three theoretical frameworks: technological determinism, social constructionism, and neoliberalism. Technological determinists center... more
Mainstream interpretations of the interplay between technology and society have revolved around three theoretical frameworks: technological determinism, social constructionism, and neoliberalism. Technological determinists center technology as the driving force of history. Social constructionists regard society as the shaper of technology’s advance. Neoliberals prioritize multinational corporations and finance capital as the main drivers of technical innovation. All three agree on the progressive potentials of technology for social and economic development. However, each suffers from fundamental blind spots regarding the regressive logic of capitalist market competition, which constrains the possibility for technology-society synergy in service of human solidarity and a sustainable civilization.
Research Interests: Development Economics, Labor Economics, Political Economy, Technology, Marxism, and 15 moreCompetitiveness (Economics), Innovation Policy, Sustainable Development, Science, Technology and Society, Capitalism, Science and Technology Policy, Political Economy of Development, Technological Innovation, Heterodox Economics, Innovation Studies, Technological change, Development policy, Global Capitalism, Global Political Economy, and Technology Strategy
Stephen Sterling’s essay “Educating for the Future We Want” provides a glimpse of his significant contributions to studies on global education and sustainability.1 It historically charts the limited conception and passive reception of... more
Stephen Sterling’s essay “Educating for the Future We Want” provides a glimpse of his significant contributions to studies on global education and sustainability.1 It historically charts the limited conception and passive reception of “sustainability education” (i.e., the integration of sustainability agenda into education policy, or the treatment of education as change agent for sustainability goal). The more extensive emphasis that Sterling discussed about the ideational and discursive aspects (i.e., “the epistemic sets of values and ideas”) in explaining why sustainability education is narrowly conceived and widely unrecognized may overshadow his important acknowledgement of the material circumstances (i.e., “the socioeconomic, political, and technological pressures”) through which historical progress and change originate. Good intentions for reforms and policies for transformation are not enough; progressive movements for the great transition must overcome the “very real constraints and influences that weigh heavily on mainstream educational thinking and practice.” Indeed, philosophical ideas about global education are not, and should not be, independent of real material conditions of the contemporary world under capitalism.
Research Interests: Education, Sociology of Education, Development Studies, Popular Education, Alternative Education, and 15 moreSustainable Development, Paulo Freire, Social Justice, Capitalism, Education Policy, Neoliberalism, Sustainability Education, Environmental Justice, The Global Political Economy, Critical Development Studies, Developmental Studies, Just Sustainability, International Development Studies, Education for Sustainable Development, and Sustainability
Research Interests: Political Economy, Southeast Asian Studies, Human Rights, Sustainable Development, Sports Management, and 15 moreColonialism, Philippines, Capitalism, Olympics and Olympism, Southeast Asian Politics, ASEAN, Sports, Corruption, Infrastructure, ASEAN Studies, Sports and politics, Sociology of Sports, Southeast Asian Games, sports capitalism, and Social Science of Sports
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons... more
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons from the limitations of the recent network structure of new social movements, notably the World Social Forum, and rectify the failures of the old internationals of left-wing cadres. The actualization of such a radical idea also needs to observe the realpolitik of class formation and class struggle under conditions of the imperialistic globalization of capitalism today. Envisioned as a plural and participatory learning organization, the new International’s progression should be evolutionary and its strategic engagements have to balance the imperatives of political realism with the ideals of democratic values.
Research Interests: Social Movements, International Relations, Development Studies, Globalization, Marxism, and 15 moreGlobal Civil Society, International Political Economy, Capitalism, Global Justice Movement, Global South, Third World, World Social Forums, New social movements, Imperialism, Global Political Economy, Dependency Theory, Alternative Futures, Antiglobalization Social Movements, Samir Amin, and Colonialism and Imperialism
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Research Interests: Social Movements, Asian Studies, Political Economy, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, and 15 moreHuman Rights, Sports History, Sustainable Development, Sports Management, Politics, Nationalism, Colonialism, Olympics and Olympism, Philippine government and politics, Decolonization, Asian Games, Southeast Asian Games, sports capitalism, Sports Politics, and Social Science of Sports
The Southeast Asian Games has been negatively politicised since the 1950s. It has sported a complex interplay of colonialism, decolonisation, nationalism, geopolitics, patronage and capitalism. Repurposing it for the well-being of... more
The Southeast Asian Games has been negatively politicised since the 1950s. It has sported a complex interplay of colonialism, decolonisation, nationalism, geopolitics, patronage and capitalism. Repurposing it for the well-being of individual athletes and the regional sporting culture is long overdue. Yet, to depoliticise sports toward positive purpose necessitates collective political action.
Research Interests: Political Economy, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, Nationalism, Colonialism, and 15 moreSoutheast Asia, Olympics and Olympism, Environmental Sustainability, Physical Education, Southeast Asian Politics, Southeast Asian history, Sports, Philippine government and politics, Sports and politics, Philosophy of Sports, Sociology of Sports, Southeast Asian Games, sports capitalism, political economy of sports, and social sciences of sports
In his late-night Talk to the Nation on COVID-19 on 6 April, Rodrigo Duterte, the populist President of the Philippines, echoed the affirmation of leaders from rich countries in North America, Europe, and Asia: to do “whatever it takes”... more
In his late-night Talk to the Nation on COVID-19 on 6 April, Rodrigo Duterte, the populist President of the Philippines, echoed the affirmation of leaders from rich countries in North America, Europe, and Asia: to do “whatever it takes” for the economy to survive the pandemic. The problem, however, is that, on his own admission, Duterte is incompetent in economics. His stubbornly militaristic mindset and police-centric approach to governance is even more problematic when dealing with complex developmental causes and impacts of the coronavirus outbreak.
Yet the Philippine state’s inadequate institutional capacity to respond to the epidemic goes deeper. Given the national economy’s position in the hierarchical global economic system, its structural weaknesses impacts on how effective the government’s response can be. The current mainstream approaches to resolve the pandemic and the multiple crises of capitalism would fail to address the convoluted historical process of maldevelopment of the Philippines. Thus, a radical political strategy with a new economic paradigm for post-pandemic reconstruction is needed.
Link: https://developingeconomics.org/2020/06/13/addressing-the-pandemic-in-the-philippines-necessitates-a-new-economic-paradigm/
Yet the Philippine state’s inadequate institutional capacity to respond to the epidemic goes deeper. Given the national economy’s position in the hierarchical global economic system, its structural weaknesses impacts on how effective the government’s response can be. The current mainstream approaches to resolve the pandemic and the multiple crises of capitalism would fail to address the convoluted historical process of maldevelopment of the Philippines. Thus, a radical political strategy with a new economic paradigm for post-pandemic reconstruction is needed.
Link: https://developingeconomics.org/2020/06/13/addressing-the-pandemic-in-the-philippines-necessitates-a-new-economic-paradigm/
Research Interests: Sociology, Social Change, Asian Studies, Economics, Development Economics, and 15 morePolitical Economy, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, Political Science, Populism, Philippines, Neoliberalism, Southeast Asian Politics, Keynesian Economics, Monetary Policy, Modern Monetary Theory, Philippine government and politics, Post-Keynesian Economics, New Economy, and COVID-19 PANDEMIC
Contemporary Southeast Asia is a diverse region that is fully integrated into the world economy. Its eleven constituent countries are distinct with unique historical, political, economic, and cultural configurations – as such, they... more
Contemporary Southeast Asia is a diverse region that is fully integrated into the world economy. Its eleven constituent countries are distinct with unique historical, political, economic, and cultural configurations – as such, they develop unevenly within, and respond accordingly to, the evolution of the global capitalist system. This chapter provides a survey of literatures, themes and debates that have significantly contributed to the study of Southeast Asia from the discipline of international political economy (IPE). It shows how specific IPE scholarship about Southeast Asia since the 1950s have been framed within the general theories of development (i.e., modernization and dependency) and capitalism (i.e., neoclassical economics, historical institutionalism, and social conflict approach). In particular, the areas of inquiry of these competing perspectives—either in the analysis of individual countries or the region as a whole—revolve around the issue of the relationship between the state, market, and society.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Asian Studies, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, and 15 morePolitical Science, International Political Economy, Southeast Asia, Modernization, East Asian Studies, Historical Institutionalism, Capitalism, Neoliberalism, Critical international political economy, ASEAN, The Global Political Economy, Global Political Economy, State-society relations, ASEAN Studies, and Dependency Theory
What would a desirable and viable global organization of progressive movements look like in the context of the historical conjuncture of crises-ridden capitalism? I propose here a reorientation of progressive politics that are attuned to... more
What would a desirable and viable global organization of progressive movements look like in the context of the historical conjuncture of crises-ridden capitalism? I propose here a reorientation of progressive politics that are attuned to both the fundamentals of structural change and the basic daily needs of human beings.
At this historic juncture, progressive movements ought to inspire and consolidate the reflexive capability of human beings for concerted action, survival, learning, and innovation. Humanity must be convinced to take on the progressive perspective that egoistic individualism is part of the pandemic problem, and that the most potent solution to this tragedy is the care and concern of collective being to live together in compassion, solidarity, and mutual aid toward the common good.
Meanwhile, progressive movements must be able to address people’s basic day-to-day concerns and connect these with the struggle for fundamental structural changes. We need movements that are not merely daydreaming about the future, but are relevant and effective in crisis and pandemic times. These are movements for the moment, the present, and the everyday.
At this historic juncture, progressive movements ought to inspire and consolidate the reflexive capability of human beings for concerted action, survival, learning, and innovation. Humanity must be convinced to take on the progressive perspective that egoistic individualism is part of the pandemic problem, and that the most potent solution to this tragedy is the care and concern of collective being to live together in compassion, solidarity, and mutual aid toward the common good.
Meanwhile, progressive movements must be able to address people’s basic day-to-day concerns and connect these with the struggle for fundamental structural changes. We need movements that are not merely daydreaming about the future, but are relevant and effective in crisis and pandemic times. These are movements for the moment, the present, and the everyday.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Social Movements, Development Studies, Marxism, Global Civil Society, and 12 morePolitical Science, International Political Economy, Capitalism, Social Movements (Political Science), Neoliberalism, Post-Development Theory, Authoritarianism, The Global Political Economy, Anthropocene, Alternative Futures, Anti Capitalist Social Movements, and COVID-19 PANDEMIC
Juego argues that the new Internationale’s “primary organizational function should be the global coordination of actions of progressive grassroots movements from country to country.” He calls for a ‘learning organization,’ where the new... more
Juego argues that the new Internationale’s “primary organizational function should be the global coordination of actions of progressive grassroots movements from country to country.” He calls for a ‘learning organization,’ where the new Internationale supports “a continuous dialogue between bottom-up and top-down approaches to decision-making.” He sees it as “[a]kin to a global coordinating council” meaning that it works to integrate and synthesize the “varying initiatives, campaigns, and mass actions at all geographical levels of membership” while remaining mindful of the “dialectics between reform and revolution.” The new Internationale must, moreover, be “grounded on a pragmatic understanding of realpolitik especially in struggles at national and local scales,” and institutionalize a commitment to dialogue, research, and discussion.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Social Movements, International Relations, Development Studies, Globalization, and 15 moreMarxism, Working Classes, Global Civil Society, Colonialism, Global Justice, Capitalism, China, Critical international political economy, Solidarity Economy, The Global Political Economy, World Social Forums, Anti-Capitalism, Imperialism, Global Capitalism, and Alternative Futures
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons... more
A case is made here for the desirability and viability of the late Samir Amin’s call for a new International. However, the project to forge a political organization of the global justice movement must in the first instance draw lessons from the limitations of the recent network structure of new social movements, notably the World Social Forum, and rectify the failures of the old internationals of left-wing cadres. The actualization of such a radical idea also needs to observe the realpolitik of class formation and class struggle under conditions of the imperialistic globalization of capitalism today. Envisioned as a plural and participatory learning organization, the new International’s progression should be evolutionary and its strategic engagements have to balance the imperatives of political realism with the ideals of democratic values.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Change, Social Movements, Comparative Politics, and 15 moreInternational Relations, Globalization, Marxism, Geopolitics, Global Civil Society, Political Science, Post-Marxism, International Political Economy, Capitalism, Democracy, Critical international political economy, New Left, New social movements, Imperialism, and Antiglobalization Social Movements
Note: A longer version in the English language of this article can be found in this link: https://www.academia.edu/38123530/Human_Rights_Against_Populism_A_Progressive_Response_to_the_Politics_of_Duterte_and_Mahathir. *** In diesem Jahr... more
Note: A longer version in the English language of this article can be found in this link: https://www.academia.edu/38123530/Human_Rights_Against_Populism_A_Progressive_Response_to_the_Politics_of_Duterte_and_Mahathir.
***
In diesem Jahr 2018 begehen wir den 70. Jahrestag der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte (AEMR) – einem Jahr, in dem zwei politische Themen die Region Südostasien beherrschen: der aufkommende „autoritäre Populismus“ eines Rodrigo Duterte auf den Philippinen und die Rückkehr zu den „Asiatischen Werten“, forciert durch Mahathir bin Mohamad in Malaysia.
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In diesem Jahr 2018 begehen wir den 70. Jahrestag der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte (AEMR) – einem Jahr, in dem zwei politische Themen die Region Südostasien beherrschen: der aufkommende „autoritäre Populismus“ eines Rodrigo Duterte auf den Philippinen und die Rückkehr zu den „Asiatischen Werten“, forciert durch Mahathir bin Mohamad in Malaysia.
Research Interests: Asian Studies, Comparative Politics, Southeast Asian Studies, Human Rights, Postcolonial Studies, and 15 moreLiberalism, Democratization, Governance, United Nations, Malaysia, Populism, Human Rights Education, Philippines, Authoritarianism, ASEAN, Malaysian Politics, Philippine government and politics, Malaysia History and Politics, Asian Values, and ASEAN Studies
Interview Weltweit wächst die Zahl populistischer Staatschefs – auch in vielen asiatischen Ländern ist das der Fall. Wie gelingt es ihnen, die Menschen für ihre Ideen zu mobilisieren? Im Interview bietet der philippinische... more
Interview Weltweit wächst die Zahl populistischer Staatschefs – auch in vielen asiatischen Ländern ist das der Fall. Wie gelingt es ihnen, die Menschen für ihre Ideen zu mobilisieren? Im Interview bietet der philippinische Politikwissenschaftler Bonn Juego Erklärungsansätze für den Aufstieg rechtspopulistischer Politiker/innen.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Social Movements, Asian Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, Human Rights, and 15 moreRefugee Studies, Geopolitics, South Asian Studies, Political Science, Nationalism, Populism, Feminism, Nationalism And State Building, Neoliberalism, Migration Studies, Southeast Asian Politics, Right-Wing Movements, Liberal Democracy, Nationalism and Decolonization, and Social Movements/Civil Society
As the world celebrates the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 2018–2019, the region of Southeast Asia highlights two compelling political phenomena: the emergent ‘authoritarian populism’ of Rodrigo... more
As the world celebrates the 70th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in 2018–2019, the region of Southeast Asia highlights two compelling political phenomena: the emergent ‘authoritarian populism’ of Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines and the return to the ‘Asian Values’ of Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia.
The discursive strategy of Duterte and Mahathir against human rights ideas signifies a dangerous scorched-earth rhetoric. The crux of their criticisms is oriented towards the destruction of the very foundations of human rights virtues: universality, inalienability, indivisibility and interdependence.
Populism viciously promotes the false consciousness that there can be political democracy and economic development even without human rights. As more people across the world are quickly swayed into this propaganda, whatever are left of the ideological and institutional gains that democratic forces have fought and died for during the long twentieth century are ruthlessly being destroyed.
There are vital lessons that a re-organized progressive movement can draw from the fundamental and tactical errors of the liberal tradition that has predominantly carried the human-rights banner.
- Link to the article: https://th.boell.org/en/2018/12/28/human-rights-against-populism-progressive-response-politics-duterte-and-mahathir.
- Link to the hbs-SEA special series on UDHR-70: https://th.boell.org/en/70-years-universal-declaration-human-rights-udhr.
The discursive strategy of Duterte and Mahathir against human rights ideas signifies a dangerous scorched-earth rhetoric. The crux of their criticisms is oriented towards the destruction of the very foundations of human rights virtues: universality, inalienability, indivisibility and interdependence.
Populism viciously promotes the false consciousness that there can be political democracy and economic development even without human rights. As more people across the world are quickly swayed into this propaganda, whatever are left of the ideological and institutional gains that democratic forces have fought and died for during the long twentieth century are ruthlessly being destroyed.
There are vital lessons that a re-organized progressive movement can draw from the fundamental and tactical errors of the liberal tradition that has predominantly carried the human-rights banner.
- Link to the article: https://th.boell.org/en/2018/12/28/human-rights-against-populism-progressive-response-politics-duterte-and-mahathir.
- Link to the hbs-SEA special series on UDHR-70: https://th.boell.org/en/70-years-universal-declaration-human-rights-udhr.
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Social Movements, Political Economy, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, and 12 moreHuman Rights, Political Science, Democratization, Governance, International Human Rights Law, Populism, Human Rights Education, Southeast Asian Politics, Authoritarianism, Malaysian Politics, Philippine government and politics, and War on Drugs
An interview with Bonn Juego by Ella Soesanto and Fabian Heppe (in Perspectives Asia's November 2018 special issue on 'Nationalisms and Populisms in Asia')
Research Interests: Sociology, Social Movements, Human Geography, Asian Studies, Political Economy, and 15 moreDevelopment Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, Human Rights, Refugee Studies, Geopolitics, Political Science, Democratization, Race and Ethnicity, Nationalism, Asian History, Populism, East Asian Politics, Migration Studies, Nationalism and Decolonization, and Social Movements/Civil Society
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a crisis response of the capitalist class to manage the conflict-ridden consequences of economic... more
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a crisis response of the capitalist class to manage the conflict-ridden consequences of economic globalization; and, as an ideological project of a section of the ruling elites to justify the embedding of market-oriented development processes in a politically repressive government institution. To contribute to recent scholarship attempts at defining the character and tendencies of this emergent regime, the article traces one of its key ideological antecedents from Carl Schmitt’s earlier formulation for a “strong state, free economy”. It then presents a survey of how this concept articulating the compatibility of authoritarianism and capitalism has manifested in related theories and actual policies since the long twentieth century – notably in: German ordoliberalism, Thatcherism and Reaganomics, the Kirkpatrick Doctrine and Political Development Theory, the Asian Values discourse, and the Effective State and Good Governance agendas. The governing authority in this regime can be called an authoritarian-neoliberal state.
Research Interests: Development Economics, Public Administration, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Development Studies, and 15 morePolitical Theory, History of Economic Thought, Governance, Capitalism, State Theory, Neoliberalism, History of Political Thought, Political Economy of Development, Carl Schmitt, Authoritarianism, The Global Political Economy, Political Economy of Authoritarianism, Development theory, Authoritarian Neoliberalism, and Political Economy of Governance
After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for... more
After toppling the 61-year dominant Barisan Nasional through a historic election victory in May 2018, expectations are high for the new ruling government led by Mahathir Mohamad and the Pakatan Harapan to fulfil their promises for socio-economic reforms and regime change in Malaysia. But what have been the institutions of the prevailing regime that need to be reformed and changed? This article offers a critical review of the evolving development agendas since the 1990s of the successive governments of Mahathir Mohamad, Abdullah Badawi, and Najib Razak, each couched in different catchphrases: Wawasan 2020, Islam Hadhari, and 1Malaysia. A close reading of these programs suggests that their substance articulates two persistent logics: the ruling elite’s constant requirement for political stability enforced by a strong state; and, the need to adapt to the demands and opportunities of accumulation in specific phases of Malaysia’s capitalist development in the context of globalization. The analysis reveals the attempts at maintaining authoritarian neoliberalism, or a neoliberal economy embedded in an authoritarian polity, as the de facto social regime in contemporary Malaysia. By examining policy documents, speeches, and news reports, the article discloses how this regime had been enunciated or reified in public discourses, policies, and actions of the respective administrations.
Research Interests: Sociology, Economic Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Change, Social Movements, and 64 moreHuman Geography, Asian Studies, Development Economics, Economic Geography, Political Economy, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, Human Rights, Geopolitical Economy, Democratization, Governance, International Political Economy, Malaysia, Political Regimes, Capitalism, Neoliberalization of the state, Economic Development, China, Neoliberalism, Islam in the Southeast Asia, Political Economy of Development, Heterodox Economics, Democracy, Southeast Asian Politics, Megaprojects, Elections and Voting Behavior, Authoritarianism, Authoritarian regimes, China's foreign policy, The Global Political Economy, Varieties of Capitalism, Malaysian Politics, Industrialization, Comparative Politics, Democratization, Authoritarian Regimes, Regime Change, Concept Analysis, Measurement, Malaysia History and Politics, Democracy and democratization, Privatization, Development policy, Corruption, Critical Development Studies, Regime change, Developmental Studies, Global Political Economy, Asian Values, Political Oppositions, ASEAN Studies, The comparative politics of Southeast Asia: new democracies and contemporary authoritarianism, i. China in Southeast Asia/Southeast Asia in China, Electoral Authoritarianism, • Political economy of development in East and Southeast Asia, Critical Political Economy, Elections in Authoritarian states, Trade protectionism, Liberalization, New Economic Policy and Malaysia, Development Policies and Strategies, Middle East, South Asia and Southeast Asian Politics, Authoritarian Neoliberalism, Political economy of China's capitalism, Political Economy of Southeast Asia, New Authoritarianism, Malaysian Political Economy, Asian Varieties of Capitalism, and Elites in Southeast Asia
Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte led a phenomenal campaign to win the 2016 national election. During his first two years in power Duterte as become the protagonist and exemplar of a key new development – the social formation of a... more
Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte led a phenomenal campaign to win the 2016 national election. During his first two years in power Duterte as become the protagonist and exemplar of a key new development – the social formation of a regime of authoritarian populism. Based on an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, and official policy documents from 2017, the article examines various features of this emergent regime and then illuminates the historical-institutional mechanisms that brought it about. The inquiry is predicated on an understanding that the old EDSA Republic’s liberal-democratic regime has been marked by intractable socio-economic crises since its installation in 1986. This triggered different political tendencies and trajectories that Duterte has been able to mould into a new mode of regulation and governance. The central discussion elucidates some of the significant features that constitute the process through which the new regime of authoritarian populism is taking shape. The conclusion highlights the mutually reinforcing features of the dying EDSA-type liberal democracy and the emerging Duterte-led authoritarian populism. This suggests that the former has been a spawning ground for the latter.
Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Movements, Asian Studies, Political Economy, and 30 moreSoutheast Asian Studies, Terrorism, Political Theory, Human Rights, Geopolitics, Geopolitical Economy, Democratization, Political Violence and Terrorism, Populism, Philippines, South East Asian Politics, China, Neoliberalism, Political Economy of Development, Democracy, Southeast Asian Politics, Philippine History, Elections and Voting Behavior, Authoritarianism, ASEAN, Comparative Politics, Democratization, Authoritarian Regimes, Regime Change, Concept Analysis, Measurement, Philippine government and politics, Liberal Democracy, War on Drugs, ASEAN Studies, Philippine Foreign Policy, Social Media, Internet, Democracy and Politics, Authoritarian Populism, Critical Political Economy, and Sociological Perspective in the Philippines
I offer here some reflections on the commons. In particular, I reflect upon the question “How does the commons, as an alternative perspective, see the relationship between humans and nature?”
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In the past 15 years, " the private turn " in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations... more
In the past 15 years, " the private turn " in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations centered on the giving and receiving of aid to the new economic diplomacy focused on the development of private sector business activities.
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Research Interests: Sociology, Political Sociology, Social Change, Social Psychology, Asian Studies, and 10 moreSoutheast Asian Studies, Political Psychology, Political Science, Politics, Populism, Philippines, Critical Discourse Analysis, Elections, Elections and Voting Behavior, and Philippine government and politics
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a capitalist class response to manage the series of crises of neoliberal globalization in the past... more
The regime of authoritarian neoliberalism is underway. In contemporary political economy of governance, this regime has been construed as a capitalist class response to manage the series of crises of neoliberal globalization in the past two decades. At the same time, as this article illuminates, this regime can be understood as an ideological project of a section of the political-business elites to intellectually justify the embedding of capitalist development processes in an authoritarian political framework. To contribute to conceptualizing the nature, character, and tendencies of this emergent regime, the article traces its conceptual antecedents from long established philosophical influences, theoretical underpinnings, and actual governance policies that have attempted to rationalize the compatibility of capitalism and authoritarianism, notably: the ; the Asian Values discourse since the 1990s; the mid-! " # the political theorist Carl Schmitt during World War II. The state form governing this regime can be ca-$ %# earlier conceptions of developmental states and regulatory states in the case of East and Southeast Asia. From the foregoing reviews, the article concludes with a survey of authoritarian neoliberalism.
Research Interests: Public Administration, Political Economy, Political Philosophy, Development Studies, Governance, and 12 moreCapitalism, State Theory, Neoliberalism, Political Economy of Development, Critical international political economy, Carl Schmitt, Authoritarian regimes, Comparative Politics, Democratization, Authoritarian Regimes, Regime Change, Concept Analysis, Measurement, Asian Values, • Political economy of development in East and Southeast Asia, Authoritarian Neoliberalism, and Political Economy of Governance
In the past 15 years, “the private turn” in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations... more
In the past 15 years, “the private turn” in international development cooperation framework has become more evident. This shift in foreign policy is essentially characterized by a change in strategy from the old state-to-state relations centered on the giving and receiving of aid to the new economic diplomacy focused on the development of private sector business activities.
The implications of this emergent phenomenon for both development theory and practice are however understudied in (Nordic) development research, and no comparative studies have been undertaken. Such study is important in terms of: (i) the past, present, and future of North-South development cooperation; (ii) feasible development strategies for both developed and developing countries; and (iii) the processes of development and democratization in what used to be known as the “Third World” with durable authoritarian political regimes.
The implications of this emergent phenomenon for both development theory and practice are however understudied in (Nordic) development research, and no comparative studies have been undertaken. Such study is important in terms of: (i) the past, present, and future of North-South development cooperation; (ii) feasible development strategies for both developed and developing countries; and (iii) the processes of development and democratization in what used to be known as the “Third World” with durable authoritarian political regimes.
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Dr. Bonn Juego shares some reflections on the commons, reflecting upon the question “How does the commons, as an alternative perspective, see the relationship between humans and nature?” Source:... more
Dr. Bonn Juego shares some reflections on the commons, reflecting upon the question “How does the commons, as an alternative perspective, see the relationship between humans and nature?”
Source: https://th.boell.org/en/2016/05/27/commons-perspective-human-nature-relations-analysis-vision-and-strategies-alternative
Source: https://th.boell.org/en/2016/05/27/commons-perspective-human-nature-relations-analysis-vision-and-strategies-alternative
Research Interests: Human Geography, Political Economy, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, Commons, and 10 moreNatural Resource Management, Critical Geography, Neoliberalism, Political Economy of Development, Human-Nature Relationships, Green Economy, Anthropocene, Alternatives to Development, The Commons, and Alternative Futures
The discursive strategies behind a candidate’s campaign message can make or break a presidential ambition. The foremost objective is to build a hegemonic discourse to secure votes by occupying the electorate’s minds and hearts with ideas.... more
The discursive strategies behind a candidate’s campaign message can make or break a presidential ambition. The foremost objective is to build a hegemonic discourse to secure votes by occupying the electorate’s minds and hearts with ideas. Discourse shapes a voter’s perception, which in turn becomes one’s belief and sense of reality. Public presidential debates are battlegrounds of competing discourses.
Research Interests: Discourse Analysis, Comparative Politics, Southeast Asian Studies, Voting Behavior, Political Science, and 13 moreDemocratization, Philippines, Critical Discourse Analysis, Political Discourse Analysis, Elections, Philippine Studies, Southeast Asian Politics, Elections and Voting Behavior, Election Studies, Philippine government and politics, Philippine Politics, Political Discourse, Thematization and Critical Discourse Analysis, and Philippine Political Economy
The paper argues that the current global capitalist crisis entails an assault on democracy. Since crisis connotes danger and opportunity, the recent crisis appears to be a danger to democracy but an opportunity to its antithetical ideals.... more
The paper argues that the current global capitalist crisis entails an assault on democracy. Since crisis connotes danger and opportunity, the recent crisis appears to be a danger to democracy but an opportunity to its antithetical ideals. At the international level, multilateral institutions have seized the moment to reaffirm the perpetuation of the discursive and structural hegemony of neoliberalism. In
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Regionalism of the Commons: Exploring Alternatives to the ASEAN Economic Community The regional integration goals of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) will not be realized by the December 2015 deadline due to complex and interdependent... more
Regionalism of the Commons:
Exploring Alternatives to the ASEAN Economic Community
The regional integration goals of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) will not be realized by the December 2015 deadline due to complex and interdependent dynamics at both the national and regional levels. Between the competing dominant projects for Southeast Asia’s present and future - the AEC’s neoliberalism by modernizing elites and the oligarchies by traditional political-business alliances -, Bonn Juego sketches out an alternative progressive project for a regionalism of the commons from below.
Exploring Alternatives to the ASEAN Economic Community
The regional integration goals of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) will not be realized by the December 2015 deadline due to complex and interdependent dynamics at both the national and regional levels. Between the competing dominant projects for Southeast Asia’s present and future - the AEC’s neoliberalism by modernizing elites and the oligarchies by traditional political-business alliances -, Bonn Juego sketches out an alternative progressive project for a regionalism of the commons from below.
Research Interests: Economic Sociology, Human Geography, Asian Studies, Economic Geography, Comparative Politics, and 27 morePolitical Economy, Southeast Asian Studies, Sustainable Communities, Commons, Democratization, International Political Economy, Comparative Political Economy, Southeast Asia, Capitalism, Regionalism, Neoliberalism, Political Economy of Development, Southeast Asian Politics, Regional Integration, Radical Democracy, ASEAN, Varieties of Capitalism, Asian Political Economy, Sociology of Development, ASEAN Studies, regional integration in ASEAN and EU, • Political economy of development in East and Southeast Asia, Asean Economic Community, Neoliberalization, Social Commons, Political Economy of Southeast Asia, and Regionalism of the Commons
The Political Economy of the ASEAN Regionalization Process: Neoliberalism and Southeast Asia’s Authoritarian Oligarchies Bonn Juego unpacks the political economy of the ASEAN model of regional integration: the convergence upon one... more
The Political Economy of the ASEAN Regionalization Process: Neoliberalism and Southeast Asia’s Authoritarian Oligarchies
Bonn Juego unpacks the political economy of the ASEAN model of regional integration: the convergence upon one neoliberal capitalist economic system embedded in ten different political regimes and cultural communities, forming a regional bloc fully integrated into global production and trade. Continued neoliberalisation project within the framework of the forthcoming ASEAN Community Vision 2025 project will have to contend with the enduring non-democratic and oligarchical political-economic structures in the region. The tension between the imperatives of “market sovereignty” under neoliberalism and the entrenched principle of “state sovereignty” of ASEAN countries will define the open-ended tendencies and outcomes of the ongoing regionalisation process in Southeast Asia.
Bonn Juego unpacks the political economy of the ASEAN model of regional integration: the convergence upon one neoliberal capitalist economic system embedded in ten different political regimes and cultural communities, forming a regional bloc fully integrated into global production and trade. Continued neoliberalisation project within the framework of the forthcoming ASEAN Community Vision 2025 project will have to contend with the enduring non-democratic and oligarchical political-economic structures in the region. The tension between the imperatives of “market sovereignty” under neoliberalism and the entrenched principle of “state sovereignty” of ASEAN countries will define the open-ended tendencies and outcomes of the ongoing regionalisation process in Southeast Asia.
Research Interests: Sociology, Economic Sociology, Human Geography, Asian Studies, Economic Geography, and 28 morePolitical Economy, Southeast Asian Studies, Commons, Political Science, Capitalism, Regionalism, Neoliberalism, Political Economy of Development, Critical international political economy, Southeast Asian Politics, Regional Integration, ASEAN, The Global Political Economy, Varieties of Capitalism, International and Regional Organization, Elites, Sociology of elites, Global Political Economy, ASEAN Studies, regional integration in ASEAN and EU, • Political economy of development in East and Southeast Asia, Asean Economic Community, Critical Political Economy, Neoliberalization, Globalization and Regionalization, Political Economy of Southeast Asia, Regionalism of the Commons, and Alternative Regionalism
Neoliberal globalization has ushered in a variety of capitalism in Southeast Asia’s uneven development landscape. Unpacking the complexity of contemporary capitalist development in the region entails an appreciation of how vested... more
Neoliberal globalization has ushered in a variety of capitalism in Southeast Asia’s uneven development landscape. Unpacking the complexity of contemporary capitalist development in the region entails an appreciation of how vested interests give shape to processes of neoliberalization. This article investigates how and why dominant elite classes and social forces mediate the interrelated neoliberalization processes of market reforms and state institutional restructuring in ways that are incoherent with the ideology of competitive capitalism. Empirically, by studying diverse socio economic structures of the Philippines and Malaysia, the article provides an exposition of recent infrastructure projects done through state dealings with capital as part of, or in relation to, neoliberal policies of privatization and liberalization which have been embroiled in controversies over graft and corruption practices involving sections of domestic elites and transnational capital. It shows the realpolitik of the elite-driven and conflict-ridden constitution of capital accumulation in emerging economies of Southeast Asia. Specifically, the empirical cases offer insights into the common pervasive themes of “elite capture” and “elite conflicts” that mutually constitute Southeast Asia’s evolving political economy of development.
Research Interests: Economic Sociology, Human Geography, Economic Geography, Southeast Asian Studies, Comparative Political Economy, and 15 moreSoutheast Asia, Neoliberalism, Elites (Political Science), Political Economy of Development, Critical international political economy, Malaysian Studies, Varieties of Capitalism, Malaysian Politics, Sociology of Development, Privatization, Sociology of elites, • Political economy of development in East and Southeast Asia, Neoliberalization, Philippine Political Economy, and Political Economy of Southeast Asia
Research Interests: Human Geography, Economic Geography, Southeast Asian Studies, Commons, Capitalism, and 16 moreRegionalism, Neoliberalism, Critical international political economy, Southeast Asian Politics, Regional Integration, ASEAN, Varieties of Capitalism, Accumulation by Dispossession, New Regionalism Approach, ASEAN Studies, regional integration in ASEAN and EU, • Political economy of development in East and Southeast Asia, Asean Economic Community, Critical Political Economy, Neoliberalization, and Political Economy of Southeast Asia
The paper attempts to contribute to a critical reading of contemporary global political economy. It provides an analysis through an empirical exposition of the latent and manifest ways neoliberalism is being reproduced institutionally and... more
The paper attempts to contribute to a critical reading of contemporary global political economy. It provides an analysis through an empirical exposition of the latent and manifest ways neoliberalism is being reproduced institutionally and relationally despite and because of the ongoing global capitalist crisis. To this end, three interrelated themes are highlighted here: first, the constitutive role and functional character of crises in the evolution of capitalism and the reproduction of its current neoliberal configuration; second, the continuity of long-held ideas of groups ranging from multilateral organizations to global justice movements – hence, the absence of relatively new perspectives – as evident in their respective policy prescriptions and crisis responses that effectively perpetuate the hegemony of neoliberal capitalism; and third, the emergence of the political-economic regime of authoritarian liberalism in East and Southeast Asia as a perceptible consequence of the intensifying crisis.
Research Interests: Globalization, Marxism, International organizations, Neoliberalism, International Organizations (International Studies), and 10 moreCritical international political economy, The Global Political Economy, Global Capitalism, Global Political Economy, • Political economy of development in East and Southeast Asia, Crisis of Capitalism, 2008 GFC, Global Economic Governance, Neoliberalism and Globalization, and Authoritarian Neoliberalism
Against the background of ongoing global crisis of capitalism, the article reflects on the most important and intriguing contributions of the French Regulation School within the Marxist tradition to critical international political... more
Against the background of ongoing global crisis of capitalism, the article reflects on the most important and intriguing contributions of the French Regulation School within the Marxist tradition to critical international political economy. In particular, it examines and critiques the respective theses of principal regulationists—Aglietta, Lipietz, and Boyer—about capitalist stability, contradictions, dynamics, and relations. Aglietta’s limited conception of crises and contradictions is scrutinised by proposing a framework of agential-structural interrelations—specifically, the interactions between class struggle and market-dependence—in understanding capitalist relations and proc- esses. Lipietz’s level of analysis on ‘national’ capitalism is questioned with a comprehension of the global character and universalising tendencies of capitalism. And Boyer’s reading of finance-led growth as the new regime of accumulation is explored with an argument to put more significance on reproduction than regulation and to bring back production and its interaction with the system of exchange in the analysis of capitalist development. The conclusion proposes a synthesis of regulation approach and the concepts from classical Marxism to better capture the specificities of contemporary capitalist development.
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Die gegenwärtige globale Krise wirkt sich nicht nur auf „die Wirtschaft“ aus, sondern geht verstärkt auch mit – offenen und versteckten – autoritären, antidemokratischen Tendenzen einher. Bonn Juego und Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt zeigen... more
Die gegenwärtige globale Krise wirkt sich nicht nur auf „die Wirtschaft“ aus, sondern geht verstärkt auch mit – offenen und versteckten – autoritären, antidemokratischen Tendenzen einher. Bonn Juego und Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt zeigen dies anhand der wundersamen Wiederauferstehung von IWF und Weltbank sowie am Beispiel des „autoritären Liberalismus“ in Ost- und Südostasien.
Abstract: Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will... more
Abstract:
Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will be developed. The first part of the presentation will elucidate the significant features of the process through which the new regime of authoritarian populism is taking shape in the Philippines, and conclude that the dying EDSA-type liberal democracy has been a spawning ground for the popularity of Duterte’s authoritarian politics. The second part will unpack the historical trajectory and prevailing institutions of Malaysia’s neoliberal economy embedded in an authoritarian political framework – which shall serve as initial conditions, normative indicators and benchmarks against which the promises for regime change of Mahathir and his Reformasi allies must be evaluated. Based on these studies in contemporary Southeast Asia, the seminar will comparatively reflect upon the contradictory trends of cases in which a democratic route has been taken to either legitimize or overcome authoritarianism.
Short bio:
Bonn Juego is postdoctoral researcher at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland, with interdisciplinary teaching responsibilities in the social, political and economic sciences of development issues. He is visiting fellow at SEARC, City University of Hong Kong during the autumn of 2018, and has held guest researcher positions at the Department of Political Science, Aalborg University, and the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen. His recent publications and research endeavours are on contemporary Philippines and Malaysia, the political economy of the ASEAN Economic Community project, the challenge of right-wing populism and nationalism in Asia and Europe, the concept of authoritarian neoliberalism, and the new privatization of global development finance. His talk is based on two recent publications: “The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots” (Asia Maior, 2018) and “The Institutions of Authoritarian Neoliberalism in Malaysia: A Critical Review of the Development Agendas Under the Regimes of Mahathir, Abdullah, and Najib” (ASEAS, 2018).
Through an analysis of news reports, public debates, survey results, speeches and policy documents, the concepts of emergent authoritarian populism in the Philippines and the enduring authoritarian neoliberalism in Malaysia will be developed. The first part of the presentation will elucidate the significant features of the process through which the new regime of authoritarian populism is taking shape in the Philippines, and conclude that the dying EDSA-type liberal democracy has been a spawning ground for the popularity of Duterte’s authoritarian politics. The second part will unpack the historical trajectory and prevailing institutions of Malaysia’s neoliberal economy embedded in an authoritarian political framework – which shall serve as initial conditions, normative indicators and benchmarks against which the promises for regime change of Mahathir and his Reformasi allies must be evaluated. Based on these studies in contemporary Southeast Asia, the seminar will comparatively reflect upon the contradictory trends of cases in which a democratic route has been taken to either legitimize or overcome authoritarianism.
Short bio:
Bonn Juego is postdoctoral researcher at the University of Jyväskylä, Finland, with interdisciplinary teaching responsibilities in the social, political and economic sciences of development issues. He is visiting fellow at SEARC, City University of Hong Kong during the autumn of 2018, and has held guest researcher positions at the Department of Political Science, Aalborg University, and the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen. His recent publications and research endeavours are on contemporary Philippines and Malaysia, the political economy of the ASEAN Economic Community project, the challenge of right-wing populism and nationalism in Asia and Europe, the concept of authoritarian neoliberalism, and the new privatization of global development finance. His talk is based on two recent publications: “The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots” (Asia Maior, 2018) and “The Institutions of Authoritarian Neoliberalism in Malaysia: A Critical Review of the Development Agendas Under the Regimes of Mahathir, Abdullah, and Najib” (ASEAS, 2018).
Research Interests: Asian Studies, Comparative Politics, Southeast Asian Studies, Political Science, Democratization, and 11 moreMalaysia, Populism, Philippines, Political Economy of Development, Southeast Asian Politics, Authoritarianism, Malaysian Politics, Philippine government and politics, Global Political Economy, Authoritarian Populism, and Authoritarian Neoliberalism
This talk was later published into an article: Juego, Bonn (2018) "The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots," in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164. (See -... more
This talk was later published into an article:
Juego, Bonn (2018) "The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots," in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164.
(See - https://www.academia.edu/36911234/The_Philippines_2017_Duterte-led_Authoritarian_Populism_and_Its_Liberal-Democratic_Roots)
Juego, Bonn (2018) "The Philippines 2017: Duterte-led Authoritarian Populism and Its Liberal-Democratic Roots," in Asia Maior 2017, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 129-164.
(See - https://www.academia.edu/36911234/The_Philippines_2017_Duterte-led_Authoritarian_Populism_and_Its_Liberal-Democratic_Roots)
Research Interests: Political Sociology, Social Psychology, International Relations, Development Studies, Southeast Asian Studies, and 10 moreGeopolitics, Political Science, Democratization, Governance, Populism, Southeast Asian Politics, Authoritarianism, Philippine government and politics, War on Drugs, and Authoritarian Populism
A year after his phenomenal rise to power, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte continues to be a popular yet controversial political figure. The seminar will reflect upon Duterte’s abiding national popularity amid growing local and... more
A year after his phenomenal rise to power, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte continues to be a popular yet controversial political figure. The seminar will reflect upon Duterte’s abiding national popularity amid growing local and international oppositions against his political style and policy choices. It will do so by examining the strengths and contradictions of Duterte’s particular type of populism that cuts across classes, genders, generations, and the political spectrum. Accordingly, it will try to assess contemporary Philippine society, politics, and economy by evaluating Duterte’s anti-elite campaign rhetoric during the elections vis-à-vis the actual and potential consequences of his actions as the governing elite in power. Issues to be discussed in the seminar will include: the limits of Duterte’s police-centric war on drugs; the domestic and geopolitical implications of his pro-China foreign relations strategy; the prospects for ASEAN regionalism under his chairmanship; the state of the government’s peace negotiations with the armed communist rebels and Islamic separatist groups; and an economic forecast for the country’s growth and development.
Organizers of the open seminar: Forum on Asian Studies – Department of Political Science, Stockholm University; ABF Stockholm – Arbetarnas Bildningsförbund; and Olof Palme International Center
8 May 2017, Stockholm
Link: http://www.asianstudies.su.se/2.35480/seminars/open-seminar-the-philippines-a-year-after-the-duterte-phenomenon-1.318998#.WN0BGF7Ps6s.facebook
Organizers of the open seminar: Forum on Asian Studies – Department of Political Science, Stockholm University; ABF Stockholm – Arbetarnas Bildningsförbund; and Olof Palme International Center
8 May 2017, Stockholm
Link: http://www.asianstudies.su.se/2.35480/seminars/open-seminar-the-philippines-a-year-after-the-duterte-phenomenon-1.318998#.WN0BGF7Ps6s.facebook
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'Terms in the Trade' in Development Cooperation
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'Tools of the Trade' in Development Cooperation
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'Tools of the Trade' in Development Cooperation
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'Tricks of the Trade' in Development Cooperation