Francisco Franco

Resumen En el presente artículo de investigación, se analiza, mediante una metodo-logía de tipo cualitativo y una perspectiva de tipo histórico-politológico, la celebración a Santiago, con el objetivo de destacar que su restauración fue utilizada por el bando sublevado para legitimar la guerra y a su líder: Francisco Franco. Además, esta voluntad tiene otra importante conse-cuencia, es decir, provocar una competencia entre la Falange y la Iglesia por el monopolio de la misma, que condujo a la desacralización de la fiesta para colocar en pie de igualdad al santo con el «caudillo», quien fue adquiriendo ribetes místicos y hasta de santidad. Palabras clave Santiago Apóstol, Franco, Iglesia, Falange, celebración. Abstract The present research article analyzed, with a qualitative-type methodology and a historical-political perspective, the celebration to Santiago, with the objective of emphasizing that the restoration of the same was used by the rebellious side to legitimize the war and its leader: Francisco Franco. In addition, this will had another important consequence, that is, to provoke a competition between the Falange and the Church for its monopoly, which led to the desacralization of the feast to place the saint on a par with the "caudillo" who was acquiring mystical and even sanctity.

El presente trabajo trata de esbozar a lo largo de las páginas siguientes la evolución del sistema educativo español a través de su legislación desde que se iniciase el régimen de Franco en 1939 hasta la LOGSE [1990] pasando por la transición democrática, en un recorrido sustancial por la Ley de Enseñanzas Medias [1953], LGE [1970], LODE [1985] y LOGSE [1990]  – entre otras –  así como por los sucesivos ministerios, destacando el de Ruiz – Giménez  [1951 – 1956] o el de Villar Palasí [1968 – 1973]
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The present work tries to outline along the following pages the evolution of the Spanish educational system through its legislation since the Franco regime began in 1939 until LOGSE [1990] passing through the democratic transition, in a travel substantial way by the Law of Average Education [1953], LGE [1970], LODE [1985], LOGSE [1990]  – among others –  as well as by successive ministries, highlighting that of Ruiz – Giménez [1951 – 1956] or that of Villar Palasí [1968 – 1973]

Este trabajo pretende analizar las distintas posturas adoptadas por la nobleza ante el Manifiesto de Lausana, hecho público por Juan de Borbón en marzo de 1945, y las consecuencias derivadas de éste. ¿En qué medida los miembros del grupo nobiliario apoyaron el texto? ¿Qué papel jugaron en la decisión del conde de Barcelona de hacer público el manifiesto? ¿Hubo oposición dentro de la aristocracia ante la decisión del conde de Barcelona de romper de forma pública con el general Franco?

The paper aims to set the reception of the Encyclical Mit brennender Sorge in the larger context of the declarations and the activities of the catholic Church towards Spain during the Civil War (1936-1939). This official doctrinal document and its reception in Spain can help to show – and assess – the attitude not only of the Vatican, but also of the Spanish Church in some of her main authorities, towards Germany, Nazism, Francisco Franco and the Falange Española in the first months of war (before the bombing of Gernika in April 1937).

Linje Manyozo begins by describing six schools of thought in the worldwide effort to improve lives in what used to be called the Third World—the Bretton Woods school, Latin American, Indian school, African, Los Baños, and communication for development and social change schools—and their approaches: media for development, media development, and participatory/community engagement. As development communication pioneer Nora Cruz Quebral has pointed out, the first two approaches are more media-oriented​, while the third relies more on interpersonal communication (Quebral in Manyozo, p.xv). This paper analyzes the nature of each approach.

En aquest breu estudi posem nom, cognom, cara i ulls als palamosins que van ser internats en el camp de concentració i d’extermini nazi de Mauthausen, un lloc on prop de 8.000 republicans espanyols van patir tortures, humiliacions i on més de 5.000 van defallir fins l’extenuació. Tractem de reconstruir la seva historia, les seves penalitats, amb l’objecte de recordar aquells homes que van ser capaços de fer front a un règim ominós per defensar la seva pròpia dignitat.

Few events in the history of the world have aroused the passions of the decent, the fair, the peaceful, and the just as much as the brutal terror bombing attack on the Basque town of Gernika. From the decision of the fascist forces to attack the open city, to the horror of the bombing, to its aftermath, this short history tells the terrible events that colored not only the modern history of the Basques, but of all of humanity as it ushered in a new age of warfare.

Current article analyzes the legislation on the phenomenon of the
public control of the book during the first Franco period during which the influence of Fascism was greater. During this period, although the Phalanx tried to monopolize the control of the word, with partial success, a great gap in the regime was created. The mechanisms for the control of the book were centralized and the dissemination of printed matter was under strict legislation so that Spanish cultural life could be normalized.

El propósito de este artículo es analizar la práctica de la Historia en
contextos políticos autoritarios, con el objetivo de estudiar los mecanismos de control implementados por los agentes del poder fáctico y las estrategias articuladas por los intelectuales disidentes para superarlos. Se propone un estudio comparativo sobre la gestión de la indagatoria del pasado en las dictaduras de Francisco Franco (España, 1939-1975) y Alfredo Stroessner (Paraguay, 1954-1989). Se trata de dos casos razonablemente parangonables cuyo examen permite establecer ciertas regularidades.

This book considers the uses of the portrait as an instrument of propaganda in both totalitarian regimes and democratic countries. Focusing on the last one hundred years and covering a wide range of countries around the globe, the volume also looks at the uses of portraiture by antagonistic groups as forms of resistance, derision and denunciation.

RESUMEN En este trabajo se pretende realizar un somero análisis sobre la represión desencadenada tras el golpe de Estado de julio de 1936, prestando especial atención a la montaña central y oriental leonesa. En líneas generales, la provincia de León es uno de los territorios más castigados por la violencia política durante la Guerra Civil y los primeros años de la postguerra. Para tratar de buscar una explicación a esta situación, se procederá a una revisión de algunos aspectos que condicionan la crueldad de esa violencia a nivel general, para, posteriormente, analizar el caso de la montaña nororiental leonesa. Palabras clave: León, montaña central, Partido Judicial de La Vecilla, régimen franquista, represión. ABSTRACT: This essay realices an analysis about the repression that the uprising band began in 18th July 1936. We are going to pay more attention to the case of Leon`s northeast mountain. León is one of the most punished geographical areas of Spain by the political violence during the Civil War and the first years of the dictatorship. In order to find an explanation for this situation, we are going to perform an analysis of some issues that determine the degree of repression's cruelty.Then, we are going to analyze the particular case of the Northeastern Leon mountain.

İspanya İç Savaşı General Francisco Franco önderliğinde Temmuz 1936'da başladı. Savaş falanjistler ve cumhuriyetçiler arasında oldu. 1939 Mart ayında sona eren savaşta resmi kaynaklara göre her iki taraftan toplam 50.000 kişi öldü. Savaşı finanse eden en güçlü kuvvetlerden ikisi dönemin faşist liderleri Hitler ve Mussolini'ydi. Hitler'in Franco'ya yardım etmesinin başlıca nedeni çıkacak bir Avrupa savaşı için Franco'dan yardım alabileceğini düşünmesiydi. Franco Hitler'e en baştan yardım için söz verdi fakat 2. Dünya Savaşı çıktığında Hitler'e yardım etmedi. 1939 Mart ayında İspanya Franco'nun liderliğinde yönetilmeye başlandı ve kraliyet sembolik de olsa geri getirildi. İspanya Francisco Franco'nun vefat yılı olan 1975'e kadar Franco tarafından yönetildi.
Spanish Civil War began in July 1936 under the leadership of General Francisco Franco. The war has happened between phalangists and republicans. According to official sources, a total of 50.000 people died from both sides in the war that ended in March 1939. The biggest financial supporters of the Spanish Civil War were Hitler and Mussolini. Hitler helped Franco because he thought he could get help from Franco for an upcoming European war. Franco promised Hitler to help from the very beginning but did not help Hitler when World War II broke out. In March 1939 Spain began to be ruled under Franco's leadership. The royal was reestablished but it was just symbolic. The king had no authority. Spain was ruled with an authoritarian system by Franco until 1975, the year of Franco's death.

Two contemporary and, in many ways, similar characters : Francisco Franco Bahamonde and Juan Domingo Perón, have often been equated and even associated. Thus, for example, the Argentine writer and essayist, Ezequiel Martínez Estrada, considered them as a sort of second-class strongmen in a "gallery of greater criminals", always behind Hitler and Mussolini, tyrants with whom they shared, not only "contempt for intelligence ", but also, a taste for" the suggestive power of inarticulate languages ​​", which they cultivated with enormous assiduity and great political profit. Although both were lightly branded by their opponents as fascists and celebrated by their supporters as tenacious nationalists, they both presided over entirely different regimes, the former, one founded on passivity, terror, and resignation; the second, in popular mobilization and enthusiasm; while they gave their last names to political currents: Francoism and Peronism; the second still in force. The coincidences seem to end there: Franco was taciturn and pathologically shy; Perón, on the other hand, had a singular charm and charisma.

En este trabajo se pretende realizar un somero análisis sobre la represión
desencadenada tras el golpe de Estado de julio de 1936, prestando especial atención al
Partido Judicial de La Vecilla. En líneas generales, la provincia de León es uno de los
territorios más castigados por la violencia política durante la Guerra Civil y los primeros
años de la postguerra. Para tratar de buscar una explicación a esta situación, se procederá
a una revisión de algunos aspectos que condicionan la crueldad de esa violencia a nivel
general, para, posteriormente, analizar el caso de la montaña central leonesa. A lo largo
de esta investigación se han abordado las distintas vertientes que presentó el proceso
represivo franquista que abarca la violencia física y las sanciones económicas, carcelarias,
las purgas profesionales y el férreo control social y moral que se estableció sobre la
población y que afectó a las generaciones de las décadas siguientes. En este sistema
represivo, se impuso la justicia militar, basada en el planteamiento de que los únicos
responsables de la contienda eran los republicanos, quienes eran acusados de haber
cometido un delito de «rebelión militar». En la última década, se han publicado múltiples
obras en las que se aborda la cuestión de la represión franquista. Sin embargo, existen
algunos aspectos del proceso violento que se desencadenó a partir de la sublevación
militar del 18 de julio que quedan por investigar. Por ello, es necesario desarrollar estudios
a nivel local que permitan profundizar en el conocimiento de la Historia de España en el
siglo XX.

This story—that of the government-in-exile of Lehendakari Jose Antonio Agirre and the multitudes of other Basques who were forced by war and oppression to flee their homeland—has not been written in English before and is rather unknown to the Basque, Spanish, and French historiography. Drawing on primary sources; archival documentation; and interviews with many Basque political exiles, resistance members, and former prisoners of labor camps Professor Xabier Irujo tells a gripping story of the Basque autonomous government, conceived during the beginnings of a bloody civil war, forced to organize a mass exile and then overtaken by necessity to feed and clothe its exiled population. Following this initial period, the exiled Basques were then confronted by World War and forced again into flight, this time mainly to the Americas. Never giving up their opposition to the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, the government continued its struggle during forty long years of existence, through wars hot and cold as well as countless political developments. While tracing the history of Lehendakari Agirre, this book is more the story of all of the Basques who were forced into exile, and it serves as a testimony to their unwavering determination to return to their homeland. In addition, the book contains an extensive biographical index of many of the heretofore unknown exile activists: writers, politicians, soldiers, intellectuals, but even more so, Basque patriots.

Esta investigación busca entonces verificar si entre 1936 y 1943 surgió
en España una “religión política” dentro de un espacio “sacro”, el cual una vez reforzado, se expandió fuera del mencionado espacio superponiéndose al ambiente “nacional católico” para crear una zona gris. Se buscará también de profundizar los conceptos de “religión política” y “sacralización política”, cuestiones que en las últimas décadas fueron revividas en el ambiente académico, en general, para ser aplicadas al nacional-socialismo, al fascismo y al stalinismo.

This article critically assesses how the Franco biography written by S.G. Payne and J. Palacios deals with violence on the Francoist side during the Spanish Civil War and the dictator’s role in it. This article argues that the book deals with this topic in a quite unsatisfactory manner and that it does not make any
relevant contribution to knowledge in this field. On the contrary, the book makes that topic less clear and proposes a benign image of Franco’s responsibility. To do so the authors pay less than little attention to this hotly debated subject and minimize their use of sources. They link the origin of violence in Franco’s Spain to the one practiced by the Left and the dynamics of what they call ‘revolutionary wars’. They
crucially question the scope of that violence and
neglect its less visible forms and its harsh consequences. Finally, they make hard to distinguish the role played by Franco himself in the violence.

Hitler and Mussolini’s decision to help General Franco with war materiel and troops brought war to the Basque Country and Catalonia. Between 1936 and 1939, the German Condor Legion and the Italian Aviazione Legionaria carried out a brutal campaign of terror bombings that resulted in thousands of air strikes against open cities. This caused innumerable casualties among the civilian population. Franco’s victory in 1939 caused the exile of hundreds of thousands of Basque and Catalan civilians, but the beginning of World War Two and the subsequent occupation of the Northern Basque Country and Northern Catalonia by German troops gave rise to new forms of repression: concentration camps, forced labor, executions and imprisonment. As a consequence, the period from 1936 to 1945 is one of the bloodiest episodes in the contemporary history of Catalonia and the Basque Country.

Where is known the influence of Friedrich Nietzsche on Italian Fascism and German Nazism - although Benito Mussolini was always far more enthusiastic than Adolf Hitler in admitting the role of the German philosopher on his thinking, regardless of the fact that Nietzsche's very sister recognized in Hitler the actuator of the political thought of her brother, misunderstanding him - little has been written or said about the influence that the German thinker had on the Spanish Fascism of José Antonio Primo de Rivera and Francisco Franco. It is therefore the intention of this essay to grope and partly bridge this gap, demonstrating and explaining what and how important Nietzsche’s influence has been on the Spanish declination of the fascist phenomenon.

Winner of the Linda Peterson Award for Best Essay in Media History
Winner of the Dean's Award for Excellence in Undergraduate Research

This research project focuses on Nationalist propaganda aimed at American and British citizens during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). The paper’s main argument is that Nationalist pamphlets, most printed by Catholic publishing houses, aimed to maintain American and British non-intervention in the Spanish Conflict. To do this, these pamphlets presented the Second Spanish Republic (1931-1939) and those that fought on its behalf as a threat to Western Civilization. Portraying the Republican forces as communists, atheists, and thus as anti-West served as a vital tool to foster hostility towards the Republic and sympathy for Francisco Franco’s forces by the American and British populace. This propaganda attempted to contribute to Republican difficulties in attaining sufficient military and economic aid to fight the Nationalist army. Most of the primary sources analyzed in this paper were found in the Spanish Civil War collections at University California, Los Angeles and Loyola Marymount University. To my knowledge, select pamphlets studied in this paper have not been used in published works relating to the Spanish Civil War. Thus, this paper aims to fill a gap in the existing historiography on the War, a conflict that is largely overshadowed by the Second World War that followed it.

Este texto analiza criticamente el tratamiento que la biografia de Franco de P/P reserva a las violencias de la Guerra Civil en la Espana de Franco y al papel que en ellas habria desempenado el propio dictador. En el se argumenta que dicho tratamiento es insuficiente y que no supone ninguna contribucion a su conocimiento y, por el contrario, que difumina sus contornos y proyecta una vision benevola de la responsabilidad de Franco. Para ello, los autores reducen al minimo la atencion prestada a este tema y el uso de fuentes, vinculan el origen de esas violencias a las practicadas por las fuerzas de izquierda y a las dinamicas de las “guerras revolucionarias”, cuestionan sus dimensiones, soslayan sus formas menos visibles y terribles consecuencias y emborronan la participacion del biografiado. Palabras clave : Franco, Guerra civil espanola, Franquismo, Violencia . Abstract: This article critically assesses how the Franco biography written by S.G. Payne and J. Palacios deals with viole...

Durant el llarg període de temps del Franquisme, Franco va visitar 15 vegades Catalunya, i una sola vegada el Berguedà. El dia 2 de juliol e 1966 Franco arribava a  Berga amb un atapeït programa d’activitats que van combinar política, religió i econòmica, i darrera de la qual, evidentment, hi havia la influencia del que fou alcalde de Berga i diputat provincial entre 1958 i 1979, Juan Noguera Sala, i la de l'empresa Carbones de Berga SA, filial de FECSA. que aconseguí autorització per construir la segona central tèrmica a Cercs.

This essay realizes an analysis about the repression that the uprising band began in 18th July 1936. We are going to pay more attention to the Judicial District of La Vecilla. León is one of the most punished geographical areas of Spain by the political violence during the Civil War and the first years of the dictatorship. In order to find an explanation for this situation, we are going to perform an analysis of some issues that determine the degree of repression’s cruelty. Then, we are going to analyze the particular case of the central Leon mountain. It covers both physical violence and measures such as economic repression, imprisonment, professional purges and the social and moral control that marked the lives of the people involved, those of their children and those of generations to come. In post-war Spain, the primary mechanism for punishing Republicans was military tribunals. Francoist military justice was based on the assumption that responsibility for the civil war lay with...

La muerte fue un legitimador político de primera categoría. Sirvió para reafirmar una idea, o en el caso de los falangistas, fue un conductor de sacralidad utilizado durante la guerra civil por Franco para legitimarse y consolidarse como el gran intérprete de la voluntad de los "caídos". La Falange utilizó liturgias y simbolismo propios de la religión católica y luchó por la monopolización y la manipulación de las exequias. Sus muertos conformaron un nuevo martirologio y fueron la base de la Religión Política con la cual Franco cimentó su poder.
Palabras clave Muertos-Caídos-Falange-Iglesia-Franco-José Antonio

Abstract Death was one of the most important political legitimator. It served to reaffirm an idea, or in the case of the Falange, was a sacred driver used during the Civil War by Franco to legitimize and consolidate as the great interpreter of the will of the "fallen". The Falange used liturgies and own symbolism of the Catholic religion and fought for monopolization and manipulation of the funeral. Their dead formed a new martyrology and were the basis of political religion with which Franco cemented their power.

Francisco Franco, the inescapable touchstone figure in contemporary Spanish history, represents an ambiguous legacy for collective Spanish memory. Given the fact that there was not an extreme, violent break at the end of the Franco dictatorship (a sign of great maturity on the part of Spanish society), there was also an absence of a powerful symbolic act that would serve to exorcise the past that so many had suffered. Processing that grief is taken up by polymorphous symbolic acts of a political,
historical and cultural nature that, little by little, contribute their part in constructing a new collective memory. One example of this is the film by Antonio Mercero Espérame en el cielo (1987). In his film Mercero achieves an authentic destruction of the mythic image of the dictator—yet not through a hateful attitude which typifies moves of this sort, but rather through a maturity which allows him to resort to the cathartic function of laughter. How does laughter function in Espérame en el cielo, and what role does it take regarding collective memory? This is the question taken up by the article.

La utilización de la Historia para convalidar gobiernos autoritarios es un asunto que ha tenido múltiples abordajes. No son comunes, en cambio, investigaciones sobre los relatos de carácter pretérito elaborados por los propios autócratas. El objetivo de este artículo es “escuchar” la “voz de los dictadores” para revisar sus interpretaciones históricas e identificar las estrategias utilizadas para hacerlas funcionales a sus intereses. Se propone un análisis comparado de textos de Francisco Franco (España, 1939-1975) y Alfredo Stroessner (Paraguay, 1954-1989) referidos a la h(H)istoria. Se trata de dos casos razonablemente parangonables cuyo examen permite establecer ciertas regularidades.

У раду се, првенствено на основу до сада некоришћене
шпанске и југословенске архивске грађе, анализира политика
Краљевине Југославије према Шпанском грађанском рату. Поменута
грађа открива на који начин је југословенска влада креирала своју
политику и одржавала односе са зараћеним странама, водећи рачуна
о сопственом спољнополитичком положају. Посебан акценат стављен
је на то колико је ангажман Југословена у Интернационалним
бригадама утицао да изразито антикомунистички режим Краљевине
преиспита своју дотадашњу политику неутралности и успостави
односе са покретом генерала Франка.

Fascist dictator Francisco Franco was responsible for the torture, murder and covert burial of 150–200,000 ci- vilians both during and after the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939). This comprises one of the largest concentra- tions of mass graves and victims in the world, yet efforts to exhume them have been strenuously blocked by subsequent governments. This research documents the 2017 exhumation of Timoteo Mendieta Alcal ́a and 27 other individuals executed between July and November 1939, and interred at the cemetery in Guadalajara, Castilla La Mancha. The analysis includes DNA identifications and an assessment of cultural (possessions) and bioarchaeological variables (age/sex, stature, palaeopathology) in order to contextualise studies of ante/peri- mortem trauma, and thus understand the decedents’ lives and the manner in which they were treated before and up to the time of their executions. Of the 24 burials in the main grave, 23 (95.8%) showed gunshot trauma (GSW), 7 (29.2%) showed blunt force trauma (BFT) and 1 (4.2%) showed sharp force trauma (SFT). Five of the main group (20.8%) showed healing lesions indicative of often extensive assault in the weeks leading up to their execution; one individual had sustained 27 fractures. GSW patterns are consistent with an organised firing squad, followed by multiple GSW at close range in the back/side of the head. This research elucidates unrecorded as- pects of fascist dominion in 1936-9, adds to extant research on pattern and method in global atrocities, and demonstrates the human cost of the Spanish Civil War to those who aim to trivialise it.

El estudio está dedicado al asunto del exilio checo y eslovaco en la España de la posguerra. Mediante el análisis del discurso de los principales representantes del exilio se analiza su reflexión sobre la España franquista y sobre la evolución de la situación internacional. Aparte de los estudios de Jozef Cieker, Štefan Glejdura y Bohdan Chudoba publicados en España, el artículo está basado en las memorias de los estudiantes eslovacos, así como en los documentos archivísticos. Con el uso del método comparativo se estudian las relaciones entre los exiliados, interpretándolas en el contexto de la Guerra Fría.

Memoria de ingreso en la Real Academia de Ciencias Morales y Políticas del académico correspondiente J. Molina. Una presentación sintética de la significación intelectual del los "juristas del 27" y de la elaboración de una teoría del Estado durante casi un cuarto de siglo de oro del pensamiento político español.