- Stuttgarter Straße 19
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Jürgen Grote
Hertie School, Centre for European Affairs, Department Member
- Labour, Collective Action, Professional and business associations, Social Movements (Political Science), Governance, Democracy and Good Governance, and 12 moreSocial Network Analysis (SNA), Capitalist Crises, Institutional Anomie Theory, Precariousness, European Union Politics, Political Science, Sociology, Trade unionism, Industrial And Labor Relations, Multilevel governance, Communism, and History of Political Thoughtedit
- Prior to being awarded a PhD in Social and Political Science by the European University Institute (EUI-Florence, Ital... morePrior to being awarded a PhD in Social and Political Science by the European University Institute (EUI-Florence, Italy), I have been undergraduate and graduate student at the University of Marburg (Germany) and at the LSE-London (UK). Since then, I have been employed as research associate at the EUI and as senior researcher, assistant, associate, and visiting professor at the Universities of Konstanz, Mannheim (Mannheim Center for European Social Research, MZES), Darmstadt, Osnabrück, Jena, Potsdam and at the Hertie School of Governance (all Germany). My last academic position was the Marie Curie Chair of Excellence in Public Policy at Charles University in Prague (Czech Republic). In between, I have held visiting positions at the Universities of Bocconi (Italy), Roskilde (Denmark), Montpellier and Lyon (France). Since 2017 I have been working at a Berlin-based Think Tank where I was responsible for politics, institutions, and global inclusive development. Among my main fields of interest are policy analysis, European integration, regional and structural policies, critical governance studies, trade unions and industry associations, social movements, precarity and protest, and empirical network analysis.edit
Page 1. DELIMITING EUROPEANIZATION Jürgen R. Grote Department of Political and Administrative Science University of Konstanz juergen.grote@uni-konstanz.de September 2003 FIRST DRAFT Paper for presentation at the Marburg Conference... more
Page 1. DELIMITING EUROPEANIZATION Jürgen R. Grote Department of Political and Administrative Science University of Konstanz juergen.grote@uni-konstanz.de September 2003 FIRST DRAFT Paper for presentation at the Marburg Conference Sessions, ...
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Heute wissen wir, daß die (Wieder-)Entdeckung des Korporatismus Mitte der 1970er Jahre ironische Züge trug: Genau zu dem Zeitpunkt, als Sozialwissenschaftler daran gingen, die Entwicklung fortgeschrittener kapitalistischer Staaten mit... more
Heute wissen wir, daß die (Wieder-)Entdeckung des Korporatismus Mitte der 1970er Jahre ironische Züge trug: Genau zu dem Zeitpunkt, als Sozialwissenschaftler daran gingen, die Entwicklung fortgeschrittener kapitalistischer Staaten mit Hilfe dieses Konzeptes zu analysieren, hatten korporatistische Entscheidungsmuster in der Praxis ihren Höhepunkt bereits überschritten und verloren während der 1980er Jahre weiter an Bedeutung. Als später viele Beobachter das endgültige Ableben des Korporatismus verkündeten, kehrte sich der Trend erneut um, und mittlerweile scheint der Korporatismus die doppelte Bürde von Verbandspolitik und Policy-Making Arrangement neuen Gipfeln entgegen zu tragen. Sind also diejenigen, die sich in Europa dem Studium von Politik und Gesellschaft widmen wie Sisyphus für immer dazu verdammt, dieses Konzept und seine praktischen Implikationen kontinuierlich in ihre Untersuchungen aufzunehmen, nur um später Zeugen seines Zusammenbruchs zu werden? PVS Volume 38, No.3: 530-554 https://www.jstor.org/stable/24198817?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents
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In seiner Vieldeutigkeit dem Begriff des Netzwerkes vergleichbar, bestimmt der Topos Governance heute grose Teile des sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskurses. Dabei riskiert dessen Bedeutungsgehalt bei zunehmend inflationarem Gebrauch auf der... more
In seiner Vieldeutigkeit dem Begriff des Netzwerkes vergleichbar, bestimmt der Topos Governance heute grose Teile des sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskurses. Dabei riskiert dessen Bedeutungsgehalt bei zunehmend inflationarem Gebrauch auf der Strecke zu bleiben. Eine Sichtung der unzahligen zum Thema vorliegenden Untersuchungen tragt kaum zum Erkenntnisgewinn bei sondern mundet letztlich eher in Gemeinplatzen wie etwa einer ‚Kooperation zum Erreichen gemeinsamer Ziele‘. Ausgehend von einer zunachst relativ abstrakten Begriffsbestimmung von Governance (G) wird hier deshalb versucht, sukzessive konkretere und empirisch gehaltvollere Begriffe wie Governance Arrangement (GA), Local Governance (LG) und Local Governance Arrangement (LGA) einzufuhren und in einem erweiterten, nicht ausschlieslich die deutschsprachige Debatte betreffenden Kontext zu diskutieren. Ein letzter Abschnitt wird dann das Verhaltnis von LGAs und Zivilgesellschaft, bzw. burgerschaftlichem Engagement erortern.
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The extent of misperceptions of political events and developments is assumed to be largely determined by the rate of press freedom characterising each country (Reporters sans frontiers (RSF) 2018). Following that line of argument, only... more
The extent of misperceptions of political events and developments is assumed to be largely determined by the rate of press freedom characterising each country (Reporters sans frontiers (RSF) 2018). Following that line of argument, only about one third of all countries worldwide would turn out to be in a good (Scandinavia, Germany) or satisfactory (the US, the UK, Canada, and Australia) situation (see Appendix). Recent research on misperceptions suggests that press freedom may be a necessary but not necessarily a sufficient condition of measurement. More decisive than press freedom are two additional factors: on one hand, deep-rooted ideological inclinations and worldviews formed during primary (family) and subsequent (school) phases of socialisation; and on the other hand, the structure of media ownership. In what follows, we present some recent evidence on how the ownership of the media (state/public/private) is influencing misperceptions. We argue that state-controlled and private media distort public opinion more than media under democratic forms of public control. https://doc-research.org/de/2018/12/political-misperceptions-causes-suggestions-research/
Research Interests: Mass media and Fake News
PhD dissertation, European University Institute, Department of Social and Political Science
Research Interests: Social Movements, Political Participation, Political Science, Regional and Local Governance, Local Government and Local Development, and 10 moreSocial Network Analysis (SNA), Public Participation In Governance, Pluralism, Interest Groups (Political Science), Trade unions, Local Government and Regional Administration, Neo Corporatism, Socio-Political Networks, Business Associations, and State Corporatism
This paper adopts the wide definition of civil society, namely the one suggested by the EU. It includes all sorts of private collectives from producer groups, trade unions, care and common cause organizations, NGOs, to social and protest... more
This paper adopts the wide definition of civil society, namely the one suggested by the EU. It includes all sorts of private collectives from producer groups, trade unions, care and common cause organizations, NGOs, to social and protest movements. Distinguishing between a structural (governance) and an actor-centred perspective (collective action) and, orthogonally, two levels of territorial complexity (the sub-, and the supranational), the history of the relationship between the EU and civil society is presented for the period of the past 35 years. It turns out that despite enormous efforts invested in the relationship from the part of both sides, and of many heroic declamations aimed at pathbreaking reform, the outcome tends to be relatively meagre and disenchanting both in institutional and organizational terms.
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The paper starts by reconsidering both the concept and the practice of interest intermediation for the cases of interests groups in general and of trade unions in particular. It argues that there is a universally valid mechanism of... more
The paper starts by reconsidering both the concept and the practice of interest intermediation for the cases of interests groups in general and of trade unions in particular. It argues that there is a universally valid mechanism of intermediation accompanied by equally important laws of motions driving that mechanism. These latter are conceptualized in terms of different types of exchange which, central to the argument, have changed in the process of transition from organized capitalism toward increasingly more disorganizing forms. Accordingly, the argument is presented in terms of a process starting with generalized exchange, meanwhile degenerated and eroded to an extent of having become increasingly more particularistic especially with a view to the influence dimension. Concerning membership, the existence of a similar process is claimed to be evident, namely, in form of a transition from social exchange toward the pursuit of increasingly more instrumentalist motives. The evolution and unfolding of these processes are described with respect to politics and markets on one hand and to members, non-members and potential members of trade unions on the other. A special section is devoted to that branch of research on labour relations appearing under the label of strategic choice or strategic unionism. It is shown that, in part at least, scholars of strategic choice risk running into a similar trap as many of those studying interest groups predominantly under the perspective of one-dimensional and unidirectional pressure. 1 Jürgen Grote is senior research fellow at the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin. Regarding interest group research, he has published a number of edited volumes since the early 1990s. He has been particularly interested in forms of interest intermediation at the sub-and supranational levels focusing, in particular, on business, small firms and the chamber system. Largely drawing from network analytic approaches, he later got involved in governance research and in the study of political ecologies. Only very recently, he moved forward to the study of labour relations and trade unions. Grote is coordinator, on behalf of the WSI, of an international network of research on Labour Relations in Context. 2
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[From the Introduction]. This paper is not concerned with either the history or the effectiveness of transnational regional policies as carried out by the European Communities. It comments on the effects and consequences of traditional... more
[From the Introduction]. This paper is not concerned with either the history or the effectiveness of transnational regional policies as carried out by the European Communities. It comments on the effects and consequences of traditional and more recent sectoral EC policies for the performance of regional economies and argues that classic redistributive measures will no longer suffice to neutralize and wipe out the negative territorial externalities of the former.
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The main objective of this book has been to review the theoretical, political and societal implications of participatory governance. Before turning to the latter two of these, let us first try to come up with some preliminary theoretical... more
The main objective of this book has been to review the theoretical, political and societal implications of participatory governance. Before turning to the latter two of these, let us first try to come up with some preliminary theoretical conclusions. We have found participatory governance to be located somewhere between theories of democratic government and theories of governance. On the one hand, participatory governance makes mandatory an extension of the theory of democracy taking account of both the format and the logics of the new type of polity shaping the European political space. Klaus-Dieter Wolf’s discussion of the legitimacy of governance beyond the state brought us towards the idea that the specific milieu of governance beyond the state is more conducive to deliberative democracy than to majority voting. However, the question of how to operationalize the idea of deliberative democracy is far from being solved. On the other hand, the notion of participatory governance has confronted us with the need to change our ideas about citizenship. More precisely, the transition from a traditional context of democratic control towards a context which almost unavoidably suffers accountability deficits involves a parallel transition from the concept of citizen to something else. At this point, we have elaborated on the notion of holder as the collective embodiment of participatory governance arrangements at the European and at other levels.
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Der Erfolg populistischer Parteien ist spätestens seit den letzten Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament unbestreitbar. Unbestreitbar ist ebenfalls die langsame Erosion traditioneller Volksparteien und die damit zusammenhängende... more
Der Erfolg populistischer Parteien ist spätestens seit den letzten Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament unbestreitbar. Unbestreitbar ist ebenfalls die langsame Erosion traditioneller Volksparteien und die damit zusammenhängende Fragmentierung von Parteiensystemen in vielen EU-Mitgliedsstaaten. Beides kann sowohl als Ausdruck, aber auch als Auslöser des populistischen Erfolgs gelesen werden. Dies ist ausführlich in den Medien debattiert worden, und zwar meist unter der Fragestellung, ob es sich hierbei um ein eher zeitlich begrenztes Phänomen oder um eine irreversible und wachsende Zahl von Ländern umfassende Entwicklung handele.
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Die aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive besonders interessanten und die Strukturfondsreformen der EU begleitenden Schlüsselbegriffe sind Partnerschaft und Subsidiarität. Beide Begriffe umfassen zwei Bezugsgrößen (Kohler-Koch 1996):... more
Die aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive besonders interessanten und die Strukturfondsreformen der EU begleitenden Schlüsselbegriffe sind Partnerschaft und Subsidiarität. Beide Begriffe umfassen zwei Bezugsgrößen (Kohler-Koch 1996): einerseits soll bezüglich der territorialen Organisation die Region mit der für die Gesamtheit strukturpolitischer Eingriffe zuständigen Ebene, d.h. der EU, zusammengebracht werden, andererseits sollen bezogen auf die funktionale Dimension die Akteure von Politik, Wirtschaft, des sozialen Lebens und der Wissenschaft zusammengeführt werden, um die im Kontext der Ausdifferenzierung funktionaler Lebensbereiche entstandenen Steuerungsprobleme überwinden zu helfen. Entsprechend ist von funktionaler und territorialer Partnerschaft bzw. Subsidiarität gesprochen worden (Grote 1993).
Research Interests: Interorganizational Relationships, Interorganizational Networks, Regional and Local Governance, Social Network Analysis (SNA), Local and Regional Economic Development, and 3 moreDemocracy and Good Governance, Local Government and Regional Administration, and Participatory Local and Regional Governance
The effects of European structural and technology policies on regional disparities.
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It is widely assumed that the increasing disfunctions of democratic regimes could be fixed internally, i.e. within the realm of government. Today we know that this is an illusion. Democratic governance can only be maintained and advanced... more
It is widely assumed that the increasing disfunctions of democratic regimes could be fixed internally, i.e. within the realm of government. Today we know that this is an illusion. Democratic governance can only be maintained and advanced within the wider realm of coming to grips with adjacent and often competing modes of societal order, i.e. the market and the community/society. The author first lists different challenges to democratic governance before addressing the question of how these challenges could be met with respect to each of the three dimensions in a way such that governability, legitimacy and accountability (GLA) reassume the character of a virtuous circle.
"This book is about the building of alliances and about joint activities between two groups of social movement actors ascribed increasing relevance for the functioning and the eventual amendment of democratic capitalism. The chapters... more
"This book is about the building of alliances and about joint activities between two groups of social movement actors ascribed increasing relevance for the functioning and the eventual amendment of democratic capitalism. The chapters provide a well-balanced mix of theoretical and empirical accounts on the political, social and economic catalysts behind the changing motives finding expression in a multitude of novel types of joint collective action and inter-organizational alliances. The contributors to this volume go beyond attempting to place unions, movements, crises, precariousness, protests and coalitions at the centre of the research. Instead, they focus on actors who themselves transcend clear-cut social camps. They look at the values and motives underlying collective action by both types of actors as much as at their structural and strategic properties, and inter-organizational relations and networks. This creates a fresh, genuine and historically valid account of the incompatibilities and the commonalities of movements and unions, and of prospects for inter-organizational learning."
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The management of the Integrated Mediterranean Programmes (IMPs) in the respective regions and areas.
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This paper is concerned with essentially three things. Firstly, it will argue that horizontally structured networks are an oxymoron and, therefore, a conceptual non-sense. They are misperceived forms of cooperation or, as argued here,... more
This paper is concerned with essentially three things. Firstly, it will argue that horizontally structured networks are an oxymoron and, therefore, a conceptual non-sense. They are misperceived forms of cooperation or, as argued here, represent imagined networks (INs). In reality, horizontalism as a term used in both public discourse and scholarly debate either reflects ideological bias or, at best, represents a metaphorical artifact that does not measure up to the exigencies of empirical analysis. Forms of cooperation, and the real existing networks (RENs) evolving from them in the empirical world, are always more or less horizontal or, for that matter, more or less hierarchical. They are both at the same time but never represent mutually exclusive antipodes. In most general terms, networks do not necessarily call for, but simply cannot do without some form of hierarchy. Secondly, a further argument will be that such (more or less) horizontally structured RENs cannot in general be said to perform better in terms of either efficiency or in transparency and accountability than (more or less) hierarchically structured ones. Empirical performance is contingent on the forms of societal order (state, market, community) within which they emerge and on the institutional context circumscribing each of these orders. Checking these claims in terms of their soundness, a third step then consists in going beyond imagination to present empirically enriched images of RENs. The paper draws from a comparative data set on forms of territorial governance in six European regions. It will appear that RENs are much more complex than suggested by the IN literature, more often than not mesmerized by a verticalism versus horizontalism dichotomy and, moreover, that their properties may diverge dramatically from those habitually imagined and associated with them.
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Il termine networking, metafora concettuale per descrivere forme diverse di cooperazione fra imprese appartenenti alla stessa area territoriale, ha invaso, in anni recenti, la letteratura delle scienze sociali. Esiste il pericolo che... more
Il termine networking, metafora concettuale per descrivere forme diverse di cooperazione fra imprese appartenenti alla stessa area territoriale, ha invaso, in anni recenti, la letteratura delle scienze sociali. Esiste il pericolo che l'uso eccessivo di tale concetto lo renda privo di significato per l'analisi di agglomerazione Pmi (piccole e medie imprese) in alcune regioni o in parte di essi. Questo articolo cerca, quindi, di ricostruire il significato originale del termine [...]. Non vengono presentati dati empirici. La discussione sui networks di sviluppo regionale sarà limitata ad un ipotetico esempio: il network per lo scambio di informazioni in Emilia-Romagna. Seguendo questo esempio ipoteticamente costruito, il potere analitico del metodo viene quindi introdotto facendo riferimento ad alcuni semplici calcoli matematici. Il piano generale dell'articolo è il seguente: dopo una breve introduzione che considera alcuni dei più recenti contributi al dibattito sul "networking", viene presentato un contesto concettuale che sarà usato per circoscrivere l'intera complessità dei diversi livelli di centro decisionale [...] in forma di "scambio politico territoriale". L'analisi del network è quindi introdotta come il metodo più appropriato per misurare empiricamente le conclusioni analitiche della teoria dello scambio. I network "regionali e subregionali" della cooperazione fra aziende, tradizionalmente descritti come distretti industriali, sono quindi reinterpretati come faccenti parte di circuiti di "scambio politico funzionale". (Contributo per il XII Corso del Programma di istruzione permanente del Cnr "Prgrammare in un'economia di mercato: sistemi locali, competizione e strategie di sviluppo nell'Europa che cambia; Isola di Capri, 5-11 maggio 1991).
Research Interests: Regional and Local Governance, Network Analysis, Social Exchange Theory, Local and Regional Development, Distretti Industriali, and 5 moreIntegration of small and medium-sized enterprises in international production networks: the automotive industry in Asia, Italian industrial districts, Scambio Politico, Analisi e politiche dello sviluppo locale e regionale, and Cultural space in political exchange
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We now know that the (re)discovery of corporatism in the mid-1970s was ironic. At the very moment that academics started using the concept to analyze trends in advanced capitalist societies, the practice had already peaked and it... more
We now know that the (re)discovery of corporatism in the mid-1970s was ironic. At the very moment that academics started using the concept to analyze trends in advanced capitalist societies, the practice had already peaked and it continued to decline during the 1980s. Then, just as many observers had announced its demise, corporatism has risen again and now seems to be carrying its twin burdens of interest associability and policy-making to new heights during the 1990s. The primary “growth potential” for macro-corporatist architects in the future lies in the feverish efforts of national governments to adapt to EU directives, product and professional standards, verdicts of the ECJ and the convergence criteria for EMU. The boundaries, territorial and functional, of interest politics have shifted irrevocably which paradoxically implies a greater not a lesser reliance on previous structures of national intermediation -- provided they can be exploited to fulfill new tasks and still manage to reproduce the old loyalties. So, this article argues, the Corporatist Sisyphus is headed back up the hill, goaded as before by an architectonic national state. Moreover, he is just about on time. If previous speculation about a twenty to twenty-five year cycle was correct and if one traces their last downturn to the First Oil Shock of 1973, then corporatist practices should have bottomed out ca. 1985-8 and will be hitting their peak sometime after 1998-9 -- more or less at the very moment that monetary unification is (supposed) to occur!
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Heute wissen wir, daß die (Wieder-)Entdeckung des Korporatismus Mitte der 1970er Jahre ironische Züge trug: Genau zu dem Zeitpunkt, als Sozialwissenschaftler daran gingen, die Entwicklung fortgeschrittener kapitalistischer Staaten mit... more
Heute wissen wir, daß die (Wieder-)Entdeckung des Korporatismus Mitte der 1970er Jahre ironische Züge trug: Genau zu dem Zeitpunkt, als Sozialwissenschaftler daran gingen, die Entwicklung fortgeschrittener kapitalistischer Staaten mit Hilfe dieses Konzeptes zu analysieren, hatten korporatistische Entscheidungsmuster in der Praxis ihren Höhepunkt bereits überschritten und verloren während der 1980er Jahre weiter an Bedeutung. Als später viele Beobachter das endgültige Ableben des Korporatismus verkündeten, kehrte sich der Trend erneut um, und mittlerweile scheint der Korporatismus die doppelte Bürde von Verbandspolitik und Policy-Making Arrangement neuen Gipfeln entgegen zu tragen. Sind also diejenigen, die sich in Europa dem Studium von Politik und Gesellschaft widmen wie Sisyphus für immer dazu verdammt, dieses Konzept und seine praktischen Implikationen kontinuierlich in ihre Untersuchungen aufzunehmen, nur um später Zeugen seines Zusammenbruchs zu werden?
PVS Volume 38, No.3: 530-554
PVS Volume 38, No.3: 530-554
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The internationalization of markets and the Europeanization of politics both have a number of implications for business and their associations in most of the EU Member States. While the size of firms has always been a dividing line within... more
The internationalization of markets and the Europeanization of politics both have a number of implications for business and their associations in most of the EU Member States. While the size of firms has always been a dividing line within specific associations, this division is now becoming accentuated. This has to do with the differential salience the two major logics of organized collective action possess for both types of firms and their associations in a world of increasing complexity. The hypothesis raised in this contribution is as follows. Large firms are primarily challenged from the part of the LOGIC OF MEMBERSHIP. The INTERNATIONALIZATION OF MARKETS entails significant restructuring among larger companies. This often materializes in form of M&A activity, buy-outs and take-over and, subsequently, membership losses. Since dues paid by large firms represent a major source of income for business associations, organizational tasks located at the membership side of associative a...
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Der Call for Papers für den vorliegenden Band des Forschungsjournals verweist auf die Tatsache, dass Institutionen und soziale Bewegungen „häufig als Gegenpole (…) entgegengesetzter Enden des Spektrums sozialer Organisation gedacht“... more
Der Call for Papers für den vorliegenden Band des Forschungsjournals verweist auf die Tatsache, dass Institutionen und soziale Bewegungen „häufig als Gegenpole (…) entgegengesetzter Enden des Spektrums sozialer Organisation gedacht“ werden, wobei Erstere mit dem Attribut stabil, verfestigt und hierarchisch versehen und Letztere als transformativ-dynamisch dargestellt werden. Ziel sei es, zu einer „Konzeptualisierung der Interaktion von Bewegungen und Institutionen (zu kommen), die disziplinübergreifend für empirische Forschungsvorhaben fruchtbar gemacht werden“ kann. Dieser Kurzbeitrag setzt sich zum Ziel, die Rigidität der genannten Kontrastierung dadurch zu entschärfen, dass zunächst auf die Makroebene (Governance) und anschließend kurz auf die Mikroebene (soziale Ausgrenzung und Abstiegsangst) eingegangen wird. Abschließend soll erörtert werden, inwiefern sich Entwicklungen auf Mikro- und Makroebene ergänzen, neutralisieren, oder gegebenenfalls derart zusammenwirken, dass das Potential und der Handlungsspielraum für zivilgesellschaftliche Aktivitäten und Bewegungsansätze auf der Meso-Ebene von Kollektivhandlungen erweitert wird. Das in der Bewegungsforschung zunehmend diskutierte Konzept der Shrinking Spaces wird dabei genutzt, das Verhältnis von Institutionen und Bewegungen zu überdenken.
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The "death certificate" issued to macro-corporatist concertation in Europe in the 1980s seems to have been premature - just as the "(re)-birth certificate" given it in the mid-1970s proved short-lived. At the very moment that academics... more
The "death certificate" issued to macro-corporatist concertation in Europe in the 1980s seems to have been premature - just as the "(re)-birth certificate" given it in the mid-1970s proved short-lived. At the very moment that academics first started using the concept to analyse trends in advanced capitalist societies, the practice had already peaked and it continued to decline thereafter. Then, just as many observers had announced its extinction, corporatism has risen again and now seems to be carrying its twin burdens of interest associability and policy-making to new heights during the 1990s. The primary "growth potential" for contemporary macro-corporatists at the national level lies in the feverish efforts of their governments and associations to adapt to EU directives, product and professional standards, verdicts of the ECJ and the convergence criteria for EMU.
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This paper explores interorganizational relations among key actors dealing with regional development in an area of the South of the South. The region chosen for analysis is Sicily, one of Italy's most underdeveloped territories.
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Sulla rivelanza delle analisi relazionali
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Regioni, competizione territoriale e democrazia associativa
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Ora sappiamo che la (ri)scoperta del corporatismo alla metà degli anni settanta fu ironica. Nello stesso momento in cui gli academici cominciarono ad utilizzare quel concetto per anilizzare le tendenze in atto nelle società capitaliste... more
Ora sappiamo che la (ri)scoperta del corporatismo alla metà degli anni settanta fu ironica. Nello stesso momento in cui gli academici cominciarono ad utilizzare quel concetto per anilizzare le tendenze in atto nelle società capitaliste avanzate, il corporatismo aveva già oltrepassato il suo massimo ed avrebbe continuato a declinare per tutti gli anni novanta. Poi, non appena molti osservatori avevano annuniciato la sua distruzione, il corporatismo si rissoleva ed ora sembra condurre nel corso degli anni novanta i suoi due fardelli dell'associabilità degli interessi e del policy-making verso nuove altezze. Gli studiosi della politica e della società europee saranno per sempre condannati come Sisifo a trascinare questo concetto-cum prassi nei propri lavori, solo per vederlo crollare più tardi?
Stato e Mercato, No.50 (2), agosto 1997: 183-215
https://www.jstor.org/stable/24650544?seq=1
Stato e Mercato, No.50 (2), agosto 1997: 183-215
https://www.jstor.org/stable/24650544?seq=1
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Attempt to scrutinize and analyze interorganiztational relations between local public authorities, interest groups, and other actors in the upper Valdarno valley (Valdarno superiore) in Tuscany.
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Contributions by Charles Boix, Margaret Levi, Marco Maraffi, and Paul Whiteley The four contributions of this special feature on "Social Capital and Trust", edited by Jürgen Grote of the European University Institute, all begin with... more
Contributions by Charles Boix, Margaret Levi, Marco Maraffi, and Paul Whiteley
The four contributions of this special feature on "Social Capital and Trust", edited by Jürgen Grote of the European University Institute, all begin with references to Robert Putnam's lauded work on institutional performance differentials of subnational government in Italy, but they also go beyond this work. They constitute important institutionalist arguments which, without altogether abandoning a rational choice perspective, emphasize the role of both public agency and organized collective action in the coming about of trust and cooperation - aspects that appear to be explicitly removed from the civicness argument.
The four contributions of this special feature on "Social Capital and Trust", edited by Jürgen Grote of the European University Institute, all begin with references to Robert Putnam's lauded work on institutional performance differentials of subnational government in Italy, but they also go beyond this work. They constitute important institutionalist arguments which, without altogether abandoning a rational choice perspective, emphasize the role of both public agency and organized collective action in the coming about of trust and cooperation - aspects that appear to be explicitly removed from the civicness argument.
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Troubled by growing Euroscepticism, by the populist upsurge, and by the reconfiguration of parties and party systems across many EU member states, the Union has started to launch a major initiative to strengthen the involvement of... more
Troubled by growing Euroscepticism, by the populist upsurge, and by the reconfiguration of parties and party systems across many EU member states, the Union has started to launch a major initiative to strengthen the involvement of citizens in the deliberations of its various institutions. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has called for a “new push for European democracy” by organising a Conference on the Future of Europe in which European citizens would “play a leading and active part”. This new European Democracy Action Plan opens new opportunities for democratic innovation and experimentation. Yet, at the same time, when not implemented in an appropriate manner, this heroic initiative may also result in further losses of trust and faith in democratic norms, at levels even lower than before. It may just lead to the opening of yet another lobbying channel essentially dominated
by attempts to influence public opinion from the top-down. Members of civil society organisations have already warned the Commission on several occasions not to restrict the conference procedures to the mere consultation of individual citizens but, rather, to include the collective voice of civil society as brought forward by its most significant and representative CSOs. Representatives of civil society organisations tend to be side-lined to the preparatory and agora debates and do not seem to be included in the main Conference plenary. More noteworthy is the fact that even the very term ‘civil society’ does not seem to show up in the existing deliberations.
by attempts to influence public opinion from the top-down. Members of civil society organisations have already warned the Commission on several occasions not to restrict the conference procedures to the mere consultation of individual citizens but, rather, to include the collective voice of civil society as brought forward by its most significant and representative CSOs. Representatives of civil society organisations tend to be side-lined to the preparatory and agora debates and do not seem to be included in the main Conference plenary. More noteworthy is the fact that even the very term ‘civil society’ does not seem to show up in the existing deliberations.
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This paper adopts the wide definition of civil society, namely the one suggested by the EU. It includes all sorts of private collectives from producer groups, trade unions, care and common cause organizations, NGOs, to social and protest... more
This paper adopts the wide definition of civil society, namely the one suggested by the EU. It includes all sorts of private collectives from producer groups, trade unions, care and common cause organizations, NGOs, to social and protest movements. Distinguishing between a structural (governance) and an actor-centred perspective (collective action) and, orthogonally, two levels of territorial complexity (the sub-, and the supranational), the history of the relationship between the EU and civil society is presented for the period of the past 35 years. It turns out that despite enormous efforts invested in the relationship from the part of both sides, and of many heroic declamations aimed at pathbreaking reform, the outcome tends to be relatively meagre and disenchanting both in institutional and organizational terms.
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The election of a Minister President in the region of Thuringia has shaken Germany’s entire political class and represents a veritable earthquake. What is happening in supposedly one of the Western world’s most stable democracies? The... more
The election of a Minister President in the region of Thuringia has shaken Germany’s entire political class and represents a veritable earthquake. What is happening in supposedly one of the Western world’s most stable democracies? The resignation of a regional Minister President, the sacking of the government representative for the East German Länder, the announcement of a regional party chairman’s withdrawal, the renunciation of the candidature for chancellorship, and the prospective resignation of a party leader at the national level – all that in less than a week! What does it mean, what else is still to come, and what events have triggered this messy situation? These questions do not only concern the political landscape of a minor region in Germany; they have great significance for the entire country and for many others in Europe.
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The success of populist parties is at last undeniable since the latest European Parliament elections. Equally undeniable is the slow erosion of traditional political parties, and the interlinked fragmentation of party politics in many... more
The success of populist parties is at last undeniable since the latest European Parliament elections. Equally undeniable is the slow erosion of traditional political parties, and the interlinked fragmentation of party politics in many EU member states. Both can simultaneously be seen as expressions, and causes, of the current populist success. This has been debated extensively in the media, however mostly when exploring the question of whether this is just a temporary phenomenon, or indeed an irreversible development encompassing an increasing number of countries. One fundamental shortcoming of many debates is, that few contributions assume a clear separation between the sensitivities of those who are ready/willing to vote for the corresponding parties, and the political actors who, aware of these sensitivities, guide them in a direction far-removed from the original underlying issues. Populist rhetoric is one thing – the factors underlying their success are something completely different.
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The EU lacks a government in the traditional sense. Neither can it lean on a society that would whole-heartedly embrace or support any further integration – including the extension of those institutions representing the system and... more
The EU lacks a government in the traditional sense. Neither can it lean on a society that would whole-heartedly embrace or support any further integration – including the extension of those institutions representing the system and concerned with its organizational reproduction. The only mechanism of societal order more or less fully developed within the EU’s socio-political space is the market.
Pointing to France’s long history of combining forms of dirigiste policymaking with interest group fragmentation, Grote looks at the yellow vests movement and argues that its political implications should not be exaggerated by either... more
Pointing to France’s long history of combining forms of dirigiste policymaking with interest group fragmentation, Grote looks at the yellow vests movement and argues that its political implications should not be exaggerated by either mainstream or left-wing forces.The yellow vests do not add anything new to the political business cycle so typical of the country.
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In questo lavoro si cercherà di sottoporre ad una valutazione critica sia la capacità organizzativa delle associazioni di categoria sia le forme di interazione tra tali gruppi di interesse e Regione. La Regione Siciliana è stata... more
In questo lavoro si cercherà di sottoporre ad una valutazione critica sia la capacità organizzativa delle associazioni di categoria sia le forme di interazione tra tali gruppi di interesse e Regione. La Regione Siciliana è stata selezionata per l'analisi come caso paradigmatico che, probabilmente, riflette delle proprietà strutturali valide anche per altre realtà territoriali del Mezzogiorno.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/24650584?Search=yes&resultItemClick=true&searchText=J%C3%BCrgen%20R.%20Grote&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DJ%25C3%25BCrgen%2BR.%2BGrote&ab_segments=0%2FSYC-5878%2Fright-side&refreqid=fastly-default%3Ab4c9071fa03c17906242e007934e8cbc&seq=1
https://www.jstor.org/stable/24650584?Search=yes&resultItemClick=true&searchText=J%C3%BCrgen%20R.%20Grote&searchUri=%2Faction%2FdoBasicSearch%3FQuery%3DJ%25C3%25BCrgen%2BR.%2BGrote&ab_segments=0%2FSYC-5878%2Fright-side&refreqid=fastly-default%3Ab4c9071fa03c17906242e007934e8cbc&seq=1
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Research Interests: Interorganizational Relationships, Interorganizational Networks, Policy Networks, Local and Regional Economic Development, Sicily, and 7 moreState-society relations, Interorganizational Systems, Political Clientelism, Mezzogiorno, City and Regional Policy-Making, State and society relations, and interorganizational culture
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The main aim of this study is to look for future perspectives of concerted policy-making between organized interests and public authorities in the framework of the European Communities. The hypothesis is that the European Commission... more
The main aim of this study is to look for future perspectives of concerted policy-making between organized interests and public authorities in the framework of the European Communities. The hypothesis is that the European Commission together with the European Trade Union Confederation have both been the main drivers in establishing a rather neat network of tripartite concertation at various levels of Community policy. Since the focus of the paper is on macro-level concertation, reference is made to those Community Member States functioning as ‘model generators’ for regional exercises. It is shown that the performance of domestic networks was taken as blueprint for both the establishment of tripartite structures on EC level and for the harmonization in the conduct of economic actors such as trade unions and employer organizations in all Member States. Structure and policy of the ETUC are then analyzed with respect to internal unity and to other organizational properties as well as to the association’s pursuance of consensus policies. An investigation of various Tripartite Community Conferences during the 1970s and of more recent forms of informal concertation (‘Val Duchesse’) concludes the paper.
Research Interests: Interorganizational Relationships, Interorganizational Networks, European Union, European Commission, State-society relations, and 9 moreEmployers Organization, Public Consultations and Social Dialogue, Neocorporatism, Tripartite Concertation, Tripartism, Concerted Action, Trade Unions in the European Union, ETUC, and Dialogue et cohésion sociale
During the last few decades the environment of political systems in advanced industrial society has changed dramatically. Growing international expansion of economic transactions, in large part driven by a revolution in communication... more
During the last few decades the environment of political systems in advanced industrial society has changed dramatically. Growing international expansion of economic transactions, in large part driven by a revolution in communication technologies, has led to an unprecedented degree of mobility in capital, goods, and services. It has also caused national polities to be increasingly dependent on political and economic processes that are beyond their immediate control. Although this did not lead to the end of the nation state as some alarmist accounts predicted, it undoubtedly resulted in a change within power structures and the division of labor in political systems. A growing strand of literature argues that control is increasingly being transferred to the international level and that private actors such as trade associations, multinational corporations, and social movements are gaining in importance within political processes. An important question is how this deep structural change has affected the political subsystem of interest intermediation based on interest associations, including the role and status of these organizations within the political system, as well as their general contribution to social and political order. Today interest organizations, and business associations in particular, are acknowledged as important components of political systems. This has not always been the case, since interest associations are quite peculiar objects of political research. Despite their continual increase in number and significance in almost all social areas – from the local up to the inter- and supranational level – these distinct forms of political organizations are still controversial in a normative sense, and analytically they only started to gain in importance during the final three or four decades of the twentieth century. Traditional political science concentrated on institutions such as governments, parliaments and parties. Other forms of interest representation such as business associations and social movements, on the other hand, entered the analytical spectrum in the second half of that century. Accordingly, only a few constitutions in the world explicitly recognize these groups as legitimate participants in the political process.
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After years of a primarily desciptive and technocratic debate on European governance, it is time to ephasize the term's normative dimension. This book singles out participation as the issue most crucial to it. Participatory governance is... more
After years of a primarily desciptive and technocratic debate on European governance, it is time to ephasize the term's normative dimension. This book singles out participation as the issue most crucial to it. Participatory governance is introduced not as part of the problem but as part of the solution. Going beyond Robert Dahl's democratic dilemma, the contributors try to identify and describe modes of governance based on system effectiveness cum citizen participation. The concept is first developed in a theory section and then followed by chapters on the multi-level and the multi-sector contexts within which its empirical manifestations are travelling. A conclusion comments on the White paper on Governance by the European Commission and on the implications of likely governance failure. The book has been made possible by a generous grant of the EU Commission under the Fifth Framework Programme on Research and Development.
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EU Regional- und Strukturfonds, regionale Entwicklungspolitik, Europäischer Fonds für Regionale Entwicklung (EFRE), Strukturfondsreform, EU Mehrebenensystem, Gemeinschaftliche Förderkonzepte, Operationelle Programme, Monitoring,... more
EU Regional- und Strukturfonds, regionale Entwicklungspolitik, Europäischer Fonds für Regionale Entwicklung (EFRE), Strukturfondsreform, EU Mehrebenensystem, Gemeinschaftliche Förderkonzepte, Operationelle Programme, Monitoring, Globalzuschüsse, Gemeinschaftsinitiativen
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Comparing the social and the economic performance of Emilia-Romagna (Italy) with other regions both domestically and in a European context.
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Research Interests: Social Networks, Regional and Local Governance, Collective Action, Social Network Analysis (SNA), Regional economic development, and 6 moreTerritorio, Sviluppo locale, Progetti Di Cooperazione E Sviluppo Sostenibile, Varese, Istituzioni Formali E Informali Per Lo Sviluppo Economico, and Visualizzazione Reti Sociali
Die aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive besonders interessanten und die Strukturfondsreformen der EU begleitenden Schlüsselbegriffe sind Partnerschaft und Subsidiarität. Beide Begriffe umfassen zwei Bezugsgrößen (Kohler-Koch 1996):... more
Die aus politikwissenschaftlicher Perspektive besonders interessanten und die Strukturfondsreformen der EU begleitenden Schlüsselbegriffe sind Partnerschaft und Subsidiarität. Beide Begriffe umfassen zwei Bezugsgrößen (Kohler-Koch 1996): einerseits soll bezüglich der territorialen Organisation die Region mit der für die Gesamtheit strukturpolitischer Eingriffe zuständigen Ebene, d.h. der EU, zusammengebracht werden, andererseits sollen bezogen auf die funktionale Dimension die Akteure von Politik, Wirtschaft, des sozialen Lebens und der Wissenschaft zusammengeführt werden, um die im Kontext der Ausdifferenzierung funktionaler Lebensbereiche entstandenen Steuerungsprobleme überwinden zu helfen. Entsprechend ist von funktionaler und territorialer Partnerschaft bzw. Subsidiarität gesprochen worden (Grote 1993). Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden, regionale Politiknetzwerke in neun europäischen Regionen unter Zuhilfenahme relationaler Analyseverfahren auf ihre Strukturspezifika hin untersucht.
Research Interests: Regional competitiveness, Regional innovation, Regionalism, Social Network Analysis (SNA), Regional Organisations, and 12 moreRegional Studies, Organizational structure, Territorial politics, Local Government and Regional Administration, Organisationsentwicklung, Territorial Development, Interregional interaction, Akteur-Netzwerk-Theorie, Relationale Soziologie, Netzwerkforschung, lokale Gebietskörperschaften, and Netzwerk- und Feldanalyse
Russian version (Conference proceedings) of: Trade unions and social movements. Obstacles and opportunities to alliance building and cooperation. Presented at the 19th International Likhachev Scientific Conference on Global Development:... more
Russian version (Conference proceedings) of: Trade unions and social movements. Obstacles and opportunities to alliance building and cooperation. Presented at the 19th International Likhachev Scientific Conference on Global Development: Problems of Predictability and Control; Section 4: “Social and Labor Relations – Labor Unions, Governments, and Transnational Corporations in the Global World”; St. Petersburg University of Humanities and Social Sciences; May 23-24, 2019; St. Petersburg, Russia
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The paper scrutinizes and tries to explain the turbolence characterizing the adoption of the concept of governance in the institutions of the European Union at the beginning of the present millenium.
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"The book certainly captures some of the variety of political behavior and outcomes....the substantive chapters provide, respectively, an excellent discussion of the literature and a series of conclusions drawn from the case studies....a... more
"The book certainly captures some of the variety of political behavior and outcomes....the substantive chapters provide, respectively, an excellent discussion of the literature and a series of conclusions drawn from the case studies....a must for acquisition by university and similar libraries." --Political Studies Association The drive to create a single European market, the internationalization of markets and policies, has demonstrated the vital role of organized interests. Often overlooked, interest groups are shown in this volume to be integral partners with the processes of economic and political internationalization. At the heart of this process is a recognition of two factors: first, that interest associations are but one among many mechanisms of governance; and secondly, that interest associations are themselves diverse in levels, domains, territories, and the size of their operations. The aim of the authors is not to propose the existence of a kind of "Euro-corporatism," but to explain the conditions under which certain forms of associability and interest intermediation will emerge, and to examine the impact of such forms upon transnational integration of markets in Europe. Filled with studies of key sectors, particularly in high technology, business and labor organizations, as well as discussion of the importance of size and territoriality, this volume will be of keen interest to students and researchers of the European market, government/industry relations, the politics of interest groups and organizations, and neo-corporatism.
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In much of the work on networks and on governance arrangements, the expectation has been that horizontally ordered political configurations would generally perform better than vertical ones either in terms of democracy and participation... more
In much of the work on networks and on governance arrangements, the expectation has been that horizontally ordered political configurations would generally perform better than vertical ones either in terms of democracy and participation or in terms of economic efficiency and policy output. This shall be called the horizontalist expectation". I have increasingly come to doubt this assumption to be warranted. I shall try to make a case in favour of a less ideologically biased and less metaphorical view on horizontalism than the one dominating the recent political science literature.
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... Organized Business Interests in Changing Environments. The Complexity of Adaptation. Jürgen R. Grote, Achim Lang and Volker Schneider (eds.) Palgrave Macmillan, November 2008. ... interest group research. All three of the editors... more
... Organized Business Interests in Changing Environments. The Complexity of Adaptation. Jürgen R. Grote, Achim Lang and Volker Schneider (eds.) Palgrave Macmillan, November 2008. ... interest group research. All three of the editors (Jürgen Grote, Achim Lang and Volker ...
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The economic and cultural background While all countries of the EU-15 have seen major economic restructuring since the late 1980s, such changes have been most thoroughgoing in Germany. This is mainly due to unifi cation which has combined... more
The economic and cultural background While all countries of the EU-15 have seen major economic restructuring since the late 1980s, such changes have been most thoroughgoing in Germany. This is mainly due to unifi cation which has combined one of the most advanced capitalist economies and an ineffi cient command economy, leading to considerable economic imbalances and profound diversity of business interests within the legal framework of former West Germany which was entirely extended into the East. In addition, the sector of large companies has seen far-reaching alterations of corporate governance. Together with Japan, Germany is commonly considered an exceptional case of strong stake-holder orientation, built upon what is often captured as Deutschland AG: a dense inter-fi rm network of interlocking directorates and cross-shareholdings in which the banks have a multiple role as creditors, shareholders and representative of shareholders. This network has been disintegrating mainly as...
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Co-edited volumes 1992 - 2020
(with Beate Kohler, Wolfgang Streeck, Volker Schneider, Jelle Visser, Claudius Wagemann, Justin Greenwood, Karsten Ronit, Bernard Gbikpi, Muzaffar Olimov, Behrooz Gharleghi)
(with Beate Kohler, Wolfgang Streeck, Volker Schneider, Jelle Visser, Claudius Wagemann, Justin Greenwood, Karsten Ronit, Bernard Gbikpi, Muzaffar Olimov, Behrooz Gharleghi)
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Die Aufgabe des vorliegenden Beirags ist es, die Relevanz räumlicher Netzwerke im Kontext von Regionalisierungsszenarien darzustellen. Dabei wird kein Bezug auf konkrete Möglichkeiten und Beschränkungen in NRW genommen. Das Ziel ist... more
Die Aufgabe des vorliegenden Beirags ist es, die Relevanz räumlicher Netzwerke im Kontext von Regionalisierungsszenarien darzustellen. Dabei wird kein Bezug auf konkrete Möglichkeiten und Beschränkungen in NRW genommen. Das Ziel ist lediglich, den Begriff der Regionalisierung zu erläutern, auf die Potenziale vernetzter Strategien hinzuweisen und dabei auch auf damit zusammenhängende Mythenbildungen aufmerksam zu machen.
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The volume examines the issue of brain drain in Central Asia. The chapters analyze the causes of brain drain and the methodologies of addressing it with case studies in the region. They also investigate various policies that could lead to... more
The volume examines the issue of brain drain in Central Asia. The chapters analyze the causes of brain drain and the methodologies of addressing it with case studies in the region. They also investigate various policies that could lead to brain circulation and eventually brain gain. The volume demonstrates that some of countries in the region are facing the problem of brain drain more than others and no action has been taken, therefore it requires immediate action by policymakers and economists. The volume is a useful addition to the scant literature dealing with brain drain policies for a sustainable economic development, and policymakers will find it useful in designing policies for achieving development policies. The volume will also be useful for higher degree research students, especially in the area of economic and sustainable development.
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Networks are about relations. Accordingly, rather than the properties and attributes held by actors, it is the ties connecting any two, three, or more individuals, organizations, or institutions that form the basic unit of analysis. In... more
Networks are about relations. Accordingly, rather than the properties and attributes held by actors, it is the ties connecting any two, three, or more individuals, organizations, or institutions that form the basic unit of analysis. In the most general terms, the emergence of the network paradigm during recent decades can be
attributed to the following: • transformations in the reality of states, markets,
and societies as perceived by competent observers (e.g., the emergence of organized
society; the events of functional differentiation decentralization, and fragmentation; and the growing interdependence and complexity of virtually all societal spheres);
• changes in conceptual and theoretical developments in the respective disciplines dealing with these systems of order (e.g., increasing attention drawn toward informal arrangements in politics, new modes of governance and public–private alliances, and a shift from hierarchical control toward horizontal coordination); and • the development of a methodological apparatus for relational analysis as a result of a more pronounced structural approach in the social sciences (e.g., formal analysis of relational configurations, new statistical procedures, advancements in available software programs). The boom in network research in sociology, organization theory, and political science must be understood as part of a general shift, beginning in
the second half of the 20th century, away from individualist, essentialist, and atomistic explanations toward more relational, contextual, and systemic understandings. This entry first presents the historical background of this trend in the social sciences and then discusses some of the methods used in that area of inquiry. Next, it turns to those disciplines that have embraced network approaches most often and successfully and addresses the use made of them in political science and policy analysis.
attributed to the following: • transformations in the reality of states, markets,
and societies as perceived by competent observers (e.g., the emergence of organized
society; the events of functional differentiation decentralization, and fragmentation; and the growing interdependence and complexity of virtually all societal spheres);
• changes in conceptual and theoretical developments in the respective disciplines dealing with these systems of order (e.g., increasing attention drawn toward informal arrangements in politics, new modes of governance and public–private alliances, and a shift from hierarchical control toward horizontal coordination); and • the development of a methodological apparatus for relational analysis as a result of a more pronounced structural approach in the social sciences (e.g., formal analysis of relational configurations, new statistical procedures, advancements in available software programs). The boom in network research in sociology, organization theory, and political science must be understood as part of a general shift, beginning in
the second half of the 20th century, away from individualist, essentialist, and atomistic explanations toward more relational, contextual, and systemic understandings. This entry first presents the historical background of this trend in the social sciences and then discusses some of the methods used in that area of inquiry. Next, it turns to those disciplines that have embraced network approaches most often and successfully and addresses the use made of them in political science and policy analysis.
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The paper scrutinizes and tries to explain the turbolence characterizing the adoption of the concept of governance in the institutions of the European Union at the beginning of the present millenium.
Research Interests:
In much of the work on networks and on governance arrangements, the expectation has been that horizontally ordered political configurations would generally perform better than vertical ones either in terms of democracy and participation... more
In much of the work on networks and on governance arrangements, the expectation has been that horizontally ordered political configurations would generally perform better than vertical ones either in terms of democracy and participation or in terms of economic efficiency and policy output. This shall be called the horizontalist expectation". I have increasingly come to doubt this assumption to be warranted. I shall try to make a case in favour of a less ideologically biased and less metaphorical view on horizontalism than the one dominating the recent political science literature.
Research Interests:
PhD dissertation, European University Institute, Department of Social and Political Science
Research Interests: Social Movements, Political Participation, Regional and Local Governance, Local Government and Local Development, Social Network Analysis (SNA), and 9 morePublic Participation In Governance, Pluralism, Interest Groups (Political Science), Trade unions, Local Government and Regional Administration, Neo Corporatism, Socio-Political Networks, Business Associations, and State Corporatism
While all countries of the EU-15 have seen major economic restructuring since the late 1980s, such changes have been most thoroughgoing in Germany. This is mainly due to unification which has combined one of the most advanced capitalist... more
While all countries of the EU-15 have seen major economic restructuring since the late 1980s, such changes have been most thoroughgoing in Germany. This is mainly due to unification which has combined one of the most advanced capitalist economies and an inefficient command economy, leading to considerable economic imbalances and profound diversity of business interests within the legal framework of former West Germany which was entirely extended into the East. In addition, the sector of large companies has seen far-reaching alterations of corporate governance. Together with Japan, Germany is commonly considered an exceptional case of strong stake-holder orientation, built upon what is often captured as Deutschland AG: a dense inter-firm network of interlocking directorates and cross-shareholdings in which the banks have a multiple role as creditors, shareholders and representative of shareholders. This network has been disintegrating mainly as a result of economic internationalization and financial deregulation which has eased the companies’ access to external capital markets, and have also forced them to concentrate on core activities.
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In seiner Vieldeutigkeit dem Begriff des Netzwerkes vergleichbar, bestimmt der Topos Governance heute große Teile des sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskurses. Dabei riskiert dessen Bedeutungsgehalt bei zunehmend inflationärem Gebrauch auf der... more
In seiner Vieldeutigkeit dem Begriff des Netzwerkes vergleichbar, bestimmt der Topos Governance heute große Teile des sozialwissenschaftlichen Diskurses. Dabei riskiert dessen Bedeutungsgehalt bei zunehmend inflationärem Gebrauch auf der Strecke zu bleiben. Eine Sichtung der unzähligen zum Thema vorliegenden Untersuchungen trägt kaum zum Erkenntnisgewinn bei sondern mündet letztlich eher in Gemeinplätzen wie etwa einer ‚Kooperation zum Erreichen gemeinsamer Ziele’. Ausgehend von einer zunächst relativ abstrakten Begriffsbestimmung von Governance (G) wird hier deshalb versucht, sukzessive konkretere und empirisch gehaltvollere Begriffe wie Governance Arrangement (GA), Local Governance (LG) und Local Governance Arrangement (LGA) einzuführen und in einem erweiterten, nicht ausschließlich die deutschsprachige Debatte betreffenden Kontext zu diskutieren. Ein letzter Abschnitt wird dann das Verhältnis von LGAs und Zivilgesellschaft, bzw. bürgerschaftlichem Engagement erörtern.
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Preface, Table of Contents and Contributors
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See also the uploaded videos on "Capitalism and its Discontents" (Conference, April 2018). 'The world is out of order' is the astonished complaint made even by leading politicians after consulting the results of the recent elections in... more
See also the uploaded videos on "Capitalism and its Discontents" (Conference, April 2018). 'The world is out of order' is the astonished complaint made even by leading politicians after consulting the results of the recent elections in the US and in many parts of Europe. The point of view is shared by many and has found its way into the public media almost everywhere. What is less frequently mentioned, if mentioned at all, is that many of our political economies are currently in a deep process of general decline. We are currently facing an encompassing crisis spanning all major dimensions of governance. This crisis has had widespread and, so far, unimaginable effects on various sectors of the population often expressing itself in what is euphemistically termed 'populism' by the mainstream press. Yet, the notion of populism tends to be vague, ambiguous, and analytically underdetermined. The following thoughts, therefore, shall look for a more precise definition by considering questions that are crucial as potential points of entry for further research. Firstly, how would one need to imagine and to analyse the crisis of governance? Secondly, what are its primary social and political effects? Finally, how do people react to these reverberations in their lives when deciding to turn to different forms of (organized) collective action? The suggestions raised in what follows, then, are intended to call for an interdisciplinary and international approach that is both theoretically ambitious and empirically comparative in nature.
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The data presented in this paper has been collected with a view of producing a more extensive analysis of four national policy domains in the Czech Republic and of the involvement by private actors and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs)... more
The data presented in this paper has been collected with a view of producing a more extensive analysis of four national policy domains in the Czech Republic and of the involvement by private actors and Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in these domains. Such a full policyanalytic account, to be supplied in short time, would need to provide more detailed information about policy cycles, and thick descriptions of actors and of coalition building in specific events and more encompassing policy domains. This is not what is done here. For the present purpose, attention will be limited to a smaller portion of the data and to a couple of, albeit crucial arguments.
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The arguments presented derive their guiding questions from the diminished role of trade unions in present day political and social affairs and, secondly, from the shortcomings of parts of union research over the past forty years. Being... more
The arguments presented derive their guiding questions from the diminished role of trade unions in present day political and social affairs and, secondly, from the shortcomings of parts of union research over the past forty years. Being concerned with the dynamics of unionism over time, some reference to the history of research on organized labour will be mandatory. Since it is close to impossible to describe the situation for all countries of the European Union and to take into gaccount the idiosyncratic features of each individual case, the main research trajectories shall briefly be outlined with reference to just one national example. The shifting attention placed on different aspects of unionism in the German debate can be taken to largely reflect the situation of other countries as well. One of the most conspicuous aspects of the debate is characterized by a shift between a more actor-centred and a more institutionally focused perspective accompanied, in turn, by accusations of either voluntarism or determinism from the part of authors belonging to one or the other of the two traditions. Although these shifts and transitions from one to the other perspective cannot neatly be separated from each other, with manifold overlaps occurring in between, the overall development can nevertheless be described in broader terms. Account should be taken of the fact that my arguments are essentially embedded in a political science context and not, as would equally be possible, in one of industrial sociology.
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- Introduction - Meso-levels and meso-dimensions - A model of functional and territorial interdependence - Some implications of the model - The debate on territorial subsidiarity - The neglected functional dimension of subsidiarity... more
- Introduction
- Meso-levels and meso-dimensions
- A model of functional and territorial interdependence
- Some implications of the model
- The debate on territorial subsidiarity
- The neglected functional dimension of subsidiarity
- On the economics of subsidiarity
- Costs and benefits of subsidiary solutions in the territorial circuit
- Costs and benefits of subsidiary solutions in the functional circuit
- Concluding remarks
- Meso-levels and meso-dimensions
- A model of functional and territorial interdependence
- Some implications of the model
- The debate on territorial subsidiarity
- The neglected functional dimension of subsidiarity
- On the economics of subsidiarity
- Costs and benefits of subsidiary solutions in the territorial circuit
- Costs and benefits of subsidiary solutions in the functional circuit
- Concluding remarks
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The paper starts by reconsidering both the concept and the practice of interest intermediation for the cases of interests groups in general and of trade unions in particular. It argues that there is a universally valid mechanism of... more
The paper starts by reconsidering both the concept and the practice of interest intermediation for the cases of interests groups in general and of trade unions in particular. It argues that there is a universally valid mechanism of intermediation accompanied by equally important laws of motions driving that mechanism. These latter are conceptualized in terms of different types of exchange which, central to the argument, have changed in the process of transition from organized capitalism toward increasingly more disorganizing forms. Accordingly, the argument is presented in terms of a process starting with generalized exchange, meanwhile degenerated and eroded to an extent of having become increasingly more particularistic especially with a view to the influence dimension. Concerning membership, the existence of a similar process is claimed to be evident, namely, in form of a transition from social exchange toward the pursuit of increasingly more instrumentalist motives. The evolution and unfolding of these processes are described with respect to politics and markets on one hand and to members, non-members and potential members of trade unions on the other. A special section is devoted to that branch of research on labour relations appearing under the label of strategic choice or strategic unionism. It is shown that, in part at least, scholars of strategic choice risk running into a similar trap as many of those studying interest groups predominantly under the perspective of one-dimensional and unidirectional pressure. 1 Jürgen Grote is senior research fellow at the Hertie School of Governance in Berlin. Regarding interest group research, he has published a number of edited volumes since the early 1990s. He has been particularly interested in forms of interest intermediation at the sub-and supranational levels focusing, in particular, on business, small firms and the chamber system. Largely drawing from network analytic approaches, he later got involved in governance research and in the study of political ecologies. Only very recently, he moved forward to the study of labour relations and trade unions. Grote is coordinator, on behalf of the WSI, of an international network of research on Labour Relations in Context. 2
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Concepts of governance are in excess supply. The same can be said for work re-formulating these ideas to make them suit the local level. At the same time, empirical studies on local governance are mushrooming as well. Given this... more
Concepts of governance are in excess supply. The same can be said for work re-formulating these ideas to make them suit the local level. At the same time, empirical studies on local governance are mushrooming as well. Given this situation, it has become difficult to arrive at a meaning of the term-either by way of deductive or of inductive reasoning-that would be acceptable to most scholars active in the field. This paper is an attempt of reconciling conceptual and empirical efforts so far undertaken. Firstly, a definition of local governance arrangement (LGA) is derived from more general accounts of governance (G), governance arrangement (GA) and local governance (LG). Attention will also be paid to some specifics of the local level which is often lacking a sufficiently strong "shadow of hierarchy"-a requisite that has attracted increasing attention in recent work on governance failure. In a second step, empirical evidence on LGAs is presented that lends itself to systematic comparison and generalization. Particular emphasis is placed on studies adopting a structural or actor-centered approach. A distinction is then introduced between work focusing on local development coalitions and more normative studies interested in the capacity of LGAs of improving democratic performance. Although not applying to everything done in these traditions, this conforms to yet another distinction: research on initiatives aimed at system enhancement (i.e. system production and reproduction) on the one hand and at system transformation on the other. Throughout the paper, major attention is paid to the relationship of governance and civil society. The main arguments advanced are that LGAs, in order to warrant use of the term, need some degree of formal structure while civil society needs some degree of formal organization. Secondly, in the face of increasing inflationary use made of the concept, the time may be ripe to limit rather than to extend its validity by re-valuating this analytical currency in a way such that it would be deployable only in specific places rather than in others. Whether this is to be interpreted in terms of a valorization or rather depreciation of the currency is a decision left to the reader.
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Collective action theory is intrinsically linked to the problem of size. Size, however, is only considered in as far as it concerns the width of the interest domain within which political entrepreneurs become active to establish an... more
Collective action theory is intrinsically linked to the problem of size. Size, however, is only considered in as far as it concerns the width of the interest domain within which political entrepreneurs become active to establish an association. Group size, especially in rational choice accounts in the Olsonian tradition (Olson 1965; Wilson 1973; Moe 1980), exclusively refers to the number of effective or potential, i.e. latent, members of an association. Accordingly, there may be smaller and larger groups within a sector, whereby the former are said to have less problems in terms of collective action. The size of group members, however, does not seem to play a role in that literature. Within any specific branch or product group, organized interests, then, are treated in an indiscriminate manner as if they were similar or identical irrespective of the size of their constituent units. They tend to be givens while their objectives primarily result from their position in the product cycle. Later approaches do distinguish between different types of interests. In most of these contributions, it is either social class (Offe and Wiesenthal 1980; Streeck 1989) or the division between producer and employer interests (Traxler 1993, 1995) representing the main cleavage. The size of members, if at all, is treated only marginally (for a recent exception, see Traxler 2006).
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As an outsider to the Europeanization debate, I shall nevertheless try to add a couple of remarks that may help circumscribing and, possibly, delimiting the concept’s scope and validity. I shall do that by drawing from preliminary results... more
As an outsider to the Europeanization debate, I shall nevertheless try to add a couple of remarks that may help circumscribing and, possibly, delimiting the concept’s scope and validity. I shall do that by drawing from preliminary results of a project on organizational change in domestic business associations under conditions of Europeanization and internationalization. Although in principle agreeing with Johan P. Olsen, I shall approach the problematique not, as he does, by way of an extension of its meaning to include the highest possible number of analytic dimensions but, on the contrary, by limiting it to only one of these, namely the impact of Europe on domestic institutions. It is this dimension on which the bulk of recent research has focused so far. Within it, it is policy change in policy networks that has received most attention. Troubled by this restricted coverage, it seems, a number of authors have recently argued that this were too narrow a scope and that, accordingly, the concept’s possible application should be expanded to embrace the analysis of all sorts of structures, institutions and organizations, i.e. administrations, political parties, interest associations, and so forth. My argument is that, if we were to follow that claim, we would need a more encompassing conceptual framework and would have to allow for shifts in our analytic perspectives. Yet, since it is exactly the very frame (now extended) and the very perspective (now made more flexible) which again restrict the scope and meaning of Europeanization, I suggest to use the more modest notion of ‘Europe’s impact on domestic institutions’. Taken literally, Europeanization is an extremely demanding phenomenon that may easily lead to confusion and may loose its significance when compared to other words ending in “-tion” (regionalization, internationalization, innovation, socialization, etc.). Many of these are implicitly normative and somehow based on teleological expectations. Most importantly, they are equally ambiguous between process and product, i.e. between the way one gets there, and the achieved result. In order to avoid this ambiguity and specify the most relevant analytic dimensions, I shall turn to multi-level research in political science and to multi-level research in organizational sociology in order to position the perspective in question within the space of a two-dimensional matrix opened by the two disciplines. This may help qualifying the level of analysis problem both in a territorial and a functional sense, as well as the question of what it is, ultimately, what accounts for change in organizations and in the networks formed by them. I suggest two possible options: either we restrict the meaning of the term to cover some highly specific instances within the realm of policy-making, or we drop it and extend the perspective to cover a whole range of other applications (change in policies, institutions, organizations, etc.). In most of what follows, I take an actor-centred perspective.
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Fifteen world renowned scholars (Donatella della Porta, Claus Offe, Philippe Schmitter, Richard Hyman, Beverley Silver, Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick, Kevin Doogan, Stefan Schmalz, Noelle Burgi, Jonathan Davies, Martin Potucek, Marianna... more
Fifteen world renowned scholars (Donatella della Porta, Claus Offe, Philippe Schmitter, Richard Hyman, Beverley Silver, Rebecca Gumbrell-McCormick, Kevin Doogan, Stefan Schmalz, Noelle Burgi, Jonathan Davies, Martin Potucek, Marianna Zielonska, Lawrence Cox, Fréderic Royall) gathered at Berlin’s DOC Research Institute to discuss problems related to what the organizer of the conference had called “the Triple Crisis of Governance” as becoming manifest in the state, the market, and the community. In a brief background paper, Grote tried to line out the main problematique. In his introductory statement on how to connect the crisis of capitalism to the crisis of collective action, he suggested to analytically proceed by embarking on six distinct steps. Ideal typically, each of these steps would envisage symptoms of crisis as appearing in each of the above three dimensions.
https://doc-research.org/de/2018/08/democratic-capitalism-discontents/
https://doc-research.org/de/2018/08/democratic-capitalism-discontents/
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Compared to previous work in the field, much of recent interest group research has turned reductionist. It is a kind of lobbying hype, in particular, which has truncated the complex and once so widely accepted original model designed for... more
Compared to previous work in the field, much of recent interest group research has turned reductionist. It is a kind of lobbying hype, in particular, which has truncated the complex and once so widely accepted original model designed for the analysis of interest intermediation. Quite similarly, research on labour relations which has drawn a number of important insights from that perspective, meanwhile, has dropped the notion of intermediation from its agenda. An attempt shall here be made, therefore, to resurrect the analytic relevance of the earlier approach. At the same time, it shall be asked whether and to what extent the empirical manifestations of intermediation have come to be transformed in the process of gradual transition from organized towards less organized forms of capitalism. This is done by emphasizing a property that is intrinsically linked to intermediation, namely interorganizational exchange. The argument proceeds as follows. Firstly, intermediation and exchange are introduced as the analytical foundations of any substantial treatment of organized interests. Secondly, looking at the present state of capitalism, a shift will be portrayed, namely from more generalized towards rather particularistic forms of exchange in the influence dimension, and a further one from more broad-based forms of social exchange towards primarily instrumental ones in the membership dimension. Thirdly, this is then exemplified with respect to the relations binding German labour unions to their wider environment before finally turning to the repercussions of the preceding processes in the unions’ organizational properties.
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This paper is concerned with essentially three things. Firstly, it will argue that horizontally structured networks are an oxymoron and, therefore, a conceptual nonsense. They are misperceived forms of cooperation or, as argued here,... more
This paper is concerned with essentially three things. Firstly, it will argue that horizontally structured networks are an oxymoron and, therefore, a conceptual nonsense. They are misperceived forms of cooperation or, as argued here, represent imagined networks (INs). In reality, horizontalism as a term used in both public discourse and scholarly debate either reflects ideological bias or, at best, represents a metaphorical artifact that does not measure up to the exigencies of empirical analysis. Forms of cooperation, and the real existing networks (RENs) evolving from them in the empirical world, are always more or less horizontal or, for that matter, more or less hierarchical. They are both at the same time but never represent mutually exclusive antipodes. In most general terms, networks do not necessarily call for, but simply cannot do without some form of hierarchy. Secondly, a further argument will be that such (more or less) horizontally structured RENs cannot in general be said to perform better in terms of either efficiency or in transparency and accountability than (more or less) hierarchically structured ones. Empirical performance is contingent on the forms of societal order (state, market, community) within which they emerge and on the institutional context circumscribing each of these orders. Checking these claims in terms of their soundness, a third step then consists in going beyond imagination to present empirically enriched images of RENs. The paper draws from a comparative data set on forms of territorial governance in six European regions. It will appear that RENs are much more complex than suggested by the IN literature, more often than not mesmerized by a verticalism versus horizontalism dichotomy and, moreover, that their properties may diverge dramatically from those habitually imagined and associated with them.
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Pronounced arterial hypoxia induces a decrease of cerebrovascular resistance and an increase of total and regional cerebral blood flow. Under the conditions of normal arterial blood pressure and normal acid base status, the changes of... more
Pronounced arterial hypoxia induces a decrease of cerebrovascular resistance and an increase of total and regional cerebral blood flow. Under the conditions of normal arterial blood pressure and normal acid base status, the changes of both parameters commence when the oxygen tension in the arterial blood decreases below approximately 50 mm Hg. At the same time, the oxygen tension in the cerebral venous blood reaches values below approximately 28 mm Hg. Different authors [23, 28, 30, 31, 33] reported that cerebral blood flow responses to PaO2 decrease are threshold at these oxygen tensions. The threshold oxygen tension of cerebral venous blood was accorded a special significance because Noell and Schneider [30, 31] observed that, under the conditions of insufficient oxygen supply in the brain tissue induced by different causes, an increase of the total cerebral blood flow always occurred when cerebral venous oxygen tension values were nearly constant between 25–28 mm Hg.