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This work documents the life history as well as literary and journalistic legacy of Platon Kostecki (1832-1908), a poet, journalist, and social activist in Lviv, the most prominent representative of the formation of gente Rutheni, natione... more
This work documents the life history as well as literary and journalistic legacy of Platon Kostecki (1832-1908), a poet, journalist, and social activist in Lviv, the most prominent representative of the formation of gente Rutheni, natione Poloni in Galicia.
Dušan Škvarna, Polacy w słowackiej publicystyce i polityce od lat 30. do 60. XIX wieku Peter Vodopivec, O słoweńskich zainteresowaniach Bułgarami i Bułgarią (1850–1908) Petar Bunjak, Publikacje literatury polskiej w serbskim ruchu... more
Dušan Škvarna, Polacy w słowackiej publicystyce i polityce od lat 30. do 60. XIX wieku

Peter Vodopivec, O słoweńskich zainteresowaniach Bułgarami i Bułgarią (1850–1908)

Petar Bunjak, Publikacje literatury polskiej w serbskim ruchu księgarsko-wydawniczym w latach 70.–90. XIX wieku

Stanisław Pijaj, Jerzy Konstanty Czartoryski a kwestia współpracy Słowian w monarchii habsburskiej

Roman Lechniuk, Współpraca ukraińskich, słoweńskich i chorwackich konserwatystów w wiedeńskiej Radzie Państwa we „Wspomnieniach z mojego życia” Ołeksandra Barwińskiego (1897–1904)

Krzysztof Popek, Bulgarian-Serbian rapprochement in 1904 as the basis for the unification of the South Slavs. Remarks on Boncho Boev’s federalist concepts

Antoni Cetnarowicz, Leopold Lenard – słoweński polonofil z początku XX wieku

Marek Ďurčanský, Czeski historyk Jaroslav Bidlo i jego udział w ruchu neosłowiańskim przed I wojną światową

Damir Agičić, Chorwaci a zjazd neoslawistów w Pradze w 1908 roku
(na podstawie ówczesnej prasy chorwackiej)

Adam Świątek, II Zjazd Dziennikarzy Słowiańskich w Krakowie w 1899 roku

Zuzana Kudzbelová, Relationships between Czech and Slovak scholars
between the years of 1850 and 1882

Tomasz Jacek Lis, Próba utworzenia sojuszu muzułmańsko-serbskiego w trakcie walk o autonomię religijno-szkolną w Bośni i Hercegowinie w latach 1899–1902

Jarosław Rubacha, Ostatni akt politycznej współpracy Słowian na Bałkanach. Sojusz bałkański 1912 roku
Polish historians and political leaders have often used the term gente Rutheni, natione Poloni to characterize figures of Ruthenian/Ukrainian descent who viewed themselves as part of a Polish political or national community. The duality... more
Polish historians and political leaders have often used the term gente Rutheni, natione Poloni to characterize figures of Ruthenian/Ukrainian descent who viewed themselves as part of a Polish political or national community. The duality and hybridity of theses figures’ identity have excluded them from traditional Polish and Ukrainian national narratives. Adam Świątek has given us the first fully encompassing work examining the persons, organizations, and ideologies of this group from the end of the eighteenth to the beginning of the twentieth century. Based on a thorough examination of sources and literature, his monograph provides a nuanced account of how the concept and group were transformed and functioned in Habsburg Galicia. The volume is essential reading for all those interested in Polish-Ukrainian relations and those who wish to study varying national identities and historical concepts in the Galician crownland over the long nineteenth century. By undertaking an examination of a concept and group that did not succeed with the advent of modern nationalism, he enriches our understanding of the Habsburg world and modern Polish and Ukrainian nationhood.
Andrzej A. Zięba, Polacy galicyjscy czy Polacy w Galicji? Refleksje na temat przeobrażeń tożsamości polskiej w zaborze austriackim / Galician Poles, or Poles in Galicia? Reflections on the transformation of Polish identity in the Austrian... more
Andrzej A. Zięba, Polacy galicyjscy czy Polacy w Galicji? Refleksje na temat przeobrażeń tożsamości polskiej w zaborze austriackim / Galician Poles, or Poles in Galicia? Reflections on the transformation of Polish identity in the Austrian Partition of Poland

Mateusz Drozdowski, Primum non nocere...?  Tożsamość zwolenników orientacji austro-polskiej w okresie I wojny światowej / Primum non nocere...? Identity of the followers of the Austro-Polish solution during World War I

Marian Mudryj, Kwestia tożsamości wśród ruskich elit politycznych w Galicji / The question of identity among the Ruthenian political elites in Galicia

Ołena Arkusza, Rusini galicyjscy drugiej połowy XIX – początku XX wieku między
ukraińskim a wszechruskim wariantem tożsamości narodowej / Galician Rusyns in the second half of the 19th and the early 20th century between Ukrainian and Pan-Russian projects of national identity

Adam Świątek, Przypadek gente Rutheni, natione Poloni w Galicji / The case of
gente Rutheni, natione Poloni in Galicia

Tomasz Gąsowski, Żydzi galicyjscy w poszukiwaniu nowej tożsamości / Galician Jews in search of a new identity

Krzysztof Stopka, Tożsamość  Ormian w Galicji / Identity of Armenians in Galicia

Michał Baczkowski,  Tożsamość narodowa żołnierzy armii austro-węgierskiej /
National identity of Austro-Hungarian soldiers

Jadwiga Hoff, Poczucie tożsamości mieszkańców małego miasta galicyjskiego (w drugiej połowie XIX wieku) / Sense of identity of the inhabitants of the Galician town (in the second half of the 19th  century)

Krzysztof Ślusarek, Drobna szlachta w Galicji – problem tożsamości społecznej /
Minor gentry in Galicia – the problem of social identity

Tomasz Kargol, Świadomość chłopów w Galicji w pierwszej połowie XIX wieku. Zarys
problemu / Galician peasants’ awareness in the  first half of the 19th  century. An outline

Paweł Jakubiec, „Dwie dusze” – czyli ewolucja tożsamości społecznej i narodowej
ludności chłopskiej Galicji w drugiej połowie XIX i na początku XX wieku
/ “Two souls” – the evolution of social and national identity of the peasants
in Galicia in the late 19th and the early 20th centuries
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In 1937, the Warsaw historian Marceli Handelsman published a work entitled Ukraińska polityka ks. Adama Czartoryskiego przed wojną krymską [Ukrainian politics of Prince Adam Czartoryski before the Crimean War]. So far, this book has been... more
In 1937, the Warsaw historian Marceli Handelsman published a work entitled Ukraińska polityka ks. Adama Czartoryskiego przed wojną krymską [Ukrainian politics of Prince Adam Czartoryski before the Crimean War]. So far, this book has been used by historians as the primary source of information on the Ukrainian issue in the views of the Hotel Lambert's leader. The author of this text has decided to collect Ukrainian works referring to the topic inaugurated by Handelsman. Unfortunately, no larger study has been prepared on the Ukrainian side. However, a number of articles and encyclopaedic notes showing Prince Adam and his Eastern policy (especially during his stay at the court of Tsar Alexander I Romanov) has been published. Ukrainian authors paid much more attention to Czartoryski's associates, who tried to put his ideas into practice. Ukrainian researchers wrote mainly about Michał Czaykowski (Sadyk Pasha) organizing the Cossack troops in the Ottoman Empire, about Hipolit Terlecki striving for the union of the Orthodox and Roman Catholic Churches, and finally about the ethnographer and writer Franciszek Duchiński clearly separating Ukraine from Russia in his writings.
The article is an attempt to describe the achievements of contemporary Ukrainian historiography on the 19 th century history of the Czechs and Czechia. The author analyzed syntheses, monographs and journal articles published in Ukraine in... more
The article is an attempt to describe the achievements of contemporary Ukrainian historiography on the 19 th century history of the Czechs and Czechia. The author analyzed syntheses, monographs and journal articles published in Ukraine in 1991-2020. In particular, three directions of research conducted in Ukraine were noticed: the Czech-Ukrainian intellectual, educational and cultural contacts in the Habsburg Monarchy, the Czech minority and its elites in the Ukrainian lands in the Russian Empire, and the history of the Czech lands in general.
THE LIFE AND WORKS OF PLATON KOSTECKI AS BIOGRAPHICAL AND SOURCE STUDIES CHALLENGE The text considers difficulties which arise when writing a biographical work about Platon Kostecki (1832-1908), Lviv poet and journalist of the Ruthenian... more
THE LIFE AND WORKS OF PLATON KOSTECKI AS BIOGRAPHICAL AND SOURCE STUDIES CHALLENGE The text considers difficulties which arise when writing a biographical work about Platon Kostecki (1832-1908), Lviv poet and journalist of the Ruthenian origins, multi-annual editor of “Gazeta Narodowa” and other Polish and Ruthenian newspapers. The publication discusses, among others, the problem of his identity, impossibility of recognition of all Kostecki’s texts published in the press (because of the lack of given authorship), and finally the lack of the sufficient number of sources allowing to prepare a comprehensive and complete biographical narration. Such a situation results especially from loss of the home archive of Kostecki, whose fragmentary history the author tried to reconstruct in this text. As a result, the biographer of Kostecki must accept the challenge of finding a golden mean between studying the facts from the life of his hero and views of this person visible in the press and lit...
The gente Rutheni, natione Poloni were ethnic Ruthenians who considered Poland to be their ideological fatherland, although they would remain strongly attached to their own private homeland – Rus’. They lived among Poles as Ruthenians and... more
The gente Rutheni, natione Poloni were ethnic Ruthenians who considered Poland to be their ideological fatherland, although they would remain strongly attached to their own private homeland – Rus’. They lived among Poles as Ruthenians and did not deny their Ruthenian roots, so de facto they had not undergone full assimilation to Polishness. Such a state of affairs in a period when nationality was decided on by conscious discovery or choice could not be maintained for long. Hence the consciousness of being gente Ruthenus, natione Polonus could serve two, at most three, generations of a given family as an appropriate designation. At this point, either total Polonization or, more rarely, the adoption of a Ruthenian (Ukrainian) national identity occurred. The enigmatic nature of the gente Ruthenus, natione Polonus formation, its unspecified forms, and the oscillation and mutability of some of its representatives mean that the creation of a universal definition of the concept for research purposes is highly problematic.
The time has been clarified when the term gente Rutheni, natione Poloni was used in public space in Galicia. This is the starting point to search for the answer to the question of when the Ruthenians of Polish nationality in Galicia produced the idea defining their identity and worldview. The author tries to reveal when the Ruthenians of Polish nationality made an unsuccessful attempt to carry out their political demands, and how they were perceived in the Polish-Ruthenian society of Galicia.
Particular attention to the period of the Spring of Nations in Galicia is drawn. With the establishment of the first Ruthenian political organization of a national populist leaning, the Supreme Ruthenian Council (Holovna ruska rada), the Ruthenians aligned with the Lviv democratic circles created an analogous organization, the Ruthenian Sobor (Ruskyi sobor), in cooperation with the Polish Central National Council (Centralna Rada Narodowa). There was a rivalry over who would lead the Ruthenian people and become the Ruthenian elite. The period between the revolutions of 1848 and the beginning of the 1860s was a time of reflection on political goals, both for Poles and Ruthenians. Political changes in the Habsburg monarchy in 1860-1861 and the establishment of the Galician Diet (Sejm Krajowy / Kraiovyi soim) in Lviv allowed many political declarations to resound. The most important moment when the idea of the Republic of Three Nations (Polish-Lithuanian-Ruthenian Commonwealth) could come true was the January Uprising of 1863, but its defeat revealed the anachronism of this idea. However, it functioned constantly in public space as long as its followers lived. Outstanding individuals from this group (politicians, writers, social activists, researchers) functioned within Galician society, but they were more of a tool (the subject) of the Polish policy, rather than an entity. They declared their identity in public space usually on the occasion of confrontation with opponents or during the celebration of various anniversaries (e.g. the anniversary of the Lublin Union in 1869), and finally also during funerals.
Eventually gente Rutheni, natione Poloni disappeared in the historical process because they had not created an explicit ideology and had not developed a compact elite representing the group of Ruthenians of Polish nationality in the public space.
The aim of this article is to show the attitude of Polish interwar literature (political commentary, historiography) towards the role of Slovaks in building the First Czechoslovak Republic and their situation in the state they shared with... more
The aim of this article is to show the attitude of Polish interwar literature (political commentary, historiography) towards the role of Slovaks in building the First Czechoslovak Republic and their situation in the state they shared with Czechs. The collected material has been divided into three categories: pro-Hungarian, pro-Czech (pro-Czechoslovak) and pro-Slovak, but the author also notes an interest in Slovakia related to the Slavic studies conducted during the Second Polish Republic. The works
discussed in this article attempted to compare the Slovaks’ situation under the Hungarian rule and in Czechoslovakia; to answer the question whether the Czechoslovak nation existed; and to suggest to whom the Polish state should bind its future on the international arena (support Hungary’s aspirations to recover Slovakia, establish good relations with Prague, or support the Slovak nationalist movement against Czechs).
SECOND CONGRESS OF SLAV JOURNALISTS IN CRACOW IN 1899 The aim of the article is to present the organization, course and consequences of the Second Congress of Slavic Journalists in Cracow in 1899. Due to the political nature of the... more
SECOND CONGRESS OF SLAV JOURNALISTS IN CRACOW IN 1899 The aim of the article is to present the organization, course and consequences of the Second Congress of Slavic Journalists in Cracow in 1899. Due to the political nature of the congress, it will also be important to address the questions of the political goals held by the participating journalists and the attitude of the authorities to the event.

journalism, press in the Habsburg Monarchy, Cracow, Slavianophilism.
Słowa kluczowe: dziennikarstwo, prasa w monarchii habsburskiej, Kraków, słowianofilstwo
The article describes the course of 100 years’ jubilee of František Palacki’s birthday and the accompanying 1st Congress of Slavic Journalists in Prague in 1898 from the perspective of Galician Poles. The study is based on the search... more
The article describes the course of 100 years’ jubilee of František Palacki’s birthday and the accompanying 1st Congress of Slavic Journalists in Prague in 1898 from the perspective of Galician Poles. The study is based on the search query in major Galician newspapers, including those whose editorial staff was present in Prague. The result of the conducted research is the attempt at reconstructing events which occurred in the capital of Czechia and at showing how Poles perceived the ideas promulgated by Czechs. Poles agreed with the need for cooperation between particular Slavic nation in order to secure national rights in the Habsburg Monarchy, but disagreed with Czechs in terms of methods of operation and searching for allies. The biggest controversy was aroused by the Russian delegation invited by the organisers. Although the cooperation between Slavic journalists was continued at the successive journalistic congresses until 1912, it is the Russian presence and involvement that would decide about Poles’ withdrawal from the last meetings.
The history of Slovakia and the Slovaks has for many years been perceived in Polish historiography as a component of larger wholes: the history of Hungary or the history of Czechoslovakia. For this reason, Polish historians usually paid... more
The history of Slovakia and the Slovaks has for many years been perceived in Polish historiography as a component of larger wholes: the history of Hungary or the history of Czechoslovakia. For this reason, Polish historians usually paid little attention to the phenomenon of the national development of the Slovaks in the 19th century. This situation began to change only from the 1990s, when numerous studies finally appeared seeking to see the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks as a separate historical issue from the histories of the Hungarians and especially the Czechs. This text is aimed at presenting the achievements of Polish scholars over the last three decades with regard to the history of Slovakia and the Slovaks in the 19th century. The article describes the most important Polish synthetic studies, collective studies, and finally monographic works on the history of Slovakia and Slovak culture. Attention was also paid to the most important scientific centres in Poland, which initiate research in the field of Slovak culture and history. Despite the growing interest in Poland’s southern neighbour in recent years, significant shortcomings in Polish historiography are still visible. The article also attempts to draw attention to the desirable perspectives for further research in Poland.
The aim of this article is to show the attitude of Polish interwar literature (political commentary, historiography) towards the role of Slovaks in building the First Czechoslovak Republic and their situation in the state they shared with... more
The aim of this article is to show the attitude of Polish interwar literature (political commentary, historiography) towards the role of Slovaks in building the First Czechoslovak Republic and their situation in the state they shared with Czechs. The collected material has been divided into three categories: pro-Hungarian, pro-Czech (pro-Czechoslovak) and pro-Slovak, but the author also notes an interest in Slovakia related to the Slavic studies conducted during the Second Polish Republic. The works discussed in this article attempted to compare the Slovaks’ situation under the Hungarian rule and in Czechoslovakia; to answer the question whether the Czechoslovak nation existed; and to suggest with whom the Polish state should see its future on the international arena (support Hungary’s aspirations to recover Slovakia, establish good relations with Prague, or support the Slovak nationalist movement against Czechs).
The paper aims at acquainting the reader with an unknown typescript by Marian Tyrowicz (1901-89), a Lvov-born researcher of Galicia (Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria) who was a professor of the Higher School of Pedagogy (today’s... more
The paper aims at acquainting the reader with an unknown typescript by Marian Tyrowicz (1901-89), a Lvov-born researcher of Galicia (Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria) who was a professor of the Higher School of Pedagogy (today’s Pedagogical University) in Krakow after WWII. The text entitled A Brief Outline of the Ukrainian-Polish Relations in Galicia and Reborn Poland (1772-1939) was created under the German occupation of Lvov in 1943 and is kept in the Scientific Archive of PAN and PAU in Krakow now. Since the unclear copyright status currently prevents its publication, the author of the paper has decided to present its contents and make the most significant findings of Tyrowicz available to scholars. Based on relevant Polish and Ukrainian antebellum literature Tyrowicz arrived at a synthetic picture of relations between Poles and Ruthenians (Ukrainians) on the territory of Eastern Galicia with reference to the political situation, foreign relations, and socio-cultural processes.
The article is devoted to the Polish perspective of events that took place in Ukraine in 1917-1921. The purpose of the work was to show how Poles living in Ukraine wrote about these events. For the needs of the text, the most important... more
The article is devoted to the Polish perspective of events that took place in Ukraine in 1917-1921. The purpose of the work was to show how Poles living in Ukraine wrote about these events.
For the needs of the text, the most important Polish
autobiographical narratives were analyzed. The text refers to the memories of Polish gentry that survived the Bolshevik revolution (Zofia Kossak-Szczucka, Elżbieta Dorożyńska, Maria Dunin-Kozicka), Polish soldiers (Eugeniusz Małaczewski, Józef Dowbór-Muśnicki) and independence activists (Henryk Glass, Tadeusz Hołówko, Henryk Józewski), Polish communists (Roman Jabłonowski, Władysław Uziembło, Stefan Szpinger) and post-war emigre activists from London („Pamiętnik Kijowski”) and Paris (Jerzy Stempowski). The main aim of the text was to show the main trends and changes taking place within the Polish discourse on the Ukrainian revolution. The result of the conducted research is the discovery of how the significant role of the event in Ukraine played for the formation of the Polish discourse on the Ukrainian lands, the so-called collective memory of Poles or even the development of Polish literature in the 20th century.
The Ukrainian revolution had a fundamental impact on the development of the Polish myth of the lost eastern borderlands.
The text postulates that the source texts produced by
Ukrainian Poles should be used as an important perspective. They are complementing the general picture of accidents taking place in the region in 1917-1921.
Galician echoes of the Millennium of Hungary in 1896 The millennial celebrations in Hungary made quite an impression on the northern side of the Carpathians and did not leave the Galicians indifferent to the anniversary. Opinions on the... more
Galician echoes of the Millennium of Hungary in 1896

The millennial celebrations in Hungary made quite an impression on the northern side of the Carpathians and did not leave the Galicians indifferent to the anniversary. Opinions on the celebrations were varied. The conservative press approved of the Hungarian political elites that fought their internal independence the legal way. Of course, the freedom activities from the Spring of Nations time were ignored or criticised. The Hungarian example was supposed to be a living proof that a complete autonomy of Galicia would also be possible while keeping the loyalist attitude. The scale of the celebration was particularly impressive, and Budapest only through a loyal and compliant functioning within the Habsburg monarchy. However, the Polish-Hungarian cooperation was no longer accented at the time. Judging by comments in the Galician press we can assume that the Polish-Hungarian relations in the 90s of the 19th century, so close just a half a century before, became not only weakened, but also re-evaluated. The reason for that was a system transformation of the Habsburg monarchy in the 60s of the 19th century, which turned out favourable for Hungarians — with dualism, and disadvantageous for Poles, who desired federalisation of the state. Even though romantic memories of common fight during the Spring of Nations era still lingered in imagination, nothing resulted from them in practice. Especially the freedom slogans spread by Hungarians offended the people of Galicia, regardless of their political views. Conservatives tried to reject the tradition of 1848, whilst the democratic or liberal press considered the “freedom in the Hungarian way” as hypocritical in relation to magyarised Slavic nations. Although the success of Hungarians, their patriotism and achievements were impressive and aroused jealousy, it was even more sad to notice that the Polish-Hungarian solidarity of the Spring of Nations time already made history. On the other hand, for the Galician Ruthenians the Magyars set an example of the nation of the “rulers” and the Magyar-Slavic relations in the land of Saint Stephen were perceived following an analogic scheme of the Polish-Ruthenian relations in Galicia. Jews were also considered as enemies, being — according to the Ruthenians — a significant element supporting exploitation and impairment of the Ruthenian people.
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“Gazeta Narodowa” and the uprising in the Bay of Kotor in 1869 The aim of this article is to describe the uprising in the Bay of Kotor in 1869 as seen from the perspective of the Lviv daily newspaper “Gazeta Narodowa” (“National... more
“Gazeta Narodowa” and the uprising in the Bay of Kotor in 1869

The aim of this article is to describe the uprising in the Bay of Kotor in 1869 as seen from the perspective of the Lviv daily newspaper “Gazeta Narodowa” (“National Newspaper”) and to present the views of the editorial staff and the manner in which they relayed the events.
Out of all Galician newspapers, “Gazeta Narodowa” devoted the most space to the uprising. From October 1869 to February 1870, it published almost daily extensive reports on the progress of the upheaval, frequently adding a political commentary. The newspaper’s editor-in-chief, Platon Kostecki, even ended up in court because of his text on the uprising, in which he criticised the Austrian authorities. “Gazeta Narodowa” mainly tried, on the basis of press accounts from
other corners of the monarchy and correspondents’ reports, to recreate the military activities and to show repressions carried out by Austrian soldiers. Searching for the reasons behind the uprising, journalists frequently pointed out Austrian bureaucracy and German domination of the Slavic population in Cisleithania. They raised objections especially about supporters of centralism in the Austrian parliament (National Council). Moreover, they attempted to show the international context of the uprising, and presented hypotheses about a possible Serbian or
Russian inspiration. There were also texts describing the history of the region, its social structure and the natural features of the Bay of Kotor, where fighting the insurgents was proving to be a considerable challenge for the Austrian army. The army’s failure to control the situation in the Bay of Kotor was to “Gazeta Narodowa” another reason to criticise the state which could not suppress a local rebellion for months on end. This gave rise to an important question about the monarchy’s defensibility in the face of a possible external threat.
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In this article, the author seeks to answer the question, since when the term gente Rutheni, natione Poloni was used in public space in Galicia. This is the starting point to search for the answer to the question of when the Ruthenians of... more
In this article, the author seeks to answer the question, since when the term gente Rutheni, natione Poloni was used in public space in Galicia. This is the starting point to search for the answer to the question of when the Ruthenians of Polish nationality in Galicia produced the idea defining their identity and worldview. The author tries to reveal when the Ruthenians of Polish nationality made an unsuccessful attempt to carry out their political demands, and how they were perceived in the Polish-Ruthenian society of Galicia. Eventually gente Rutheni, natione Poloni disappeared in the historical process because they had not created an explicit ideology and had not developed a compact elite representing the group of Ruthenians of Polish nationality in the public space. Outstanding individuals from this group functioned within Galician society, but they were more of a tool (the subject) of the Polish policy, rather than an entity.
Research Interests:
This article presents Józef Stanisław Dunin’s (1896–1980) memoirs written about fifty years after World War I. Dunin was a soldier of the Polish Legions, and then a soldier in the 1st Horse Artillery Battalion stationed in Kraków. In... more
This article presents Józef Stanisław Dunin’s (1896–1980) memoirs written about fifty years after World War I. Dunin was a soldier of the Polish Legions, and then a soldier in the 1st Horse Artillery Battalion stationed in Kraków. In 1915, his unit was sent to the Eastern Front, to the area of Volhynia. In 1917, the author was assigned to a new unit — the 204th Field Artillery Regiment, fighting on the Eastern and then the Italian Front. The author recounts his war experiences from a landlord’s perspective. Information about his unit, place of dislocation and military actions is scarce, but we can read much about the relationships with other landlords and scenes from everyday life, such as hunting, horse riding, meetings, etc. The present paper tries to compare Dunin’s memoirs to other historical sources and reconstruct main facts from the author’s life. On the other hand, the paper is an attempt to look at an autobiographical text as a narrative telling more about the author’s memory than about past events. The main reason behind writing an autobiographical text in the communist era (1970s) was the desire to better understand one’s own personality and to re‑examine one’s life.
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This article shows the narrations of Polish and Ruthenian participants of Prague Slavic Congress of 1848. The main sources include diaries, memoirs, correspondence and other publications published after 1848. This publication attempts to... more
This article shows the narrations of Polish and Ruthenian participants of Prague Slavic Congress of 1848. The main sources include diaries, memoirs, correspondence and other publications published after 1848. This publication attempts to answer the following questions: What political objectives did Poles and Ruthenians have in Prague?; What hopes did delegates associate with the congress?; How did they describe or remember events of 1848?; and finally How did they refer to the other nationalities represented at the congress?
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This article aims to show the nineteenth-century Polish painting, as one of the most important – apart from literature and historiography – factor in shaping perceptions of Polish society about the Ruthenia and Ruthenians. This perception... more
This article aims to show the nineteenth-century Polish painting, as one of the most important – apart from literature and historiography – factor in shaping perceptions of Polish society about the Ruthenia and Ruthenians. This perception has undergone a long evolution: from the treatment of the Ruthenian lands as an inseparable territory of historical Poland, through the articulation that Polish Commonwealth was, and will be the union of Poland, Lithuania and Ruthenia, to attempt to deny the existence of Ruthenian nation on the one hand, and on the other hand highlighting the brotherhood of Poles and Ruthenians. Polish canvases exhibited in galleries and museums, and fi nally reproduced in the illustrated press had an impact on this image. The text shows as during the partitions Polish nineteenth century painters were painting Rus and its inhabitants; also which symbols they used on their pictures, what topics from the history of Kievan Rus and Ukraine they chose and what intrigued them in the landscape and folklore of Ruthenian lands. The article attempts to draw attention to the fact that art, and above all its content, becomes an important element of the national canon – the «source» from which the members of the nation derive knowledge about ourselves and the outside world. In this way, the content of images plays an important role in creating consciousness, and thus defi ning the national identity.
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Akademickie Koło Kresowe existed for 17 years (1922-1939) as an organization for students coming from Kresy (Eastern Borderlands of Poland), studying at Krakow’s universities (in the years 1922-1923 and 1933-1939 Association functioned as... more
Akademickie Koło Kresowe existed for 17 years (1922-1939) as an organization for students coming from Kresy (Eastern Borderlands of Poland), studying at Krakow’s universities (in the years 1922-1923 and 1933-1939 Association functioned as an institution gathering only the academic community of the Jagiellonian University, and in the years 1923-1933 and 1939 as an intercollegiate organization). The organization had more than 750 students for the period of its existence. They found here a help (accommodation, meals, grants and loans), a forum for exchanging ideas (mainly in the context of the situation of Kresy in a past and currently), a place of entertainment social (balls, fun, holidays, mountain tours), and even a substitute for the family (long friendships, marriages). Among the famous members of the Association should be mentioned such a person as: father Władysław Bukowiński, prof. Karol Górski, journalist Ksawery Pruszyński, painter Józef Czapski and many others.
This article tries on the basis of Jagiellonian University Archive’s records to reconstruct the history of the organization, its ideological assumptions, structure, financial situation and fields of activity. In the end, it tries to answer the question of what importance were Kresy in later life of members of the Association and how they perceive Kresy.
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This article concerns the celebrations of the 400th anniversary of the death of the Blessed (now Saint) John of Dukla in 1884 in Lviv. In the celebrations organized by the Order of Friars Minor the clergy of all rites participated: Roman... more
This article concerns the celebrations of the 400th anniversary of the death of the Blessed (now Saint) John of Dukla in 1884 in Lviv. In the celebrations organized by the Order of Friars Minor the clergy of all rites participated: Roman Catholic, Armenian Catholic and Greek Catholic, as well as the Lviv authorities and the representatives of social and cultural life. The participation of secular factors added a political tinge to religious celebrations, through frequent recollections of the legend about the after-death protection of Lviv by John of Dukla. Recalling that story in 1884 was supposed to make the multi-ethnic population of Lviv (esp. the Jews and Ukrainians) realize how much they had in common historically. Emphasizing the bonds between Poland, Lithuania and Ruthenia and treating John of Dukla as the patron of one common state, prompted opposition on the part of the Ukrainian intelligentsia in Lviv. That cultural and historical confrontation found response in the contemporary press.
The aim of this article is to present Polish and Ukrainian points of view on the issue of the celebration of the 400th anniversary of death of John of Dukla based on contemporary texts, both literary and journalist in nature. The article also aims to draw attention to the significance of the 1884 jubilee in the context of developing Ukrainian historical awareness and adapting the Cossack myth to the national mythology by the Ukrainians from Eastern Galicia.
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The article presents the problem of colonial and postcolonial discourse in relation to Eastern Galicia. It discusses the forms of cultural domination existing throughout history in the region and draws attention to their conscious "... more
The article presents the problem of colonial and postcolonial discourse in relation to Eastern Galicia. It discusses the forms of cultural domination existing throughout history in the region and draws attention to their conscious " playing " by successive rulers of this territory, consequently leading to the formation of memory conflicts.
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The article presents the problem of colonial and postcolonial discourse in relation to Eastern Galicia. It discusses the forms of cultural domination existing throughout history in the region and draws attention to their conscious... more
The article presents the problem of colonial and postcolonial discourse in relation to Eastern Galicia. It discusses
the forms of cultural domination existing throughout history in the region and draws attention to their conscious
“playing” by successive rulers of this territory, consequently leading to the formation of memory confl icts.
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This article aims to present the meeting between Pisudski and Petlura in Vinnytsia on May 16th 1920 against the background of the turmoil of the war fought against the Bolshevik Russia by the Second Polish Republic and the Ukrainian... more
This article aims to present the meeting between Pisudski and Petlura in Vinnytsia on May 16th 1920 against the background of the turmoil of the war fought against the Bolshevik Russia by the Second Polish Republic and the Ukrainian People's Republic, with the use of Polish and Ukrainian written sources: diaries and press releases. This work is not only an attempt to reconstruct a detailed plan for the arrival of Marshal Pisudski in the temporary capital of the Ukrainian People's Republic, but also to explain the situation in the city in the face of the Bolshevik threat, to present the situation of the Polish population of the city, and finally, to answer the question: what was the subject of the talks between the Ukrainian authorities and Pisudski. The importance of the Pisudski-Petliura alliance is often emphasized, but what is often overlooked is the various burning issues that the participants of the meeting in Vinnytsia attempted to resolve. The moment of the arrival of Marshal Pisudski in the capital of the Ukrainian state should be regarded as the apogee of the Polish-Ukrainian alliance. It was, however, the final moment of glory for Vinnytsia. Following the counteroffensive by the Bolsheviks and the withdrawal
of Polish and Ukrainian troops along with the Ataman, the city became part of Soviet Russia as a result of the Treaty of Riga. The great moments in the history of the Polish-Ukrainian alliance have been preserved, however, in the memories of the contemporary inhabitants of the city, a proof of which was the funding of a memorial plaque in honor of the Marshal in the centre of Vinnytsia in 2008.
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This article is dedicated to the former Catholic cemetery in Czerniowce Podolskie (Vinnytsia Oblast, Ukraine). In the spring of 2009, a group of students under the supervision of the authors conducted a field study, the purpose of which... more
This article is dedicated to the former Catholic cemetery in Czerniowce Podolskie (Vinnytsia Oblast, Ukraine). In the spring of 2009, a group of students under the supervision of the authors conducted a field study, the purpose of which was to record any remaining tombstone inscriptions, establish the identity of the people interred there, and tidy up the cemetery itself. All the gravestones found date from before the revolution and have inscriptions in the Polish language. The information provided by those inscriptions concerns the parishioners of the Czerniowce parish. It is interesting to note that those names number among the most distinguished noble families of Podolia: Houses of Biliński, Jakubowski, Komarnicki, Nagorniszczewski, Pilawski, Różycki, Sobolewski, Witkowski i Wydżgo. One of the most interesting finds was the sepulchral chapel of the Mańkowski family – very important to the history of the region. The family mausoleum was built in the classical style, in a manner that was characteristic of the nineteenth-century landed gentry of Kresy. Until recently, it has served as a church for the local Orthodox parish. During the field study, a number of facts were established concerning those buried at the cemetery with the use of a comprehensive genealogical, archival and press research, and by interviewing the local residents. It is the authors’ firm belief that even such a ruined cemetery can make a significant contribution to the studies of the region’s past. The history of the lands of Czerniowce should not be deprived of their Polish chapters. The aim of the article is to increase the awareness of scholars and the general public alike and to draw their attention to the fate of the monuments of Polish cultural heritage outside the country.
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Adam Świątek, Taras Shevchenko and activity of The Brotherhood of Cyril and Methodius in memories of Polish students of the Kyiv University. This paper presents the most famous conspiratorial, Ukrainian association in 19th century, seen... more
Adam Świątek, Taras Shevchenko and activity of The Brotherhood of Cyril and Methodius

in memories of Polish students of the Kyiv University. This paper presents the most famous conspiratorial, Ukrainian association in 19th century, seen from a perspective of representatives of Polish nation, struggling for freedom in the eastern lands of former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. The Brotherhood of Cyril and Methodius is a symbol of Ukrainians’ struggle for independent existence of Ukrainian culture in the middle of 19th century. Main activists of this secret association, with Taras Shevchenko, became an elite of Ukrainian society and heads of nation. Their activity makes very important chapter for Ukrainian historiography. Historians rarely have reached memories of Poles, which were living in Ukraine in 19th century. The Polish students (constituting a majority among students of the Kyiv University) have left several interesting historical records. Especially diary of Julian Belina Kędrzycki seems to be important, because he described his acquaintance with Taras Shevchenko and Mykola Kostomarov in 1846-1847. Another diarist, Zygmunt Miłkowski (writing under pseudonym Teodor Tomasz Jeż) came in the university a half year after members of the Brotherhood of Cyril and Methodius had been arrested. After years he wrote diaries, which are reflecting atmosphere in the Kyiv University and development of Polish and Ukrainian national movement. Some information are in works of other Polish students too, like: Franciszek Duchiński, Tadeusz Bobrowski, Leon Syroczyński and Franciszek Rawita-Gawroński.
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W sprawie ruskiej (On the Ruthenian cause) by Plato Kostecki This article contains a critical edition of the manuscript by Plato Kostecki entitled "W sprawie ruskiej" from 1863 placed in the Vasyl Stefanyk Lviv National Scientific... more
W sprawie ruskiej (On the Ruthenian cause) by Plato Kostecki

This article contains a critical edition of the manuscript by Plato Kostecki entitled "W sprawie ruskiej" from 1863 placed in the Vasyl Stefanyk Lviv National Scientific Library of Ukraine named by W. Stefanyk. This text, probably never published, is an interesting analysis of the awareness of the Galician Ruthenians at the beginning of the 1860s. The author not only shows ideas and political attitudes popular among Ruthenian elites but also he undertakes the task of searching for answers to the question about the causes for Ruthenians’ dislike towards Poles and he suggests solutions aiming at changing this state of affairs. In the critical edition of this manuscript attempts have been made to discuss such issues as the author, references to the manuscript in literature on the subject, the problem of dating, most important theses, reasons for not publishing the manuscript, editorial issues.
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Adam Świątek, [Recenzja] Імперські ідентичності в українській історії XVIII – першої половини ХІХ ст. Колективна монографія, ред. Вадим Ададуров і Володимир Склокін [Tożsamości imperialne w ukraińskiej historii od XVIII do pierwszej... more
Adam Świątek, [Recenzja] Імперські ідентичності в українській історії XVIII – першої половини ХІХ ст. Колективна монографія, ред. Вадим Ададуров і Володимир Склокін [Tożsamości imperialne w ukraińskiej historii od XVIII do pierwszej połowy XIX w. Monografia zbiorowa, red. Wadym Adadurow i Wołodymyr Sklokin], Львів: Видавництво Українського католицького університету, 2020, Серія Видання Кафедри світової історії нового і новітнього часу УКУ, вип. 2, ss. 304, „Rocznik Przemyski. Historia” t. 56, 2021, nr 1 (26), s. 459-468
Adam Świątek, [Recenzja] Роман Лехнюк, На порозі модерного світу. Українські консервативні середовища в Галичині в першій чверті ХХ століття [Roman Lechniuk, U progu nowoczesności. Ukraińskie środowiska konserwatywne w Galicji w pierwszej... more
Adam Świątek, [Recenzja] Роман Лехнюк, На порозі модерного світу. Українські консервативні середовища в Галичині в першій чверті ХХ століття [Roman Lechniuk, U progu nowoczesności. Ukraińskie środowiska konserwatywne w Galicji w pierwszej ćwierci XX wieku], Львів: Літопис, 2019, 392 ss. + il. 1