Medieval Miscellanies

The Rothschild Miscellany is a large compendium of Hebrew texts consisting of biblical books, prayers, philosophy books and moralistic and didactic treatises. It is written on parchment and is profusely decorated with gold initials and text illustrations. 
The production of the Miscellany, namely the distribution of labor between text and decoration was a close collaboration between scribe, and artist, guided by a spiritual guide.
A thorough examination of the decoration of the Miscellany and the corpus of works attributed to the Venetian artist Leonardo Bellini suggests that the Miscellany was produced in his workshop and that he was responsible for planning and executing a large part of the decoration.

Looking for the context of the vernacular translation of Amatus of Montecassino’s Historia Normannorum (the French MS 688 of the National Library of France). The considered manuscript (Southern Italy, mid-14th cent.) has been known mainly for its being a unique testimony of the Historia Normannorum, an important historiographical narration on the Norman conquest of Southern Italy, written at the end of the 11th century. The author emphasizes that the manuscript and miscellany themselves (containing translations of Isidore of Seville’s Chronica, Paul the Deacon’s Historia romana and Historia Langobardorum, and of the so-called Historia Sicula) are worth studying and that only such an integral approach may enable the evaluation of French translation as the testimony of a lost Latin original. The following questions are discussed: paleographical and codicological features of the manuscript, its illuminations, the time and milieu of production of both the manuscript and the translations, the models for the miscellany, the relationship between single translations and the manuscript tradition of respective Latin compositions and the place occupied by the considered manuscript in the transmission of the miscellany

Taking MS. BAV, Vat. lat. 5001 as a case study, the article provides preliminary considerations on the ways that historical writings were read in Southern Italy during the Late Middle Ages. The early-fouteenth-century manuscript contains a miscellany of chronicles, charters and texts of other types, all of which were produced in the South between the 8th and the 10th centuries. This miscellany, in particular the chronicles by Erchempertus and that by the Anonymous Salernitanus, were heavily glossed in the 14th century by at least five different readers. The article consists of a short foreword and three chapters. The first part deals with the manuscript itself, with its history and with the manuscript copies of it produced by early-modern Italian scholars. Some of these copies also contain the medieval glosses. They therefore make it possible to recover parts of the glosses that have been lost through the trimming of margins in the Vatican codex. The second section discusses selected glosses by hand D, who was the most assiduous of all the readers and who reveals a particular interest in the city of Salerno. First I examine the glosses that served as a guide to contents (summaries, cross-references), then I consider the glosses concerned with topography of the city, the territory and political order of the region (here the tension between continuity and change is often visible), I round off by discussing the annotations that extract political and moral teaching from accounts of single events. Finally (section three) it is argued that the present case study leads to two conclusions: firstly, that glosses scattered in the margins of historical manuscripts are witnesses of the phenomenon of comment- ing on historical works in the Middle Ages (a fact that continues to be underestimated by the modern scholarship); secondly, that in studies on historical culture of medieval Southern Italy more room should be given to the analysis of individual historical manuscripts and their uses. The article and the entire volume are available free of charge on the website of Reti Medievali.

Will man einem mittelalterlichen Verständnis von Kurzerzählungen näherkommen, lohnt es sich, ihrer Überlieferung einen wesentlichen Platz einzuräumen. Denn anders als Romane, die für sich gelesen wurden und auch in der Überlieferung ein deutliches Eigengewicht haben können, müssen Kurzerzählungen, da sie keine Hs. ausfüllen können, im Verbund mit anderen Texten überliefert werden. Über ihren Sitz im Leben beim mündlichen Vortrag können wir nur spekulieren, und gleiches gilt für eine möglicherweise primäre Überlieferung auf losen Blättern oder Einzellagen. 2 Was uns hingegen vorliegt, sind Sammelhss., die mehrere Texte miteinander überliefern. Das bedeutet für die Einzeltexte, dass sie nicht isoliert, sondern im Verbund mit anderen wahrgenommen und damit rezipiert wurden. Doch nicht nur durch die Kombination von Texten mit anderen Texten lenken Hss. die Rezeption. Die Art, wie der Text auf einer Seite präsentiert wurde, bedeutet an sich schon eine Interpretation, denn ihr gingen Entscheidungen von Schreiber, Konzeptor und/oder Auftraggeber voraus: Trägt der Text eine Überschrift, wird in ihr auf den Autor verwiesen oder ein Titel gegeben, wird ein Zusammenhang mit dem vorangehenden Text explizit oder durch das Layout

The story about the repentant prostitute Thais (Taisia), absolved of sins and glorified as saint after years of voluntary banishment in a monastic cell, has enjoyed noteworthy popularity in West European art and society – since the end of 19th c. it was remade in novels, films and even in an opera. If we turn farther back, to the Middle Ages, we would find out that this story rouse interest too as it has Greek, Latin, Syriac and Slavic versions. In the Byzatine manuscript tradition (from which all the others derive) it circulates in several variants and genres – oral narrations became apophtegmata, one apophtegma became sermo, then finally sermo became vita.
The article examines the Slavic medieval translation of one of these Greek texts, namely Conversio Taisiae. The stress is laid on its dissemination in manuscripts that are successors of the initial Chrysorrhoas (Zlatostruy) corpus. An attempt has been made to reconstruct the stages the Slavic version’s transmission by joining data of both text critical comparison of witnesses and history of the collections that incorporate these witnesses.

Шестой том международной научной серии Monumenta byzantino-slavica et latina Slovaciae под названием "Dva uglianske rukopisy ponaučení a exempiel zo 17. storočia / Две углянские рукописи поучений и притч XVIII в." содержит текст Углянского учительского евангелия и Углянского сборника Ключ с комментарием на словацком и русском языках

In Czech art history, the Krumlov miscellanea have traditionally been linked with the Utraquist milieu at the start of the Hussite uprisings. The codex includes a number of texts directed at monks: in addition to the Speculum Humanae Salvationis, these include tracts by Albert the Great and Heinrich Suso, and mystical treatments of the perfection of the monastic life by St Bonaventure. The tract that can be attributed to Jan Hus, On the seven mortal sins (in the miscellanea it is presented as an anonymous work), and Tomáš of Šítný's Booklets on the death of a wanton youth were, by contrast, intended for a lay readership. They were included in the collection as thematic complements to the moralising mystical texts by Bonaventure and Albert the Great about the perfect spiritual life. The manuscript was probably commissioned in 1417 in Prague by the young Oldřich of Rožmberk himself for the Franciscans of Krumlov. The manuscript may have served them as a 'handbook' for pastoral care in the lay community as well as with the neighbouring Poor Clare nuns. The two well-known 'Hussite' illuminations in the miscellanea, King David with a chalice in his shield (pag. 40) and the Adoration of the chalice and monstrance (pag. 190), reflect the contemporaneous situation in Bohemia and on the Rožmberk estate in 1417. In that year, the Prague university declared its support for the chalice and Oldřich of Rožmberk instituted communion in both kinds on his estate. In particular, the depiction of the group of believers worshipping the chalice and Host on the altar mensa (pag. 190) corresponds to this state of affairs. The fact that the scene does not apostrophise active lay communion sub utraque, but rather the passive ostensio and adoratio, suggests a vague conception of the liturgical practice associated with the lay chalice. The blue field in the shield of King David provides a key for dating the manuscript. It differs from the colours used by the Hussites and suggests rather the ecclesiological and eschatological significance of the chalice in general.

FONTES FRANCISCANI Y LITERATURA EN AREA IBÉRICA Y EN EL NUEVO MUNDO.
Una serie de episodios ejemplares "en castellano traduzido" forman este mosaico extraído de las primeras Vidas de Francesco d'Assisi procedentes de una traducción vertical. En un aplicado estudio codicológico Juana Maria Arcelus-Ulibarrena analiza y descompone cada episodio de esta Miscelánea con la remisión al texto en latín y paralelos, anota el "Glosario" de referencia para ayudar a esclarecer el/los momento/-s de traducción demostrando que se procedió a su composición por medio de cortes, recortes, cambios y añadiduras, ya sea yuxtaponiendo episodios de variada procedencia en grupos de capítulos consecutivos de una misma fuente o utilizando varias fuentes en una solución monotemática más o menos homogénea cuya "ratio" obedecía a las mismas razones que paralelamente se seguían para las traducciones verticales de episodios repetidos de las primeras Vidas de Domingo de Guzmán. El conjunto debe ayudar a ubicar la época de traducción de este MS que en los ss. XIII-XIV quiso ser testigo intencional y reflejo viviente del quehacer cotidiano de Francesco d'Assisi, de su mentalidad y de su comportamiento en el determinado momento histórico en el cual a él y a los suyos les tocó vivir, siendo asimismo testigo de conflictos y fracturas que no ahorra en recordar. REFERENCE:- http://www.mirabileweb.it/mel/floreto-de-sant-francisco-[sevilla-1492]-fontes-fr/365586 (MIRABILE. Archivio digitale della cultura medievale, SISMEL, edizioni del Galluzzo)- Boletín bibliográfico de la Asociación Hispánica de Literatura Medieval 19 (2005) 7 [ISSN: 1130-3867]
-https://bancroft.berkeley.edu/philobiblon/- BETA texid 10043, 2794.- BETA bibid 4591, 5243, 6028, 4739, 5242, BETA manid 3333, 3723 CNUM 624.(también en variante "Arecelus 2013", "Arcellus" "ARECERUS URRIBARENA) .-Medioevo Latino XXXVI(2015) p. 617 n. 5757 [ISSN 0393-0092]= “L’Autrice presenta una edición comentada del Tractado de Sant Francisco, una vida de San Francisco de Asís que se encuentra en el ms. Coimbra, BU,1192. Tras una relación de las siglas y abreviaturas usadas a lo largo del trabajo, l’Autrice aporta, a modo de introducción a la edición, una serie de reflexiones en torno a la presencia de las órdenes mendicantes en la Castilla medieval, centrándose principalmente en el fenómeno de traducción al castellano y posterior difusión en dicho territorio de numerosas legendae sobre la vida de San Francisco de Asís. Estas vidas en lengua castellana, una de las cuales está contenida en el ms.1192 de la Biblioteca de la Universidad de Coimbra, se basan en numerosas fuentes latinas en torno a la vida de este santo (las llamadas Fontes Franciscani), que pocos años después de su muerte ya comenzaron a circular de convento en convento y de las cuales l’Autrice realiza un análisis histórico-filológico en profundidad. Tras el estudio preliminar citado, en el siguiente apartado del trabajo se aportan muestras (manuscritos conservados, inventarios de bibliotecas) de la existencia de la circulación de Fontes franciscani en la Castilla medieval. A continuación se presentan una descripción y las características principales del ms.1192, atendiendo principalmente a su cronología, su lengua, su organización y sus contenidos. Finalmente, antes de dar paso a la edición comentada, se describen los criterios de edición y transcripción seguidos por la editora. El núcleo del trabajo, como ya se ha avanzado, se basa en la edición comentada del Tractado de Sant Francisco: se trata de un conjunto de 168 capítulos (capítulos 6-174) en los que se narran diferentes episodios de la vida de San Francisco de Asís. Tras el número del capítulo y el título del mismo (si aparece), encontramos un apartado en donde se mencionan los posibles directos paralelos de cada sección. A continuación se ofrece el cuerpo del texto, en consonancia con los criterios ya avanzados por la Autora, y finalmente a pie de página aparecen las notas, que incluyen tanto comentarios a los diferentes pasajes como el aparato de las fuentes a las que hacen referencia. En la última parte del trabajo se incluyen, por una parte, un glosario alfabético con palabras relevantes relacionadas con la obra (se incluye el significado de las mismas, en qué parte de la obra aparecen y otras fuentes que testimonian su uso), y por otra, una lista de voces en latín junto con la referencia directa al texto. Finalmente se incluyen tres anexos con ilustraciones relacionadas con la orden franciscana y su fundador (A.Ag= A. Aguilera)

Medieval learning has often been judged as lacking originality: it has been dismissed as a limited canon of classical and Christian authorities handed down by medieval authors and scribes whose intellectual achievements did not go beyond the rather stiff and pedestrian reproduction of older knowledge and wisdom. Recent and current research focusing on manuscript evidence, however, has demonstrated that the originality of medieval authors and schools consisted in the ways in which ‘old texts’ were reshaped (in the various ways that fall under the category of réécriture), brought together and updated (with annotations, glosses, commentaries) to serve evolving purposes and needs. Earlier texts were thus adjusted and reshuffled to offer new products (compilations, books) fitting the demands of the various medieval audiences (religious, lay, scholastic, female communities, etc.).
The products of these writing and compilatory strategies are the focus of this workshop. Authorial vademecums, scholastic miscellanies, liturgical and canon law collections are but a few of the many fields in which we can appreciate the sophistication of medieval learning. Moreover, medieval miscellanies defy the sharp taxonomy of the typologies des sources inherited from nineteenth- and twentieth-century scholarship and urge us to rethink medieval learning as a much more polyhedric, permeable, informal and creative intellectual achievement.

The article assesses the role of manuscript miscellanies as a tool to solve the question of ownership of books within the late medieval Franciscan Observance. The analysis of manuscript evidence from the observant convent of San Francesco Grande in Padua shows how miscellanies, usually written by their own readers, on the one hand were tools for learning, preparation for preaching and pastoral care and, on the other, played a significant role to solve, at least formally, the question of exercising ownership of books while keeping a reasonable adherence to the Franciscan Rule.

.Il contributo prende in esame una particolare tipologia di manoscritti miscellanei latini, cioè quelli contenenti testi grammaticali, particolarmente diffusi in epoca carolingia in tutti i principali centri di cultura dell'epoca. Questi manoscritti, che di norma sono stati concepiti per fornire un quadro completo della grammatica latina, integrando le artes più diffuse, come quella di Donato, con testi accessori di argomento fonetico, metrico e ortografico, sono quasi sempre il frutto dell'attività di un maestro di grammatica, che in qualche caso può essere identificato con maggiore o minore certezza. Vengono quindi esaminati alcuni casi significativi, come il Par. lat. 7530 (Montecassino, attribuibile forse a Paolo Diacono), il San Gallo 878 (Reichenau, Walafrido Strabone), il Par. lat. 13025 (Corbie), il ms. sembrato Bern 330 + 347 + 357 + Par. lat. 7665 + Leida VL Q. 30 (Auxerre, forse ideato da Heiric di Auxerre), il Montpellier H 306 (Auxerre

Il contributo affronta la vexata quaestio della definizione del colophon ed elabora una nuova teoria della sua valenza codicologica, particolarmente attuale nello studio dei manoscritti miscellanei, reali e fattizi, in tutte le tradizioni manoscritte. Sulla base degli esiti di tale problematica viene poi valutata l'importanza che un colophon ha avuto nella definizione del genere mravaltavi – caratteristico esclusivamente per la letteratura medievale georgiana – e vengono esaminati, infine, i colophon dei più antichi Mravaltavi e del codice S-1141 in relazione alla struttura dei manoscritti stessi.

Данная статья посвящена классификации южнославянских рукописей древнейшего перевода Пролога, переписанных в XIII–XVI вв. Источником анализа послужили 15 списков славянского Синаксаря, содержащие тексты на сентябрь–февраль. На основе сплошного сравнения их состава и языковых данных были выделены четыре редакции. В болгарскую редакцию вошли прологи болгарского и сербского происхождения (Григ. 23, БАН 72, Рум. 319, САНУ 53, Пог. 58, Хлуд. 189, Рс 705, Хлуд. 191, Срем. 323), текст которых с небольшими вариациями совпадает с известным церковнославянским переводом Синаксаря. Сербская редакция представлена четырьмя сербскими списками (Пог. 463А, Увар. 70, ХАЗУ III.с.6 и Wuk. 38). Несмотря на наличие точных текстовых параллелей к Соф. 1324, их агиографическим статьям присущи иные содержательные и языковые особенности. В сербской книжной среде происходило не только тиражирование, но и редактирование Синаксаря, поскольку список Wuk. 37 отражает сербскую сокращенную редакцию. Стишная редакция известна в единственном списке (Ник. 34), в начале которого (1 сент.–18 окт.) помещен традиционный текст Синаксаря, правленый по греческому списку Стишного синаксаря.

The paper publishes and comments on four notes that have been preserved as part of various Old Russian exegetical compilations. One of the notes is an afterword by the bookman, who supposedly interpreted the verses on the legendary Solomon’s Chalice (the plot is widely known from Vita Constantini-Cyrilli); the other two express the exegetical views of the bookmen; the last one is a lengthy remark against unreasonable listeners. These short opuscula are interesting in their content, literary form and some linguistic material. The notes contain vocabulary not registered in the historical dictionaries of the Russian language.

(Author) Juana Maria ARCELUS-ULIBARRENA
://www.mirabileweb.it/mel/floreto-de-sant-francisco-[sevilla-1492]-fontes-fr/365586 (MIRABILE.Digital Archives for Medieval Culture) -pp.17-20 traducción italiano/castellano Juana M.Arcelus Ulibarrena -p.33 J.M.A.U=Juana M.Arcelus Ulibarrena] -pp.35-48 “Siglas y Abreviaturas”=Juana M.Arcelus Ulibarrena. La TRANSCRIPCIÓN y PUNTUACIÓN del Floreto de Sant Francisco [Sevilla 1492] por Juana Maria Arcelus Ulibarrena (vid. p.378), se hizo a la vista de los textos latinos paralelos, indicando el origen de cada uno de ellos y señalando en nota la parte ya transcrita por José Maria de Elizondo y por Juana Maria Arcelus Ulibarrena en sus trabajos precedentes. Se utiliza una numeración consecutiva y completa de los capítulos en números romanos, mientras que los calderones (¶) de los párrafos del Floreto son reemplazados por números árabes en pequeño y en índice, a veces reemplazados según el texto paralelo en latín y con los “omissis” o “addidit” si procede, y añadiendo en nota las citas bíblicas. Se elaboró el Índice de materias, pero dejando sin títulos la Cuarta Parte:"Enxemplos Notables"(p.376)con numeración romana y las referencias de los textos paralelos en latín.
ABSTRACT:-Cuadernos de Historia Moderna18(1997)203-205 (Adolfo Carrasco Martínez) https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/CHMO/article/view/CHMO9797120202A/23470, Univ. Complutense, Seminario17-18 abril 1997, fecha en que la autora presentó parte del manuscrito de esta edición para su publicaciòn en Editorial Cisneros; su Editor final fue Ignacio Tellechea Idigoras para la Sección Lecturas B, Colección Espirituales Españoles [por ser Miscelánea especial con Ángela da Foligno, Isabel de Hungría y Joaquín de Fiore] -Collectanea Franciscana 68(1998) -Analecta Bolandiana 116 (1998) 463-4; -AFH 92(1999) 213-29 -Collectanea Franciscana 69(1999) 275-8 (C. Cargnoni); -Carthaginensia XV(1999)228-33 (J.Hernández Valenzuela); -Via Spiritus 6(1999 247-264 (J.A.de Freitas Carvalho); -Catalunya Franciscana 36(1999)175-6; -Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 72(1999)509s.(V. Serra de Manresa);-Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia 73(2000)391-398 (V.Serra de Manresa); -AnalectaT.O.R. 31/165(2000) 332s; -“Puntualitzacions sobre la Historia del franciscanisme”,Catalunya Franciscana XXXVII,192(2001)202 (Adolfo González Gómez OFMconv)-Hauf i Valls, Albert G.,«L’impacte sociohistòric del franciscanisme.El Floreto del 1492»,Palau de la Marquesa, Gandia, 23 octubre 2002; -Estudios Franciscanos 435(2003) 553-554 y 436(2004) 217-219 (M.Ibáñez Velázquez); -Selecciones de Franciscanismo 98(2004)312; -Boletín bibliográfico AHM 19(2005) 7 [ISSN:1130-3867],CNUM 624 (con variantes "Arecelus 2013" "ARECERUS URRIBARENA) -BETA manid 3333, 3723, -BETA texid 10043, 2794, -BETA bibid 4591, 5242, 5243, 6028, -BITECA bibid 4739, https://bancroft.berkeley.edu/philobiblon/beta_es.html -Programa Curso Doctorado 2004-2005, Universidad de Murcia:“La recepción hispana de la Devotio Moderna:del franciscanismo al Kempis”,Albert G.Hauf i Valls [BookFinder.com:books by Juana María Arcelus Ulibarrena. Hardcover].- Rafael M. Pérez García, Francisco de Osuna y Santa Teresa de Jesús,"Algunas notas sobre la historia de la mística cristiana en la España del siglo XVI", eHumanista/Conversos [ISSN 1540 9877] 6(2018)159-177, p.163, n.8, p.174] -Arcelus Ulibarrena, Juana M., Floreto de Sant Francisco[Sevilla 1492]. Fontes Franciscani y Literatura en la península Ibérica y el Nuevo Mundo, passim, pp 21-24 (1998)(E. Menestò);

Mantova: Universitas Studiorum, pp. 477-513
ISBN 9788833691015
Abstract
The recasting of handwritten texts on the subject of christocentrism and synesthesia favored their crossed circulation in the 14th-15th Centuries in a range of sensory experiences obeying the interests of the moment, including texts by Angela of Foligno in those of Elisabeth of Hungary, in this case by channels of Franciscan female mysticism (“misticismo al femminile”) arriving as a manuscript in the hands of Isabel La Católica.
Keywords: women’s studies, medieval manuscripts, franciscan mysticism “al femminile”, medieval miscellaneous, Angela of Foligno, Elisabeth of Hungary, "christocentrism".  Is important the interrelationship between Angela da Foligno and Giovanni della Verna.

The paper introduces the project Mare Historiarum whose purpose is to reconstruct the corpus of historical writings composed or just present in within Latin-speaking societies of Southern Italy since sixth until mid-fifteenth century. The project intends to overstep the previous scholarship, which focused on Southern Italian chronicles as either primary sources for historical events or literary compositions, by research into the circulation and readership of both local and foreign, medieval and Classical historical writings as attested by different rearrangements and single manuscript copies, which were produced in or imported to the South during the Middle Ages. Study of this latter group is illustrated by considerations on the miscellany of Classical historians and antiquarians, handed down in the MS BAV, Vat. lat. 1860, of Neapolitan origins and datable to the mid-fourteenth century. Both its material features and textual models are discussed.

Bodleian MS Laud Misc. 237 contains, alongside religious and hagiographical texts, a remarkable collection of medical texts. These ancient and medieval treatises (not all previously identified, and heretofore unexamined as a group) were commonly used in medieval university curricula. Although the texts were not all originally bound together, it is clear from their marginalia that they were used by the same community. This community was probably in the Middle Rhineland, using the manuscript in the fourteenth century; the marginalia, in Middle High German and Latin, are richly suggestive concerning the needs of the texts’ users. The texts are tabbed for easy access, supporting the theory that they were used as a compendium. Familiarity with the compendium is clear through wear, as well as through textual annotation. The marginalia serve to clarify, to amplify, and to instruct, indicating active engagement with the manuscript objects in diverse ways, by a variety of users. Latin and the vernacular appear side by side, used in the same generation. In two cases, glossaries—for the names of body parts and medicinal plants—are provided. Moreover, the copied-out medical recipes show a translation of theoretical knowledge—the language of expertise—into the language of experience. Everyday analogies are used to describe the stages of making medicines. Languages interact with each other in the margins, facilitating communication between practitioner and patient, and between the ancient authorities and the users of the texts. I suggest that the texts were used in a hospital; recipes copied on the bindings and margins indicate that medicines were expected to be concocted by those with little knowledge of the medical theory expounded in the classical texts. They may even have belonged to the Benedictine women’s house for which a vernacular Rule, surviving in the same miscellany, was fashioned. In this selective edition of the Rule, all the chapters concerning the care of the sick are retained, and in some cases amplified. The users of the treatises were particularly interested in treatments for common infirmities, and therapeutic measures through diet. Copied around the Aphorisms of Hippocrates are prayers invoking the name of Christ as therapy and prophylactic. Wherever the treatises were used, it was clearly in a context where academic and practical medicine interacted, with Latin and the vernacular working side by side to translate medicine.

Estratto dal volume: Culture, livelli di cultura e ambienti nel Medioevo occidentale, Atti del IX Convegno della SIFR, Bologna, 5-8 ottobre 2009, a cura di F. Benozzo, G. Brunetti, P. Caraffi, A. Fassò, L. Formisano, G. Giannini, M. Mancini, Roma, Aracne Editrice, 2012, pp. 1023-1045. Le 7 pagine di tavole fuori testo le allego in altro upload, perché non è possibile associarle a questo post.

The article discusses selected forms of interventions around and into the historical texts assembled in three miscellanies from the 14th century (BAV, Vat. lat. 5001; Paris, BnF, fr. 688, and Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, VIII.C.9). Three aspects of editorial agency of their designers are of particular interest. First, the selection of pre-existing works according to certain thematic threads. Second, presenting the miscellany to a target audience. The destination other than private may be hypothesized from the paratext or near-contemporary evidence of use. Third, the modifications of the original paratextual apparatus and also of the very content of the received texts. It is argued that by virtue of the variety and scale of those interventions, the three miscellanies verge on historical writings.

SEGUNDA PARTE

Carteggio di José María de Elizondo relativo al "Floreto de Sant Francisco”, in: HAGIOGRAPHICA. Rivista di agiografia e biografia della Società Internazionale per lo studio del Medio Evo Latino V(1998) pp. 159-218. [ISSN: 1124-1225]

ABSTRACT:
In seguito al ritrovamento di un importante fondo mss., l'autrice prende in esame parte del carteggio mss. di José María de Elizondo indirizzato ad alcuni esponenti della critica storica e agiografica tra la fine dell'Ottocento e i primi decenni del Novecento, consentendo di ricostruire in parte le vicende relative allo studio critico e alla trascrizione e punteggiatura del "Floreto de Sant Francisco".
-  MIRABILE. Archivio digitale della cultura medievale/ Digital Archives for Medieval cultura medievale/ Digital Archives for Medieval Culture, SISMEL, edizioni del Galluzzo : http://www.mirabileweb.it/mel/floreto-de-sant-francisco-[sevilla-1492]-fontes-fr/365586

- CHTAC  http://www.catalogomedieval.com/busqueda.php?id=168

- BETA bibid 5242, Manid 3723
https://bancroft.berkeley.edu/philobiblon/beta_es.html

The main reason behind the compilation of (multiple-text manuscripts) MTMs by Mudéjares and Moriscos was the need to provide access to a basic knowledge of Islam to as many people as possible and to preserve it in spite of increasingly harsh conditions. However, functions and readers were not the same, which is the reason why I suggest a typology of Mudéjar and Morisco MTMs in two groups: on the one hand, a collection of chapters and/or small fragments copied from various works from either an earlier or a contemporaneous date; and on the other hand, the MTMs that ceased to have this miscellaneous character and began to be perceived-and therefore transmitted-as unitary manuscripts: at some point, both the copyist and the reader inevitably ended up thinking that all the texts contained in the codex were actually part of a single unit, in such a way that these MTMs started being copied and used as a unitary volume.

Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 85 (1992) pp.5-38
ISSN: 0004- 0665

ABSTRACT:

Le «Floreto » de saint François d'Assise, du milieu du XV[e] s., prophétisait à la suite de Joachim de Flore la venue d'un ordre spirituel qui, à cette époque, existait déjà (franciscains); le thème fut appliqué à l'évangélisation du Nouveau Monde par les franciscains” INIST-CNRS, Cote INIST : 2305

https://pascal-francis.inist.fr/vibad/index.php?action=getRecordDetail&idt=6111018

This is a study of two compilations that originated in western Iran before the Mongol conquest.  The research contributes to the ongoing discussion of the organization and preservation of knowledge in literate societies.  The Muḥāḍarāt al-udabāʾ wa-muḥāwarāt al-shuʿarāʾ wa’l-bulaghāʾ (Conversations among men of letters and debates between men of poetry and rhetoric) is a major anthology of literary Arabic, ascribed to the lexicographer and philosopher Abū al-Qāsim al-Rāghib al-Iṣfahānī (d. before 1050?).  The Rāḥat al-ṣudūr wa-āyat al-surūr (Comfort of hearts and wonder of delights) is a Persian miscellany about the Great Seljuq sultanate that Muḥammad al-Rāwandī (d. after 1209), an obscure calligrapher and theologian, compiled in the first decade of the thirteenth century in Hamadan to petition the Rum Seljuq sultan Kay Khusrau (ruled 1192-1197 and 1205-1211) in Konya. 

Both works are single-subject encyclopedias, designed as comprehensive textbooks.  The circulation of manuscripts and imprints provides a diachronic perspective on the diffusion of knowledge.  These textbooks circulated largely between Isfahan and Istanbul.  Rāghib’s anthology is a propaedeutic work for a general audience, and is still in print in contemporary Middle Eastern societies.  In contrast, Rāwandī’s miscellany is a personalized curriculum of Great Seljuq politics and courtly etiquette, and thus became obsolete in the sixteenth century.  The biographical data on their authors offer the complementary synchronic perspective on the geography of knowledge in pre-Mongol Iran. 

The contents of the Muḥāḍarāt and the Rāḥat illustrate how their authors utilized well-established conventions of transmitting knowledge to compile an anthology of literary Arabic and a miscellany about the Great Seljuq sultanate.  The arrangement of their contents is the most original aspect of these textbooks.  On the macro-level, the sequence of parts, chapters, and sections follows a principle of associative order of topics and disciplines.  The textbooks are witnesses to societal dependence on literacy.  The oral transmission of knowledge had lost its monopoly, yet writing was less a replacement than a supplement to the oral tradition.  The contents and structure of the Muḥāḍarāt and the Rāḥat document the continued prestige and use of oral practices within a literate society.

La refundición textual en la circulación manuscrita del texto profético en castellano del siglo XIV, in: En lengua vulgar castellana traduzido: ensayos sobre la actividad traductora durante la Edad Media (coord. Elisa Borsari) Cilengua: San Millán de la Cogolla 2015 (192 pp), pp. 23-44. ISBN 978-84-942088-6-7,

RESUMEN:
A partir del siglo xiii el proceso de adaptación y de refundición textual era en su mayor parte obra de ignotos pertenecientes a las nuevas Órdenes Regulares y permitió la circulación de textos hagiográficos en su traducción en castellano garantizando una lógica de continuidad al tiempo que se proponía más de una traducción de un mismo episodio. Por este motivo, la posible refundición textual en el Trescientos podría explicarse y justificarse como el deseo de que un manuscrito dado se convirtiese en un material aprovechable para un vasto público que: o deseaba seguir un modelo de santidad en el cual identificarse en sus lecturas habituales, o lo llevaba consigo para leerlo mientras recorría largos caminos hasta llegar a Compostela. El ignoto se creía con derecho de "rimaneggiare" il testo, eliminando inclusive pasos que podían parecer poco interesantes o simplemente sospechosos u ofensivos para quienes en ese momento representaban el poder temporal, especialmente si eran de carácter profético. El manuscrito traducido en castellano en la mayor parte de los casos se presentaba como un borrador con adaptaciones y correcciones en curso, si bien la mayor parte de ellas son de los siglos xiii-xiv y dependían de una circulación de textos en latín más o menos fidedigna, veamos algunos ejemplos

RESEÑAS
- Estudios de traducción [ISSN: 2174-047X] 6 (2016) 243-246; p. 244: el trabajo de la profesora J. M. Arcelus Ulibarrena, “La refundición textual en la circulación manuscrita del texto profético en castellano del s.XIV” (pp. 23-43): “ahonda en la traducción castellana de textos hagiográficos de carácter profético compilados en el ocaso del Medievo. además de ilustrar cómo se llevó a cabo este proceso en el que la traducción se vio mediatizada por la contaminación, la censura y las adaptaciones la autora pone de manifiesto la intervención de diversos traductores en la elaboración de un mismo códice, lo que dio lugar a que coincidiesen distintas versiones/traducciones de un mismo episodio profético en un único manuscrito” (Julia Aguilar Miquel), https//doi.org/10.5209/ESTR.53015;
-  Revista Hermeneus January 1 (2017): “analiza para ello el ms.1779 de la BNM, la Visión de fray Juan de Asturias, la Vida de Francisco de Asís, encargada por Gregorio IX, la Vida de Santo Domingo de Guzmán y el Flos Sanctorum. Se detectan en ellas transformaciones diversas, procesos de contaminatio y censura, así como percepciones diferentes, como las de dominicos y franciscanos en las versiones de la Vida de San Francisco” (José Ramón Trujillo) https://doi.org/10.24.197/her.19.2017.412-416;
- Revista de poética medieval (RPM) [ISSN: 1137-8905], 30 (2016) 329-339, p. 330: Juana María Arcelus Ulibarrena aborda los escritos proféticos del siglo XIII, desarrollando los conceptos de adaptación y de «refundición textual», tareas llevadas a cabo en su mayor parte por órdenes regulares, que propiciaron la transmisión de obras hagiográficas en castellano, garantizando la longevidad de estos escritos e incluso la repetición de la traducción del mismo capítulo. Los materiales que la autora estudia son el ms. 1779 de la BNE, la Visión de fray Juan de Asturias el ermitaño, la Vida de San Francisco de Asís y la Vida de Santo Domingo de Guzmán, acertados ejemplos para el estudio de textos proféticos” (Rosario Delgado Suárez)

Le Moyen Âge pouvait-il exercer un sens critique ? Pouvait-il concilier critique et tradition des autorités ? Un examen de la technique médiévale de compilation montre que, loin de devoir lutter contre la tradition, le discours médiéval peut libérer un espace critique (avec la possibilité d’innovations, d’écarts et de ruptures par rapport à la tradition) quand il assume au contraire l’hétéronomie de sa condition. Pour ne pas être ébloui par les Lumières, le médiéviste doit donc reconstruire les catégories qu’il emploie (auteur, individu, sujet, critique) dans l’esprit d’un incessant comparatisme avec la modernité. La réévaluation des pratiques critiques médiévales passe inévitablement par un retour critique sur la vision héritée des Lumières.

La conjuncion de todos los planetas que se produjo en el signo de Piscis en 1524 ha sido asunto de multitud de tratados astrologicos que la asociaron con la llegada de un nuevo diluvio. Una vez superado el momento senalado por los astrologos, hubo quienes se vieron en la obligacion de justificar el error de calculo, como Alvar Gutierrez de Torres, autor de una Declaracion sobre el diluvio de 1524 compuesta con ese fin. En el presente articulo analizamos con detalle el contenido de la obra, demostrando que, aunque se publica tras la fecha marcada para la catastrofe, encierra dentro un pronostico erroneo compuesto en los meses previos. Es lo que hace de este tratado un documento unico para entender el contexto del diluvio de 1524 y trazar el panorama que llevo a la definitiva separacion entre Astrologia y Astronomia.

II Congreso Internacional sobre los franciscanos en la Península Ibérica, ( a c. de) Gonzalo Fernández Gallardo Jiménez (Barcelona 30 marzo- 1 abril 2005) Madrid: Publidisa, pp. 715-734. [ISBN 84-611-1839-1]. En APÉNDICE: Transcripción de la [Vida de Francisco e Asís]: Ms. 12.689 BNM (1430 ca), inédito: ff. 115va-122ra. - CHTAC http://www.catalogomedieval.com/busqueda.php?id=168 RESEÑAS /ABSTRACT: - Ind. Hist. Esp. 44(2006[2007] Num.121, p. 60s; - Misc. Franc. 106-107 (2006-2007) pp. 574-577 (F. Costa); - Coll.Franc. 77(2007) p. 441s. (G. Ingegneri); - Il Santo 48 (2008) pp. 340-343 (C Ciammaruconi); - Frate Franc. 74(2008) pp. 301-304; - Bibl. Franc. XXX (2009) n. 2096, p. 209.

QUADERNI DEL CENTRO PER IL COLLEGAMENTO DEGLI STUDI MEDIEVALI E UMANISTICI IN UMBRIA  27, (a. c. de) Enrico MENESTO', Spoleto 1992 (pp. X-260)  pp. 215-25. [ISBN:88-7988-536-7]

RESEÑAS/ ABSTRACT:
- Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 85(1992) pp. 696-7, C. Schmitt;
- La fede e i giorni 7/3 (1991) 42s;
- Revue d'Histoire Ecclésiastique 88(1993) 244-6 F. Accrocca;
- Medioevo Latino XIV(1993) n.8188; Studi Medievali 33(1992) 205-9 G. Cremascoli;
- Memorie Domenicane (Pistoia) 23(1992) 767-8, P. Piccari;
- Medievaevistik 7(1994) 446-8, A. Valerio]
- Liber que dicitur Angela de Fulginio: http://www.mirabileweb.it/calma/franciscus-ximenez-de-cisneros-ofmobs-n-1436-m-8-1/2646
- Liber que dicitur Angela de Fulginio: CALMA (2011) vol. III 5 p. 558  http://www.mirabileweb.it/title/liber-que-dicitur-angela-de-fulginio-franciscus-xi-title/124552

II Congreso Internacional sobre los franciscanos en la Península Ibérica, ( a c. de) Gonzalo Fernández Gallardo Jiménez (Barcelona 30 marzo- 1 abril 2005) Madrid: Publidisa, pp. 715-734. [ISBN 84-611-1839-1].

En APÉNDICE: Transcripción de la  [Vida de Francisco e Asís]:  Ms. 12.689 BNM (1430 ca), inédito: ff. 115va-122ra.

- CHTAC  http://www.catalogomedieval.com/busqueda.php?id=168

RESEÑAS /ABSTRACT:
- Ind. Hist. Esp. 44(2006[2007] Num.121, p. 60s;
- Misc. Franc. 106-107 (2006-2007) pp. 574-577 (F. Costa);
- Coll.Franc. 77(2007) p. 441s. (G. Ingegneri);
- Il Santo 48 (2008) pp. 340-343 (C Ciammaruconi);
- Frate Franc. 74(2008) pp. 301-304;
- Bibl. Franc. XXX (2009) n. 2096, p. 209.