- Jeff Pugh
Department of Conflict Resolution, Human Security, and Global Governance
University of Massachusetts Boston
Wheatley Hall, 4th Floor, Room 128A
100 Morrissey Blvd.
Boston MA 02125-3393
- Peace and Conflict Studies, International Studies, Conflict, Latin American politics, Institutions (Political Science), Refugee Studies, and 17 morePolitical Science, Ecuador, Migration Studies, Social Movements, Peacebuilding, Forced Migration, Human Security, Study Abroad, Latin America, International Education, Migration, Colombia, Peacekeeping, Post Conflict Issues, Peace, Peace Education, and Transitional Justiceedit
- Jeff Pugh is Associate Professor of Conflict Resolution in the McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies... moreJeff Pugh is Associate Professor of Conflict Resolution in the McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Boston. He received his Ph.D in Political Science from the Johns Hopkins University, after completing BAs in Political Science and Speech Communication from the University of Georgia. He is also the Executive Director of the Center for Mediation, Peace, and Resolution of Conflict (CEMPROC), based in Quito, Ecuador. He was previously Assistant Professor of Political Science at Providence College. His book, The Invisibility Bargain: Governance Networks and Migrant Human Security (Oxford University Press, 2021) examines the integration and protection of Colombian forced migrants in Ecuador, arguing that informal expectations about cultural expression and political activism lead migrants to access rights and protection through governance networks of state and non-state actors. His work has been recognized with a dozen best paper awards for book, articles, conference papers, and dissertation, including from the American Political Science Association, International Studies Association, and others. He was a 2014-2015 Fulbright Scholar affiliated with the Department of International Studies and Communication at FLACSO Ecuador. He has authored or co-authored two Spanish-language training manuals on conflict resolution, and under his leadership, CEMPROC has reached over 4,500 adults and children from more than 15 countries around the globe with its conflict resolution and peacemaking training programs. Pugh has developed innovative experiential and study abroad programs to teach international conflict resolution at the university level at Johns Hopkins University, the University of Georgia, Providence College, FLACSO, and UMB through a combination of service-learning, simulations, lecture/discussion, and other teaching strategies. He has taught Negotiation, International Conflict Resolution, Peace & Justice, International Relations, Latin American Politics, Politics, and Model Organization of American States. He also is a Past President of the Middle Atlantic Council on Latin American Studies (MACLAS).edit
Migrants fleeing economic hardship or violence are entitled to a range of protections and rights under domestic and international law, yet they are often denied such protections in practice. In an era of mass migration and restrictive... more
Migrants fleeing economic hardship or violence are entitled to a range of protections and rights under domestic and international law, yet they are often denied such protections in practice. In an era of mass migration and restrictive responses, migrant acceptance is often contingent on the expectation that they contribute economically to the host country while remaining politically and socially invisible. These unwritten expectations, which Jeffrey D. Pugh calls the "invisibility bargain", produce a precarious status in which migrants' visible differences or overt political demands on the state may be met with hostile backlash from the host society. In this context, governance networks of state and non-state actors form an institutional web that can provide indirect access to rights, resources, and protection, but simultaneously help migrants avoid negative backlash against visible political activism.
The Invisibility Bargain seeks to understand how migrants negotiate their place in receiving societies and adapt innovative strategies to integrate, participate, and access protection. Specifically, the book examines Ecuador, the largest recipient of refugees in Latin America, and assesses how it achieved migrant human security gains despite weak state presence in peripheral areas. Pugh deploys evidence from 15 months of fieldwork spanning ten years in Ecuador, including 170 interviews, an original survey of Colombian migrants in six provinces, network analysis, and discourse analysis of hundreds of presidential speeches and news media articles. He argues that localities with more dense networks composed of more diverse actors tend to produce greater human security for migrants and their neighbors. The book challenges the conventional understanding of migration and security, providing a new approach to the negotiation of authority between state and society. By examining the informal pathways to human security, Pugh dismantles the false dichotomy between international and national politics, and exposes the micro politics of institutional innovation.
The Invisibility Bargain seeks to understand how migrants negotiate their place in receiving societies and adapt innovative strategies to integrate, participate, and access protection. Specifically, the book examines Ecuador, the largest recipient of refugees in Latin America, and assesses how it achieved migrant human security gains despite weak state presence in peripheral areas. Pugh deploys evidence from 15 months of fieldwork spanning ten years in Ecuador, including 170 interviews, an original survey of Colombian migrants in six provinces, network analysis, and discourse analysis of hundreds of presidential speeches and news media articles. He argues that localities with more dense networks composed of more diverse actors tend to produce greater human security for migrants and their neighbors. The book challenges the conventional understanding of migration and security, providing a new approach to the negotiation of authority between state and society. By examining the informal pathways to human security, Pugh dismantles the false dichotomy between international and national politics, and exposes the micro politics of institutional innovation.
Research Interests: Latin American Studies, Latin America (Comparative Politics), Peace and Conflict Studies, Refugee Studies, Colombia, and 15 moreSocial Activism, Human Security, International Migration, Forced Migration, Migration Studies, Ecuador, Peace & Conflict Studies, Refugees, Colombian Conflict, Seguridad Ciudadana, Migraciones Internacionales, América Latina, Displacement, Refugiados, and Peace & Reconciliation
Peace-and conflict-oriented international education and training programs (PCIE) are an increasingly important part of higher education, serving as an opportunity to internationalize curriculum, promote engaged learning, and strengthen... more
Peace-and conflict-oriented international education and training programs (PCIE) are an increasingly important part of higher education, serving as an opportunity to internationalize curriculum, promote engaged learning, and strengthen students' global citizenship. PCIE can also serve as a source of social capital, representing an opportunity to build relationships that can lead to cooperative efforts in violence prevention and peacebuilding. Given this, we argue that both the content of PCIE programs and the network development they presumably help foster shape the quality and effectiveness of subsequent peacebuilding activity among PCIE alumni. In this chapter, we explore what is already known about whether, to what degree, and for what duration PCIE programs can enable formation of relationships that motivate continued peacebuilding work and present initial results from empirical research about network formation in PCIE programs.
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Resumen Ecuador tiene la reputación de tener instituciones progresistas que protegen a los migrantes, pero traducir estas instituciones formales en garantías efectivas de derechos e inclusión política es desigual en la práctica. La... more
Resumen
Ecuador tiene la reputación de tener instituciones
progresistas que protegen a los migrantes, pero
traducir estas instituciones formales en garantías
efectivas de derechos e inclusión política es desigual
en la práctica. La capacidad de los migrantes para
integrarse socialmente y participar políticamente
está influenciada por estructuras identitarias en las
que las diferencias de idioma, raza y clase hacen que
algunos migrantes se enfrenten a mayores expectativas
de «invisibilidad política». Este artículo explora
cómo dichas características impulsan las actitudes
sobre democracia, política y niveles de compromiso
político, a través de la encuesta a 720 migrantes en
julio de 2019 en Quito. Se identificó cómo se impide
o facilita el acceso a los derechos, la participación
política y la protección comparando seis poblaciones:
colombianos, venezolanos, cubanos, chinos, haitianos
y ecuatorianos retornados.
Palabras clave: Migración / Políticas / Participación política /
Inclusión / Derechos
Abstract:
Ecuador has a reputation for having progressive institutions that protect migrants, but translating these formal institutions into effective guarantees of rights and political inclusion is uneven in practice. The ability of migrants to successfully integrate into the host society and participate politically is influenced by intersecting identity structures where language, race, and class differences lead to some migrants confronting greater expectations of «political invisibility». This paper seeks to explore how these characteristics drive differential attitudes about democracy and politics and different levels of political engagement among diverse migrant groups by surveying 720 migrants in Quito in July 2019 and comparing six populations: Colombians, Venezuelans, Cubans, Chinese, Haitians, and returned Ecuadorian migrants to examine how these different factors impede or facilitate access to rights, political participation, and protection.
Keywords: Migration / Politics / Political Participation /
Inclusion / Rights
Ecuador tiene la reputación de tener instituciones
progresistas que protegen a los migrantes, pero
traducir estas instituciones formales en garantías
efectivas de derechos e inclusión política es desigual
en la práctica. La capacidad de los migrantes para
integrarse socialmente y participar políticamente
está influenciada por estructuras identitarias en las
que las diferencias de idioma, raza y clase hacen que
algunos migrantes se enfrenten a mayores expectativas
de «invisibilidad política». Este artículo explora
cómo dichas características impulsan las actitudes
sobre democracia, política y niveles de compromiso
político, a través de la encuesta a 720 migrantes en
julio de 2019 en Quito. Se identificó cómo se impide
o facilita el acceso a los derechos, la participación
política y la protección comparando seis poblaciones:
colombianos, venezolanos, cubanos, chinos, haitianos
y ecuatorianos retornados.
Palabras clave: Migración / Políticas / Participación política /
Inclusión / Derechos
Abstract:
Ecuador has a reputation for having progressive institutions that protect migrants, but translating these formal institutions into effective guarantees of rights and political inclusion is uneven in practice. The ability of migrants to successfully integrate into the host society and participate politically is influenced by intersecting identity structures where language, race, and class differences lead to some migrants confronting greater expectations of «political invisibility». This paper seeks to explore how these characteristics drive differential attitudes about democracy and politics and different levels of political engagement among diverse migrant groups by surveying 720 migrants in Quito in July 2019 and comparing six populations: Colombians, Venezuelans, Cubans, Chinese, Haitians, and returned Ecuadorian migrants to examine how these different factors impede or facilitate access to rights, political participation, and protection.
Keywords: Migration / Politics / Political Participation /
Inclusion / Rights
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Research Interests: Discourse Analysis, International Law, Refugee Studies, Colombia, Latin American politics, and 15 morePolitical Science, Politics, Securitization, Forced Migration, Ecuador, Solidarity, Latin America, Refugee, Migraciones Internacionales, Refugees and Forced Migration Studies, Refugee Law, Migración, South America, Refugiados, and Transnational Migration
Social norms are shared rules indicating whether a behavior is typical or desirable among one’s reference group. While social norms play a role in shaping peer violence, the evidence of the strength of this influence is mixed. This... more
Social norms are shared rules indicating whether a behavior is typical or desirable among one’s reference group. While social norms play a role in shaping peer violence, the evidence of the strength of this influence is mixed. This systematic review synthesizes evidence on the relationship between social norms and peer violence and identifies the strategies and outcomes of social norms interventions. Five databases were searched, identifying only seven studies: three focused on the empirical relationship between social norms and peer violence, and four on social norms interventions on peer violence. The strength of the influence of social norms on peer violence depends on individual-level characteristics and the type and degree of violence. Social norms lack a unified definition and are not by themselves a critical factor in reducing peer violence. This research contributes to clarifying the current and future role of social norms in preventing peer violence. Keywords Social norms · Peer violence · Youth · Violence prevention · Systematic review
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In order to improve security for both Colombian forced migrants andEcuadorians in the communities where they live, an approach thattakes advantage of governance networks can allow residents tonegotiate access to resources and rights that... more
In order to improve security for both Colombian forced migrants andEcuadorians in the communities where they live, an approach thattakes advantage of governance networks can allow residents tonegotiate access to resources and rights that they otherwise wouldnot be able to enjoy. It can also improve relations between the twogroups.
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The expansion of international trials over the last decades has reinvigorated the debate surrounding the efficacy of retributive justice over restorative justice in response to mass humanitarian crises. This study examines the ways... more
The expansion of international trials over the last decades has reinvigorated the debate surrounding the efficacy of retributive justice over restorative justice in response to mass humanitarian crises. This study examines the ways different transitional justice models contribute to stable peace. It suggests that a hybrid utilization of both restorative justice mechanisms (e.g., amnesty) and retributive justice mechanisms (e.g., trials) is most effective in achieving a stable peace in a post-accord state, and that context is an important intervening factor. Using a mixed method approach, I first examine a group of 25 test cases, analyzing the relationship between restorative and retributive justice and post-conflict stability. I then examine more closely the paradigmatic case studies of El Salvador, Rwanda, and Mozambique in order to see how the three dominant models worked within individual country contexts. While the data suggests some linkage between the hybrid model and post-con...
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In a developed democratic party system, the party is perceived as a channel for popular contestation of policies. If an individual or group is unsatisfied with the performance or policies of those in power, they can seek a change in these... more
In a developed democratic party system, the party is perceived as a channel for popular contestation of policies. If an individual or group is unsatisfied with the performance or policies of those in power, they can seek a change in these policies or of the governing regime itself by supporting opposing parties who seek to block the regime’s policies through legislative action or to replace the regime through electoral competition.
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International institutions provide a structure for cooperation among states, but they also insert themselves into national and local political spaces, as conveyors and propagators of international norms in domestic spaces, “third-side”... more
International institutions provide a structure for cooperation among states, but they also insert themselves into national and local political spaces, as conveyors and propagators of international norms in domestic spaces, “third-side” providers of good offices brokering between governments and society, and providers of resources to help address problems. The UN and the ICC played a direct role in influencing the process and outcomes of political responses to the conflict in Colombia. The UNHCR and UNDP shaped the treatment of victims, targeting of funding, and the political incentives for peace. The ICC pushed negotiators to incorporate international transitional justice norms embodied in the Rome Statute against impunity. This chapter traces the mechanisms through which these international institutions have penetrated domestic political spaces for peace in Colombia.
Research Interests: Latin American Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, International Law, Transnationalism, Colombia, and 11 moreInternational organizations, Global Governance, Political Science, Governance, Politics, Transitional Justice, Peace, Impunity, International Organizations, Proceso De Paz En Colombia, and Springer Ebooks
In an era of mass migration and restrictive responses, this book seeks to understand how migrants negotiate their place in the receiving society and adapt innovative strategies to integrate, participate, and access protection. Their... more
In an era of mass migration and restrictive responses, this book seeks to understand how migrants negotiate their place in the receiving society and adapt innovative strategies to integrate, participate, and access protection. Their acceptance is often contingent on the expectation that they contribute economically to the host country while remaining politically and socially invisible. These unwritten expectations, which this book calls the “invisibility bargain,” produce a precarious status in which migrants’ visible differences or overt political demands on the state may be met with a hostile backlash from the host society. In this context, governance networks of state and nonstate actors form an institutional web that can provide access to rights, resources, and protection for migrants through informal channels that avoid a negative backlash against visible political activism. This book examines Ecuador, the largest recipient of refugees in Latin America, asking how it has achiev...
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This article explores how state and non-state actors compete to promote or combat securitizing discourses about migration through different media in a Global South receiving country. Drawing on theories of framing and securitization, the... more
This article explores how state and non-state actors compete to promote or combat securitizing discourses about migration through different media in a Global South receiving country. Drawing on theories of framing and securitization, the article traces the ways in which migrants in Ecuador are securitized, and the types of actors that are most influential in proposing salient frames that are invoked to justify specific policies or practices. It examines the role of agency by analyzing the presence or absence of migrant voices and other non-state actors in influencing the framing of news stories and in concrete policy outcomes. The article employs multiple methods, including content analysis of more than 800 newspaper articles on migration in three Ecuadorian newspapers over eight years, frame analysis of more than 100 television news videos, and discourse and social network analysis of more than 400 tweets harvested in the aftermath of an anti-immigrant incident in 2019. Given the centering of European experiences in dominant securitization theories, this work contributes a Global South perspective that illuminates the role of power and authority in the diffusion of securitizing discourses. It shows that the social construction of migrant identity and framing profoundly affects the human security of migrants.
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Research Interests: Education, Peace and Conflict Studies, Social Networks, Training and Development, Monitoring And Evaluation, and 10 morePolitical Science, Social Capital, Evaluation, Conflict Resolution, Capacity Building, Peace Education, Peacebuilding, Measurement and evaluation in education, Action (Physics), and Peacebuilding and Development
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Research Interests: Peace and Conflict Studies, Social Networks, Training and Development, Political Science, International Education, and 10 moreSocial Capital, Conflict Resolution, Peace Studies, Peace Education, Intercultural dialogue, Study Abroad, Peacebuilding, Alumni, Public Administration and Policy, and Comparative International Education
Research Interests: Social Movements, Latin American Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, Social Capital, and 15 moreLegitimacy, Nonviolence, Latin American social movements, Ecuador, Peace Studies, Peace Education, Peace, Peacebuilding, Solidarity, Nonviolent Civil Resistance, Politics of Solidarity, América Latina, Scrutiny, Decolonialidad, and Latin Americans
This article argues that an “invisibility bargain” constrains migrants’ identities and political participation, demanding their economic contributions plus political and social invisibility in exchange for tolerance of their presence in... more
This article argues that an “invisibility bargain” constrains migrants’ identities and political participation, demanding their economic contributions plus political and social invisibility in exchange for tolerance of their presence in the host country. In response, migrants negotiate their visible identity differences, minimize social distance from the host population, and build informal coalitions with non-state brokers to avoid citizen backlash against overt political activism. Examining Colombian forced migrants in Ecuador, the article challenges state-centric governance approaches, underscoring migrant agency in negotiating identity to influence social hierarchies, coexistence, and human security. Its findings advance the broader understanding of migration in the Global South.
Research Interests: Latin American Studies, Gender Studies, Economics, Comparative Politics, International Studies, and 15 moreLatin American politics, Migration, National Identity, International Migration, Forced Migration, Migration Studies, Ecuador, Andes, Intersectionality, Latin America, Andean studies, Invisibility, Latinoamerica, Migración, and Ethnicity and National Identity
This article investigates political opportunities and constraints associated with incorporating the concept of universal citizenship into migration debates. Analyzing the speeches of Ecuador's president Rafael Correa over eight years,... more
This article investigates political opportunities and constraints associated with incorporating the concept of universal citizenship into migration debates. Analyzing the speeches of Ecuador's president Rafael Correa over eight years, the article argues that Correa strategically crafted a narrative of universal citizenship to undergird politically beneficial policies. Political constraints from constituents and rivals, and the populist nature of his governing style, hollowed out progressive migration policy innovations to the point that universal citizenship became a rhetorical device more than a substantive policy agenda. Through this empirical case, the article develops a more nuanced critical understanding of universal citizenship discourses as sites for negotiating the relationship between states and migrants.
Research Interests: Discourse Analysis, Democratic Theory, Colombia, Global Citizenship, Discourse, and 15 moreCosmopolitanism, International Migration, Forced Migration, Contemporary International Migration, Democracy, Citizenship And Governance, Ecuador, Ideology and Discourse Analysis, Andes, Colombian Politics, Citizenship, Cosmopolitan Democracy, Andean studies, Citizen participation, and Bolivarian Revolution
Research Interests: Education, Peace and Conflict Studies, Border Studies, Refugee Studies, Colombia, and 15 morePolitical Science, Migration, Migration Studies, Ecuador, Capacity Building, Peace Education, Borderlands Studies, Peacebuilding, Youth, Borders and Frontiers, Refugees and Forced Migration Studies, International Aid and Development, Migración, Borders and Borderlands, and Refugiados
Research Interests: Peace and Conflict Studies, Refugee Studies, Immigration, Political Science, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and 15 moreFaith Based Organizations, Mediation, Conflict Resolution, Conflict Management, Migration Studies, Ecuador, Refugees, Latin America, Social Science Research Network, Cross Cultural Communication, Cross cultural studies, Neutrality, Public Administration and Policy, Non state actors, and Distrust
This paper explores the provision of security within refugee-receiving countries, in which tensions between refugees and the host population may create instability and occasionally violence, and the state’s lack of political incentive to... more
This paper explores the provision of security within refugee-receiving countries, in which tensions between refugees and the host population may create instability and occasionally violence, and the state’s lack of political incentive to protect basic human rights for refugees (who do not vote) increases the vulnerability of this population. Even when formal institutional protections exist, refugee rights in practice are often denied and human security jeopardized through an ‘invisibility bargain’, in which the host society tacitly allows refugees’ physical presence within the country, but demands in return social and political invisibility, including an effective abrogation of formally-guaranteed rights and political claim-making. This leads to a volatile condition in which unresolved conflicts can escalate into intergroup or intragroup violence. In response to the gaps in the formal institutional protections of the state for refugees and forced migrants, non-state actors in some c...
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The conventional wisdom about political science international education assumes that students choose between short “island” study abroad programs that are accessible but have only superficial impact, and longer immersion programs,... more
The conventional wisdom about political science international education assumes that students choose between short “island” study abroad programs that are accessible but have only superficial impact, and longer immersion programs, achieving a greater effect. This article argues that well-designed study abroad programs can combine the best of both models to achieve significant impact even in a short program. It proposes a “bridge model” for reconceptualizing study abroad not as a discrete event with more or less impact on student learning, but as a key intervention that furthers a student's overall development within an internationalized curriculum. The article examines the case of a peacebuilding study abroad program in Ecuador. It measures alumni perceptions of impact, objective outcomes, and alumni network development. The key finding is that solid program design and structured cross-cultural interaction produces the type of long-term effect and networks traditionally associat...
Research Interests: Peace and Conflict Studies, Political Science, International Education, Politics, Identity Politics (Political Science), and 10 moreEcuador, Peace Education, Study Abroad, Curriculum, Peacebuilding, Latin America, Internationalization of higher education, Comparative International Education, APSC, and Latin Americans
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The refugee system in the Americas is codified in instruments like the Refugee Convention and Protocol, the Cartagena Declaration, the Mexico Action Plan and Brazil Declaration, and implementing legislation within member states. However,... more
The refugee system in the Americas is codified in instruments like the Refugee Convention and Protocol, the Cartagena Declaration, the Mexico Action Plan and Brazil Declaration, and implementing legislation within member states. However, there is a widely recognized gap between institutional protections and implementation in practice. This chapter traces the case of Colombian forced migration in Ecuador to advance the argument that the conceptualization and application of the refugee system has shifted considerably over the past decade. Domestic political incentives, international reputation, and populist imaginaries of el pueblo have led to a discourse of openness that relies on generosity, globalism, and solidarity narratives that mask the regression of a rights-based refugee regime, exposing contradictions in the system. The chapter draws on discourse analysis of political speeches and media stories in Ecuador, as well as interviews with key stakeholders in the UN system, NGOs, the state, and migrants in Ecuador.
Research Interests: Discourse Analysis, International Law, Refugee Studies, Colombia, Latin American politics, and 12 moreSecuritization, Venezuela, Forced Migration, Transnational migration, Ecuador, Latin America, Migraciones Internacionales, Refugees and Forced Migration Studies, Refugee Law, Migración, South America, and Refugiados
Social norms are shared rules indicating whether a behavior is typical or desirable among one’s reference group. While social norms play a role in shaping peer violence, the evidence of the strength of this influence is mixed. This... more
Social norms are shared rules indicating whether a behavior is typical or desirable among one’s reference group. While social norms play a role in shaping peer violence, the evidence of the strength of this influence is mixed. This systematic review synthesizes evidence on the relationship between social norms and peer violence and identifies the strategies and
outcomes of social norms interventions. Five databases were searched, identifying only seven studies: three focused on the empirical relationship between social norms and peer violence, and four on social norms interventions on peer violence. The strength of the influence of social norms on peer violence depends on individual-level characteristics and the type and degree of violence. Social norms lack a unified definition and are not by themselves a critical factor in reducing peer violence. This research contributes to clarifying the current and future role of social norms in preventing peer violence.
Keywords Social norms · Peer violence · Youth · Violence prevention · Systematic review
outcomes of social norms interventions. Five databases were searched, identifying only seven studies: three focused on the empirical relationship between social norms and peer violence, and four on social norms interventions on peer violence. The strength of the influence of social norms on peer violence depends on individual-level characteristics and the type and degree of violence. Social norms lack a unified definition and are not by themselves a critical factor in reducing peer violence. This research contributes to clarifying the current and future role of social norms in preventing peer violence.
Keywords Social norms · Peer violence · Youth · Violence prevention · Systematic review
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MARLAS is an international journal covering developments in transnational, national, and regional studies in Latin America, the Caribbean, US Hispanic/Latinx cultures, and related areas. We are proud to be celebrating the culmination of... more
MARLAS is an international journal covering developments in transnational, national, and regional studies in Latin America, the Caribbean, US Hispanic/Latinx cultures, and related areas. We are proud to be celebrating the culmination of our fifth year of publication! With its double-blind peer-reviewed articles from international scholars, MARLAS provides readers with the best up-to-date research available worldwide through new historical evidence and interpretations, unique perspectives on events, and theoretical advances with important implications for scholars working in Latin American Studies. It actively supports innovative work in all fields, including those that are multidisciplinary in nature. New publications from domestic and foreign publishers are surveyed, and reviews of important works are included.
Art, film, literature, telenovelas, comic strips (Mafalda!), music, cuisines, and other cultural products are scrutinized for their embodiment of crucial issues, including: migration, identity, belonging, human rights, gender definitions, continuity and change, transborder collaborations (even in a pandemic), narcotrafficking and violence, multiculturalism, unofficial memory and archive, urbanism, and digital outreach.
As our December 2021 issue is released, we want to commemorate with you the fifth anniversary of MARLAS. We do so with enormous pride for the journal’s accomplishments. Contributions from our authors, reviewers, and readers and their engagement with the journal created new perspectives on Latin American studies, cutting-edge research, and innovative work in the social sciences, humanities, and the arts. Above all, a remarkable MARLAS success has been bringing to large audiences around the world the extraordinary life experiences of Latin Americans and their daily struggles for democracy, economic development, and social justice.
Art, film, literature, telenovelas, comic strips (Mafalda!), music, cuisines, and other cultural products are scrutinized for their embodiment of crucial issues, including: migration, identity, belonging, human rights, gender definitions, continuity and change, transborder collaborations (even in a pandemic), narcotrafficking and violence, multiculturalism, unofficial memory and archive, urbanism, and digital outreach.
As our December 2021 issue is released, we want to commemorate with you the fifth anniversary of MARLAS. We do so with enormous pride for the journal’s accomplishments. Contributions from our authors, reviewers, and readers and their engagement with the journal created new perspectives on Latin American studies, cutting-edge research, and innovative work in the social sciences, humanities, and the arts. Above all, a remarkable MARLAS success has been bringing to large audiences around the world the extraordinary life experiences of Latin Americans and their daily struggles for democracy, economic development, and social justice.
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Migrants fleeing economic hardship or violence are entitled to a range of protections and rights under domestic and international law, yet they are often denied such protections in practice. In an era of mass migration and restrictive... more
Migrants fleeing economic hardship or violence are entitled to a range of protections and rights under domestic and international law, yet they are often denied such protections in practice. In an era of mass migration and restrictive responses for Central Americans fleeing to Mexico and the United States, Colombians seeking refuge in Ecuador, and Venezuelans displaced to Colombia, Peru, and elsewhere, migrant acceptance is often contingent on the expectation that they contribute economically to the host country while remaining politically and socially invisible. These unwritten expectations, which Jeffrey D. Pugh calls the "invisibility bargain," produce a precarious status in which migrants' visible differences or overt political demands on the state may be met with hostile backlash from the host society. In this context, governance networks of state and non-state actors form an institutional web that can provide indirect access to rights, resources, and protection, but simultaneously help migrants avoid negative backlash against visible political activism. Based on the findings in his book, Pugh discusses the implications of migration for the Latin American region at a time when governments have closed borders and increased restrictions.
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The cruelty is the point. The U.S. government has adopted the practice, manifested across numerous programs and policies implemented by multiple agencies, of using terror, humiliation and fear to strip dignity, due process, and humanity... more
The cruelty is the point. The U.S. government has adopted the practice, manifested across numerous programs and policies implemented by multiple agencies, of using terror, humiliation and fear to strip dignity, due process, and humanity from asylum seekers and other migrants seeking to enter the United States. These practices are designed to short circuit the legal and ethical obligations toward asylum seekers under international law, domestic legislation, and common decency by preventing access to the channels in which due process can occur. The goal is to try to make life so miserable for asylum seekers that others will be deterred from attempting to make the journey to the United States, even though there is little evidence that it accomplishes this purpose.
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Aunque colombianos encontraron un refugio cálido en Ecuador después de ser desplazados de su país por una guerra civil que duro décadas, la vida se ha vuelto más difícil para ellos en los últimos años, en parte como resultado del flujo de... more
Aunque colombianos encontraron un refugio cálido en Ecuador después de ser desplazados de su país por una guerra civil que duro décadas, la vida se ha vuelto más difícil para ellos en los últimos años, en parte como resultado del flujo de venezolanos que buscan seguridad. Este artículo de la revista académica del Migration Policy Institute se basa en encuestas llevadas a cabo por los autores con migrantes en Quito, comparando y contrastando las experiencias de colombianos y venezolanos, y evaluando sus percepciones de discriminación, victimización, confianza en instituciones y esperanzas para el futuro.
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Ecuador hosts more refugees and asylum seekers than any other country in Latin America. The welcome, once warm, has cooled a bit for Colombians who sought refuge amid a half-century civil war. This article from the Migration Policy... more
Ecuador hosts more refugees and asylum seekers than any other country in Latin America. The welcome, once warm, has cooled a bit for Colombians who sought refuge amid a half-century civil war. This article from the Migration Policy Institute’s online journal draws on the authors’ surveys of migrants in Quito, comparing and contrasting the experiences of Colombians and more newly arrived Venezuelans.
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Colombia es uno de los países con más muertes por armas de fuego en el mundo después de Brasil, Estados Unidos, India y México; 82 % de esas muertes tienen lugar en entornos urbanos y no están relacionadas con el conflicto armado (Naghavi... more
Colombia es uno de los países con más muertes por armas de fuego en el mundo después de Brasil, Estados Unidos, India y México; 82 % de esas muertes tienen lugar en entornos urbanos y no están relacionadas con el conflicto armado (Naghavi et al., 2018). Las lesiones por este tipo de armas causaron más de 520.000 muertes en el país desde 1990, equivalente a 10 % de todas las muertes ocurridas y 15 % de todos los años de vida perdidos prematuramente (Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, 2018). 90 % de las muertes por armas de fuego ocurren durante los años productivos de la vida y se dan principalmente en hombres jóvenes en contextos vulnerables (Instituto Nacional de Salud, 2014; Instituto Nacional de Salud, 2017; Naghavi et al., 2018; Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses, 2016). Ante esta realidad, las entidades del nivel nacional y local se han enfocado en implementar intervenciones que reduzcan la violencia y, en particular, las lesiones por arma de fuego. La presente Nota de Política expone las conclusiones de la revisión normativa sobre la restricción al porte de armas en Colombia y hace una revisión de la evidencia que concierne a dicha política. Dicha revisión rastrea los principios legales que antecedieron a la restricción nacional al porte de armas realizada en 2016 y sus renovaciones posteriores, y es parte de los resultados de un estudio que busca entender el proceso de toma de decisiones y el rol de la sociedad civil que llevó a la implementación de la restricción, así como su adopción en poblaciones jóvenes en contextos vulnerables.
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The expansion of international trials over the last decades has reinvigorated the debate surrounding the efficacy of retributive justice over restorative justice in response to mass humanitarian crises. This study examines the ways... more
The expansion of international trials over the last decades has reinvigorated the debate surrounding the efficacy of retributive justice over restorative justice in response to mass humanitarian crises. This study examines the ways different transitional justice models contribute to stable peace. It suggests that a hybrid utilization of both restorative justice mechanisms (e.g., amnesty) and retributive justice mechanisms (e.g., trials) is most effective in achieving a stable peace in a post-accord state, and that context is an important intervening factor. Using a mixed method approach, I first examine a group of 25 test cases, analyzing the relationship between restorative and retributive justice and post-conflict stability. I then examine more closely the paradigmatic case studies of El Salvador, Rwanda, and Mozambique in order to see how the three dominant models worked within individual country contexts. While the data suggests some linkage between the hybrid model and post-conflict stable peace, there are intervening factors (such as culture, alignment of narratives with elite and popular interests and values, and international legitimacy), which are also at work.
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Training and capacity building are common peacebuilding interventions that represent potentially powerful platforms for change. However, there is a widespread assumption amongst many peace practitioners that teaching someone skills and... more
Training and capacity building are common peacebuilding interventions that represent potentially powerful platforms for change. However, there is a widespread assumption amongst many peace practitioners that teaching someone skills and increasing their knowledge of conflict resolution concepts will lead naturally to individual behavioural changes and aggregate into societal reductions in violence. The internal logic within this theory of change is often underspecified, assuming that increasing knowledge about how to resolve conflict effectively will make it more likely that participants will do so. Furthermore, most of the attention is focused on what to teach, rather than on who, or on how to build connections to ensure that, once trained, these participants have access to information, networks, and resources to be able to turn their knowledge and attitude changes into action. In this briefing, I introduce a framework that I call the catalytic network model and illustrate briefly how it has worked in practice in an international education/training programme: The Regional Institute for the Study and Practice of
Strategic Nonviolent Action in the Americas, which took place in Quito, Ecuador.
Strategic Nonviolent Action in the Americas, which took place in Quito, Ecuador.
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En 2009 y 2010, la Fundación CEMPROC elaboró una encuesta para entender mejor las experiencias y percepciones de personas colombianos que viven en Quito, Ecuador. El instrumento intentó medir las experiencias de conflictos y violencia que... more
En 2009 y 2010, la Fundación CEMPROC elaboró una encuesta para entender mejor las experiencias y percepciones de personas colombianos que viven en Quito, Ecuador. El instrumento intentó medir las experiencias de conflictos y violencia que han tenido en Ecuador,
lo que hicieron frente estos problemas, las organizaciones que les ayuda, su confianza en varias instituciones y grupos, sus interacciones con ecuatorianos, y sus características individuales. Las entrevistas con la encuesta estaban dirigidas hacia colombianos identificados por medio de organizaciones colombianos y organizaciones que sirven la población de migrante en Quito, especialmente ARCOE, ASOREC, HIAS, Servicio Jesuita, y otros. Esta encuesta forma parte de un programa más amplio en que CEMPROC y su director Dr. Jeff Pugh están
investigando los factores que fomentan seguridad humana y paz en comunidades receptores de migrantes. Además del proyecto de investigación, CEMPROC ha llevado a cabo una serie de cursos, talleres, capacitaciones, y foros de diálogos para empoderar y ayudar a la población migrante y refugiada en Ecuador a aumentar sus capacidades de negociación y manejo pacifico de conflictos. Los siguientes cuadros y gráficos representan un resumen de los datos de la encuesta. Un análisis más completa y profunda esta en marcha y estará publicado en el futuro.
lo que hicieron frente estos problemas, las organizaciones que les ayuda, su confianza en varias instituciones y grupos, sus interacciones con ecuatorianos, y sus características individuales. Las entrevistas con la encuesta estaban dirigidas hacia colombianos identificados por medio de organizaciones colombianos y organizaciones que sirven la población de migrante en Quito, especialmente ARCOE, ASOREC, HIAS, Servicio Jesuita, y otros. Esta encuesta forma parte de un programa más amplio en que CEMPROC y su director Dr. Jeff Pugh están
investigando los factores que fomentan seguridad humana y paz en comunidades receptores de migrantes. Además del proyecto de investigación, CEMPROC ha llevado a cabo una serie de cursos, talleres, capacitaciones, y foros de diálogos para empoderar y ayudar a la población migrante y refugiada en Ecuador a aumentar sus capacidades de negociación y manejo pacifico de conflictos. Los siguientes cuadros y gráficos representan un resumen de los datos de la encuesta. Un análisis más completa y profunda esta en marcha y estará publicado en el futuro.
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Conventional wisdom holds that international education builds cross-cultural capacity, and evaluations of peacebuilding interventions point to significant impacts. Yet, little scholarship links these fields or explores the significance of... more
Conventional wisdom holds that international education builds cross-cultural capacity, and evaluations of peacebuilding interventions point to significant impacts. Yet, little scholarship links these fields or explores the significance of networks of participants in either area for mobilizing transnational peacebuilding capital. We address this by examining how peace and conflict-oriented international education (PCIE) programs enable construction of lasting alumni networks, and how these can contribute to longer-term conflict prevention and peacebuilding activities after participants return home. We draw upon an original dataset of 178 PCIE programs and a survey of program founders and staff.
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As pressure for change increases in Venezuela, the path to democracy lies in strengthening the broad coalition of Venezuelan activists united against injustice, not in violent shortcuts that will ultimately undermine democracy.
Research Interests: Social Movements, Latin American Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Latin American politics, Democratization, and 15 moreNonviolence, Protest, Venezuela, Democracy, Dictatorships, Peace, Solidarity, Latin America, Movimientos sociales, Protest Movements, Contentious Politics, Politics of Solidarity, Estudios Latinoamericanos, Venezuelan Politics, and Transición de la Dictadura a la Democracia
(Versión traducido del artículo original en inglés: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0197918318781845) Este artículo propone la figura del “convenio de invisibilidad” con el fin de explorar el fenómeno por el cual ciertos... more
(Versión traducido del artículo original en inglés: https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0197918318781845)
Este artículo propone la figura del “convenio de invisibilidad” con el fin de explorar el fenómeno por el cual ciertos migrantes –particularmente aquellos en mayor condición de vulnerabilidad—son privados de aspectos inherentes a la identidad ciudadana tales como la visibilidad política y social (aunque no de su obligación económica), a cambio de su relativa inclusión en el tejido social del país receptor. Bajo esta lógica, el migrante negocia sus características identitarias, minimiza su distancia con la comunidad receptora, y construye coaliciones informales con agentes no estatales, evitando así prácticas de activismo político que pudieran derivar en resistencia ciudadana. A través del análisis del caso de los migrantes forzados colombianos en Ecuador, este artículo busca hacer una evaluación crítica de enfoques estatales de gobernanza y, de esta manera, enfatizar la autonomía y capacidad del migrante en la negociación de su identidad para impactar jerarquías sociales y generar espacios de coexistencia y de seguridad humana. Los resultados de esta investigación que presento en este artículo hacen un aporte importante al estudio de la migración en el Sur Global.
Este artículo propone la figura del “convenio de invisibilidad” con el fin de explorar el fenómeno por el cual ciertos migrantes –particularmente aquellos en mayor condición de vulnerabilidad—son privados de aspectos inherentes a la identidad ciudadana tales como la visibilidad política y social (aunque no de su obligación económica), a cambio de su relativa inclusión en el tejido social del país receptor. Bajo esta lógica, el migrante negocia sus características identitarias, minimiza su distancia con la comunidad receptora, y construye coaliciones informales con agentes no estatales, evitando así prácticas de activismo político que pudieran derivar en resistencia ciudadana. A través del análisis del caso de los migrantes forzados colombianos en Ecuador, este artículo busca hacer una evaluación crítica de enfoques estatales de gobernanza y, de esta manera, enfatizar la autonomía y capacidad del migrante en la negociación de su identidad para impactar jerarquías sociales y generar espacios de coexistencia y de seguridad humana. Los resultados de esta investigación que presento en este artículo hacen un aporte importante al estudio de la migración en el Sur Global.
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América Latina ha sido por décadas un escenario primordial para la creación de innovadoras estrategias de la no violencia con el fin de confrontar la opresión, corrupción, violaciones a los derechos humanos y el autoritarismo. Una de las... more
América Latina ha sido por décadas un escenario primordial para la creación de innovadoras estrategias de la no violencia con el fin de confrontar la opresión, corrupción, violaciones a los derechos humanos y el autoritarismo. Una de las explicaciones fundamentales del éxito de ciertos movimientos en términos de alcance y efectividad en el logro de sus objetivos es la habilidad de quienes los lideran de unificar a la población, planear acciones estratégicas y mantener la disciplina de la no violencia. La preparación y el entrenamiento para mejorar tales habilidades implican recursos, redes transnacionales e información suministrada por actores externos, así como el conocimiento del contexto, la legitimidad local y las redes locales institucionales. Este ensayo propone un modelo de apoyo internacional de entrenamiento y educación en acción no violenta que evita caer en la trampa de imponer el modelo liberal de la construcción de paz y que desafía jerarquías colonizadoras que podrían poner en peligro la legitimidad de los movimientos y exponer a los activistas a mayor escrutinio y represión. Con el fin de ilustrar cómo este modelo puede operar en la práctica, este ensayo examina el caso del Programa Regional para el Estudio y Práctica de la Acción Estratégica No violenta en las Américas.
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Latin America has been a laboratory for innovative strategic nonviolent action to confront oppression, corruption, human rights violations, and authoritarianism. One of the most salient explanations for why some movements achieve greater... more
Latin America has been a laboratory for innovative strategic nonviolent action to confront oppression, corruption, human rights violations, and authoritarianism. One of the most salient explanations for why some movements achieve greater scale and effectiveness in meeting their objectives is the skills of movement organizers in unifying the population, planning strategic moves, and maintaining nonviolent discipline. The training and education to improve these skills often requires resources, transnational networks, and information sharing from external actors to complement the contextual knowledge, local legitimacy, and embedded institutional networks of local insiders. This essay proposes a model for international support of nonviolent action training and education that avoids the pitfalls of imposed liberal peacebuilding and colonizing hierarchies that could undermine movement legitimacy and expose activists to greater scrutiny and repression. In order to illustrate how the model works in practice, the essay examines the case of the Regional Institute for the Study and Practice of Strategic Nonviolent Action in the Americas.
Research Interests: Social Movements, Latin American Studies, Peace and Conflict Studies, Training and Development, Social Capital, and 13 moreNonviolence, Transnational Social Movements, Latin American social movements, Ecuador, Peace Studies, Peace Education, Peace, Peacebuilding, Solidarity, Nonviolent Civil Resistance, Politics of Solidarity, América Latina, and Decolonialidad
Research Interests: Latin American Studies, Social Identity, Refugee Studies, Colombia, Latin American politics, and 23 moreMigration, Global Citizenship, Immigration And Integration In Europe, Negotiation, National Identity, International Migration, Forced Migration, Migration Studies, Citizenship and Identity, Transnational migration, Citizenship And Governance, Ecuador, Global South, Colombian Politics, Refugees, Citizenship, Latin America, Refugees and Forced Migration Studies, América Latina, Migración, Facultad de ciencias politicas y sociales, Proyectos Y Politicas De Inclusion Social, and Belonging and Citizenship
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Invited lecture at Boston University's School of Theology for its Program on Religion and Conflict Transformation, September 2016
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"Host-Migrant Peacebuilding in Border Regions," Conflict Resolution Colloquium talk by Professor Jeff Pugh, Department of Conflict Resolution, Human Security, and Global Governance at UMass Boston, December 2, 2014. See more about the... more
"Host-Migrant Peacebuilding in Border Regions," Conflict Resolution Colloquium talk by Professor Jeff Pugh, Department of Conflict Resolution, Human Security, and Global Governance at UMass Boston, December 2, 2014. See more about the department at http://www.umb.edu/academics/mgs/crhsgg/ .
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Charla invitada en la Universidad de las Americas, Quito Ecuador, Julio 2014
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Talk given at the Harvard Mediation Project to mediation trainees on October 18, 2014, Cambridge, MA
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Refugees and forced migrants often flee violent countries of origin only to find themselves facing additional political, social, and economic exclusion in their new host communities. States, which may be faced with political pressure to... more
Refugees and forced migrants often flee violent countries of origin only to find themselves facing additional political, social, and economic exclusion in their new host communities. States, which may be faced with political pressure to focus resources on citizens and not foreigners, are not always reliable providers of security in practice, even for legally-recognized refugees. As a result, governance networks that include NGOs, informal institutions, and members of the UN system have taken on an important, but sometimes controversial, role in filling this gap and fostering peace and security.
This presentation draws on the speaker’s research with Colombian refugees in Ecuador, as well as on his nine years of experience leading a small nonprofit organization dedicated to conflict resolution education in Ecuador. Through case studies of partnerships involving coordination among UN, NGO, and state actors, the presentation will identify key lessons learned, and will examine the promise and limitations of governance networks. It will also propose recommendations for practitioners in all three sectors seeking to combine and coordinate the peacebuilding potential of state, non-state, and UN actors. The presenter gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the Committee on Aid to Faculty Research (CAFR) grant which made this research possible.
This presentation draws on the speaker’s research with Colombian refugees in Ecuador, as well as on his nine years of experience leading a small nonprofit organization dedicated to conflict resolution education in Ecuador. Through case studies of partnerships involving coordination among UN, NGO, and state actors, the presentation will identify key lessons learned, and will examine the promise and limitations of governance networks. It will also propose recommendations for practitioners in all three sectors seeking to combine and coordinate the peacebuilding potential of state, non-state, and UN actors. The presenter gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the Committee on Aid to Faculty Research (CAFR) grant which made this research possible.
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Audio recording of a research presentation given by Dr. Jeff Pugh, Executive Director of CEMPROC, on October 27, 2011 at the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University in Providence, RI.
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4-Session Dinner Seminar Series
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Course Description: This course examines the sources of conflict and insecurity for migrants and their receiving countries in the Americas and surveys a variety of policy and programmatic responses that states and non-state actors have... more
Course Description: This course examines the sources of conflict and insecurity for migrants and their receiving countries in the Americas and surveys a variety of policy and programmatic responses that states and non-state actors have taken to increase peace and security. Migration can lead to political resistance and social conflict in both sending and receiving countries, and flows of illicit goods, drugs, and transnational criminal activity across borders remain a vexing challenge. Through a policy memo, public engagement project, and research paper, students analyze the complexities of integration, security, and coexistence in border spaces, tracing the connections among migration policy, transnational organized crime, and regional integration.
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Doctoral seminar class (online) at UMass Boston, Fall 2021. Course Description: The course will explore the genesis, current use and critiques of concept of Human Security and its applicability in an increasingly globalizing world.... more
Doctoral seminar class (online) at UMass Boston, Fall 2021.
Course Description: The course will explore the genesis, current use and critiques of concept of Human Security and its applicability in an increasingly globalizing world.
Course Objectives: By fully participating in this course, you should:
1. Become fully conversant in human security concepts and theories, and be able to distinguish their underlying assumptions from dominant national security approaches, while also applying critical lenses to expose the shortcomings of the human security discourse
2. Be able to analyze conflicts and types of insecurity across a range of issue areas, identify proximate and root causes, and understand how they relate to individuals' freedom from foreseeable harm
3. Be able to integrate multiple disciplinary and analytical approaches to produce a nuanced and deeper understanding of how structural and direct violence is experienced at an individual level, and the types of institutional approaches that can mitigate its harm
Program web page: http://www.umb.edu/academics/mgs/crhsgg/grad/globalgov_phd
Course Description: The course will explore the genesis, current use and critiques of concept of Human Security and its applicability in an increasingly globalizing world.
Course Objectives: By fully participating in this course, you should:
1. Become fully conversant in human security concepts and theories, and be able to distinguish their underlying assumptions from dominant national security approaches, while also applying critical lenses to expose the shortcomings of the human security discourse
2. Be able to analyze conflicts and types of insecurity across a range of issue areas, identify proximate and root causes, and understand how they relate to individuals' freedom from foreseeable harm
3. Be able to integrate multiple disciplinary and analytical approaches to produce a nuanced and deeper understanding of how structural and direct violence is experienced at an individual level, and the types of institutional approaches that can mitigate its harm
Program web page: http://www.umb.edu/academics/mgs/crhsgg/grad/globalgov_phd
Research Interests: Gender Studies, International Relations, Peace and Conflict Studies, International Studies, Global Governance, and 11 moreInternational Security, Migration, Security Studies, Critical Security Studies, Humanitarian Intervention, Responsibility to Protect, Human Security, Migration Studies, Peace & Conflict Studies, Environmental Security, and Security and Peace Studies
Course syllabus for graduate course on Immigration and Conflict, Fall 2016 at UMass Boston. "This course explores the conflicts that emerge as a result of intergroup encounters when people move to a new host country, whether they are... more
Course syllabus for graduate course on Immigration and Conflict, Fall 2016 at UMass Boston.
"This course explores the conflicts that emerge as a result of intergroup encounters when people move to a new host country, whether they are migrating in search of economic opportunity or fleeing violence and oppression. Using an interdisciplinary approach, the course examines the push and pull factors driving migration, as well as the economic and identity factors that explain host-country receptivity or exclusion. It delves into psychological theories of intergroup prejudice, identity formation, and ethnocentrism; sociological theories of networks, assimilation, and group threat, and political explanations of citizenship, political discourse, power, and international institutions to influence migration and refugee policy. The course examines different approaches to addressing conflict between immigrants and the host population, including interpersonal approaches like dialogue, training, trauma awareness, and cross-cultural mediation, as well as system-level approaches like advocacy, human rights accompaniment, networked peacebuilding, public policy, and strategic nonviolent tactics. Drawing concrete case studies from a range of contexts, the course will especially examine anti-immigrant political discourse in the 2016 U.S. presidential elections. It will also study examples including; the 2006 pro-immigration marches in LA and elsewhere; the Minutemen and the Arizona immigration law; the struggle between 'welcome refugees' movements vs. nationalism in Germany; xenophobic violence in South Africa; and relatively progressive policies toward Colombian refugees in Ecuador, among others."
"This course explores the conflicts that emerge as a result of intergroup encounters when people move to a new host country, whether they are migrating in search of economic opportunity or fleeing violence and oppression. Using an interdisciplinary approach, the course examines the push and pull factors driving migration, as well as the economic and identity factors that explain host-country receptivity or exclusion. It delves into psychological theories of intergroup prejudice, identity formation, and ethnocentrism; sociological theories of networks, assimilation, and group threat, and political explanations of citizenship, political discourse, power, and international institutions to influence migration and refugee policy. The course examines different approaches to addressing conflict between immigrants and the host population, including interpersonal approaches like dialogue, training, trauma awareness, and cross-cultural mediation, as well as system-level approaches like advocacy, human rights accompaniment, networked peacebuilding, public policy, and strategic nonviolent tactics. Drawing concrete case studies from a range of contexts, the course will especially examine anti-immigrant political discourse in the 2016 U.S. presidential elections. It will also study examples including; the 2006 pro-immigration marches in LA and elsewhere; the Minutemen and the Arizona immigration law; the struggle between 'welcome refugees' movements vs. nationalism in Germany; xenophobic violence in South Africa; and relatively progressive policies toward Colombian refugees in Ecuador, among others."
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Introduction to the Special Issue on Contention & Nonviolent Action in Latin America