Gabriel Scheidecker

Der Bevölkerungsanteil mit vietnamesischer Migrationsgeschichte in Deutschland wird häufig auf zwei Einwanderungsgruppen zurückgeführt: sogenannte Boat People, die Ende der 1970er und Anfang 1980er Jahre von der BRD als Kontingentflüchtlinge aufgenommen wurden (Su & Sanko 2017), und Vertragsarbeiter, die in den 1980er Jahren in die DDR kamen (Dennis 2005). Diese beiden Gruppen haben insbesondere aufgrund der gegensätzlichen Migrationsregime und vielschichtigen Verflechtungen mit der Geschichte von Teilung und Wiedervereinigung beider Länder einige Aufmerksamkeit in den Medien, in Kunst und Kultur sowie der Forschung erhalten. Migration aus Vietnam nach Deutschland ist allerdings kein abgeschlossener Prozess. Wie wir in diesem Beitrag zeigen, ist spätestens seit der Jahrtausendwende eine stetig anwachsende Zuwanderung zu verzeichnen. Neue vietnamesi-sche Migrant*innen in diesem Sinne dürften mittlerweile gar die Mehr-heit innerhalb der deutsch-vietnamesischen Bevölkerung ausmachen.

The chapter presents an ethnographic case study about the anger repertoire in a rural community of Madagascar. Based on emotion narratives, it first depicts the meaning and internal differentiation of the anger vocabulary in use among this particular population. Then, it reconstructs how children acquire and learn to differentiate the anger emotions of their community. According to the analysis presented here, the conceptual differentiation of anger is clearly based on particular, shared patterns of social relationships and interactions as well as on the affective dynamics they engender. Key Words: emotion, affect, anger, childhood, socialization, child development, Madagascar, cross-cultural, anthropology, cultural psychology

Dieser Beitrag entwirft eine Typologie der Wut aus kulturvergleichender Perspektive. Auf der Basis von emotionsanthropologischer Forschung werden drei Formen von Wut beschrieben: Sanktionswut, Vergeltungswut und appellierende Wut. Diese Wuttypen sind in verschiedenen kulturellen Kontexten unterschiedlich ausdifferenziert.

Wie erlernen Kinder Emotionen und welche Rolle spielt dabei ihre soziale und kulturelle Umwelt? Gabriel Scheidecker untersucht die – bisher primär in westlichen Kontexten erforschte – Sozialisation von Emotionen erstmals in Madagaskar. Auf der Basis einer 15-monatigen Feldforschung in einer ländlichen Region der Insel beschreibt er detailliert die emotionalen Erfahrungen von Kindern in Verbindung mit den Erziehungsidealen und -praktiken ihrer Bezugspersonen. Im Fokus steht die Ausbildung einer kulturspezifischen moralischen Furcht gegenüber den Eltern sowie die feine Ausdifferenzierung von Wut. Damit erweitert der Band die Forschung zur Emotionssozialisation um eine kulturanthropologische Perspektive.

This Element explores multi-faceted linkages between feeding and relationship formation based on ethnographic case studies in Morocco, Madagascar, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, and Costa Rica. Research demonstrates that there are many culturally valued ways of feeding children, contradicting the idea of a single universally optimal feeding standard. It demonstrates further that in many parts of the world, feeding plays a central role in bonding and relationship formation, something largely overlooked in current developmental theories. Analysis shows that feeding contributes to relationship formation through what we call proximal, transactional, and distal dimensions. This Element argues that feeding practices can lead to qualitatively distinct forms of relationships. It has important theoretical and practical implications, calling for the expansion of attachment theory to include feeding and body-centered caregiving and significant changes to global interventions currently based on 'respon...

Aus emotionsanthropologischer Perspektive werden diskrete Emotionen wie Arger, Zorn oder Emporung in der Regel als kultur- und sprachspezifische Auspragungen von Emotionalitat betrachtet. Entsprechend setzen die meisten Emotionsethnografien an dem im jeweiligen Forschungskontext gebrauchlichen Emotionsvokabular an, dessen Bedeutung analysiert und in die Publikationssprache ubersetzt wird. So umschreibt etwa Lutz das auf der mikronesischen Insel Ifaluk gelaufige Emotionskonzept song als eine Form von righteous anger und weist zugleich darauf hin, dass im Englischen kein exaktes Pendant existiere (vgl. 1988).

This chapter presents an alternative view to classic attachment theory and research, arguing for systematic, ethnographically informed, approaches to the study of child development. It begins with the observation that the attachment relationships children develop are locally determined and insists that these features of attachment can only be captured through observing, talking with, and listening to local people as they go about living their lives, including caring for children. It reviews the profound ways in which child care around the world differs from the Western model, upon which attachment theory was founded and myriad recommendations have been derived. This worldwide account perspective of child care is profusely illustrated with ethnographic examples. Network theory is then discussed: from the full range of social networks to relational ones (i.e., smaller sets of individuals to whom children may become attached). The chapter considers attachment theorists’ resistance to t...

Attachment theory has its roots in an ethnocentric complex of ideas, longstanding in the United States, under the rubric of “intensive mothering.” Among these various approaches and programs, attachment theory has had an inordinate and wide-ranging influence on a wide range of professions concerned with children (family therapy, education, the legal system, and public policy, the medical profession, etc.) inside and outside the United States. This chapter looks critically at how attachment theory has been applied in a variety of contexts and discusses its influence on parenting. It examines the tension distortion that often results when research findings are translated into actual applications or programs, ignoring any particularities of cultural context. It describes how attachment theory has been used as the basis for child-rearing manuals and has influenced programs and policies more directly, to form legal decisions that affect families, as well as to develop public policy and p...

This article explores ethical issues raised by parenting interventions implemented in communities in low- to middle-income countries (LMICs) with rural, subsistence lifestyles. Many of these interventions foster “positive parenting practices” to improve children’s chances of fulfilling their developmental potential. The practices are derived from attachment theory and presented as the universal standard of good care. But attachment-based parenting is typical primarily of people living Western lifestyles and runs counter to the different ways many people with other lifestyles care for their children given what they want for them. Thus, such parenting interventions involve encouraging caregivers to change their practices and views, usually with little understanding of how such changes affect child, family, and community. This undermines researchers’ and practitioners’ ability to honor promises to uphold ethic codes of respect and beneficence. Support for this claim is provided by comp...

This article examines the parent intervention program evaluated by Weber et al. (2017) and argues that there are scientific and ethical problems with such intervention efforts in applied developmental science. Scientifically, these programs rely on data from a small and narrow sample of the world's population; assume the existence of fixed developmental pathways; and pit scientific knowledge against indigenous knowledge. The authors question the critical role of talk as solely providing the rich cognitive stimulation important to school success, and the critical role of primary caregivers as teachers of children's verbal competency. Ethically, these programs do not sufficiently explore how an intervention in one aspect of child care will affect the community's culturally organized patterns of child care.

ABSTRACT Although much has been written about “socialization” and “emotion” in different cultures, these two topics have rarely been systematically combined and analyzed from the perspective of ontogenetic development. Drawing on approaches from developmental psychology and cultural anthropology, we examine how cultural models of emotion and their corresponding emotionally arousing child-rearing practices lead to culture-specific pathways of emotion development among the Bara (Madagascar) and the Tao (Taiwan). We focus especially on socializing emotions, which we define in terms of their function to orient individuals toward cultural norms and values and to inculcate social conformity. Based on empirical data gathered in long-term ethnographic field studies, we provide evidence that the Bara emphasize “fear” and the Tao “anxiety” as focal socializing emotions.

ABSTRACT This article addresses the interdependency between child-rearing goals and values, emotionally arousing child-rearing practices, and the socialization and development of so-called socializing emotions. The latter are assigned a general psychological control function that enables children to adjust their behavior and emotions to the normative prescriptions of their culture. It is assumed that they are inculcated by means of emotionally arousing strategies such as frightening, corporal punishment, mocking, shaming but also praising, encouraging, or cherishing (Quinn, 200539. Quinn , N. 2005. Universals of child rearing. Anthropological Theory, 5: 477–516. [CrossRef]View all references) and that—in line with Vygotsky's genetic law of development—they become internalized so effectively that they can exert their control function already without prior disciplining.

This article examines the parent intervention program evaluated by Weber et al. (2017) and argues that there are scientific and ethical problems with such intervention efforts in applied developmental science. Scientifically , these programs rely on data from a small and narrow sample of the world's population; assume the existence of fixed developmental pathways; and pit scientific knowledge against indigenous knowledge. The authors question the critical role of talk as solely providing the rich cognitive stimulation important to school success, and the critical role of primary caregivers as teachers of children's verbal competency. Ethically, these programs do not sufficiently explore how an intervention in one aspect of child care will affect the commu-nity's culturally organized patterns of child care.

Many claim that political deliberation has become exceedingly affective, and hence, destabilizing. The authors of this book revisit that assumption. While recognizing that significant changes are occurring, these authors also point out the limitations of turning to contemporary democratic theory to understand and unpack these shifts. They propose, instead, to reframe this debate by deploying the analytic framework of affective societies, which highlights how affect and emotion are present in all aspects of the social. What changes over time and place are the modes and calibrations of affective and emotional registers. With this line of thinking, the authors are able to gesture towards a new outline of the political.

This article considers claims of Mesman et al. (2017) that sensitive responsiveness as defined by Ainsworth, while not uniformly expressed across cultural contexts, is universal. Evidence presented demonstrates that none of the components of sensitive responsiveness (i.e., which partner takes the lead, whose point of view is primary , and the turn-taking structure of interactions) or warmth are universal. Mesman and colleagues' proposal that sensitive responsiveness is " providing for infant needs " is critiqued. Constructs concerning caregiver quality must be embedded within a nexus of cultural logic, including caregiving practices, based on ecologically valid childrearing values and beliefs. Sensitive responsiveness, as defined by Mesman and attachment theorists, is not universal. Attachment theory and cultural or cross-cultural psychology are not built on common ground.

This article considers claims of Mesman et al. (2017) that sensitive responsiveness as defined by Ainsworth, while not uniformly expressed across cultural contexts, is universal. Evidence presented demonstrates that none of the components of sensitive responsiveness (i.e., which partner takes the lead, whose point of view is primary, and the turn-taking structure of interactions) or warmth are universal. Mesman and colleagues' proposal that sensitive responsiveness is "providing for infant needs" is critiqued. Constructs concerning caregiver quality must be embedded within a nexus of cultural logic, including caregiving practices, based on ecologically valid childrearing values and beliefs. Sensitive responsiveness, as defined by Mesman and attachment theorists, is not universal. Attachment theory and cultural or cross-cultural psychology are not built on common ground.

Für vietnamesische Migrant*innen in Deutschland stellt die Erziehung ihrer Kinder eine besondere Herausforderung dar. Neben der allgemeinen Elternaufgabe, ihre Kinder nach bestem Wissen und Können großzuziehen, stehen sie in besonderem Maße vor der Herausforderung, ihre Erziehung mit den für sie neuen Bedingungen, Normen und Erwartungen im Ankunftsland abzustimmen. Eine zentrale Rolle hierbei spielen die Hilfen zur Erziehung, ein staatlich organisiertes System mit der Aufgabe, Eltern durch Erziehungsberatung, sozialpädagogische Familienhilfe und andere Hilfeformen zu unterstützen und gleichzeitig über das Kindeswohl zu wachen. In diesem Beitrag setzen wir uns mit der Frage auseinander, wie vietnamesische Eltern in Berlin die Erziehungshilfe und ihre einzelnen Angebote erleben und welche Einstellungen und Emotionen sie diesen entgegenbringen. Ausgangspunkt ist hierbei unsere Beobachtung, dass vietnamesische Eltern der Erziehungshilfe häufig misstrauisch gegenüberstehen. Dies ist insbesondere deshalb bemerkenswert, als viele Eltern mit dem primären Ziel aus Vietnam nach Deutschland gekommen sind, ihren Kindern hier eine bessere Bildung zu ermöglichen. Warum sollten Eltern also Unterstützung bei einer Aufgabe ablehnen, der sie selbst äußerste Priorität einräumen? Wie lässt sich ihre Skepsis diesem institutionellen Feld gegenüber verstehen?

The present study investigated the impact of young adolescents’ learning environment on their culturally mediated view of themselves as expressed in their self-drawings. The sample consisted of 83 young adolescents, 35 male and 48 female, aged 10 to 14 years with an overall average of 12 years living in three diverse ecosocial contexts within the Southern region of Madagascar: 28 participants were recruited in rural villages, 14 adolescents lived in a small town, and 41 adolescents were raised in a large city. The participants did not differ in age or gender distribution. The analyses revealed significant differences in the adolescents’ emotional expressions, drawing styles, visual appearances, and figure sizes in their self-depictions, which were in line with ecosocial variations in their learning environments. The findings are interpreted in light of the participants’ varying socialization experiences, access to formal education, and exposure to modern media and a Western lifestyle.

Attachment refers to an enduring affectional bond of humans to particular others, whether individual or collective, as well as to non-human actors such as animals, material possessions, places, or spiritual beings. Attachments are distinguished by their tendency to persist over time and across contexts and their profound emotional and affective significance. The concept of attachment allows attending to the diachronic dimension of emotional and affective relationships from the perspective of individual actors. As a fundamental precondition for human existence and the development of all major capacities, attachments are formed from birth onwards. Although early attachments may persist for decades or even a lifetime, individuals usually also lose attachment figures and turn toward new ones over the course of their life. The temporal dimension of attachment transcends particular bonds, since experiences in preceding attachment relationships function as dispositions for future attachments (affective disposition). Such dispositions for attachment are theorized as internal, affective-cognitive working models of the self in relation to particular others. They evolve through past relational experiences and guide ongoing interactions in existing attachment relationships as well as engagement in future relationships, which in turn provide new experiences. Thus, the concept of attachment accounts for both continuity and transformation across the course of life. Attachments are central for affective and emotional processes in several ways. To begin with, attachments themselves can be considered affectional bonds. This becomes apparent, for instance, in the desire for proximity with an attachment figure, the comfort (or discomfort) experienced in their presence , distress upon involuntary separation, or the grief that may be caused by losing them. Moreover, dispositions for attachment can be considered central to the idiosyncratic ways in which individuals tend to emotionally affect and respond to others, and also to the specific patterns of deploying and regulating emotions in relationships and beyond. Such patterns are most fundamentally established through early socialization, as caregivers and other social partners may play a powerful role in amplifying, curbing, or modulating a child's affective environment and their various affective responses to it.

The present study investigated the impact of young adolescents' learning environment on their culturally mediated view of themselves as expressed in their self-drawings. The sample consisted of 83 young adolescents, 35 male and 48 female, aged 10-14 years with an overall average of 12 years living in three diverse ecosocial contexts within the Southern region of Madagascar: 28 participants were recruited in rural villages, 14 adolescents lived in a small town, and 41 adolescents were raised in a large city. The participants did not differ in age or gender distribution. The analyses revealed significant differences in the adolescents' emotional expressions, drawing styles, visual appearances, and figure sizes in their self-depictions, which were in line with ecosocial variations in their learning environments. The findings are interpreted in light of the participants' varying socialization experiences, access to formal education, and exposure to modern media and a Western lifestyle.

This contribution investigates sentiments of justice in a rural community of Southern Madagascar in relation to the police (gendarmerie). Starting from the observation that gendarmes are commonly feared by the village population, it seeks to explore how this widespread sentiment emerges, stabilizes, and transforms through interactions between gendarmes, villagers, urbanites, and multiple legal frames. On the micro level ‘police fright’ is closely interlinked with the image of gendarmes as powerful strangers, which can be traced back to colonial times and is constantly re-instantiated by villager-gendarme interactions. At a broader level it is argued that the villagers tend to position the gendarmes beyond their hierarchically structured moral community, within an egalitarian social sphere based on antagonistic reciprocity. Against this backdrop the question is raised, if and under which conditions these sentiments towards gendarmes may alter. To this end a second group of actors is taken into account: formally educated relatives of the villagers in a nearby town. Referring to the normative frame of the state, these actors display indignation upon the gendarme’s “power abuse” and sometime support the villagers by taking legal measures. Their efforts of encouraging the villagers to overcome their fear has had hardly any effect. It is argued that the sentiments and their normative reference are anchored in broader socio-emotional repertoires acquired in the process of socialization. While the villager’s sentiments towards gendarmes are based in the socialization within a particular peer culture, the urbanites draw in addition on their education in institutions of the state.