Behavioural Nudges

The public health problem of obesity is addressed. It is proposed that visual images of ready-to-eat calorific highly palatable foods (herein “fast food”) be prohibited; necessitating fast food purveyors to resort to the textual depictions of food offerings in lieu of visual images. It is predicted that the textual as opposed to visual presentation of fast food will have the effect of modifying the “choice architecture” of consumers in that it will tactically interrupt the decision-making process thereby (i) mitigating against mindless or uniformed choices, encouraging consumers to make more reflective decisions about fast food consumption; including inter alia considering type, properties and quantity and (ii) contributing to informed decision-making concerning fast food consumption generally; as a result of the increase in quality and quantity of information provided through a textual medium as well as encouraging consumers to consider textual health warnings such as calorie or recommended portion size labelling.

Lorsqu’il est question d’influencer le comportement des individus à l’aide de politiques publiques ou d’interventions gouvernementales, certains préfèreront parler de contrôle social, nous pouvons remarquer que la première décennie du xxie siècle est marquée par la volonté de développer et tester des politiques réglementaires envisagées et évaluées selon le critère de l’efficacité, sans que celui-ci ne soit nécessairement explicité. De telles politiques sont habituellement regroupées sous le concept général de nudges, inventé par Cass Sunstein et Richard Thaler. Ils expliquent qu’un nudge est une «initiative qui préserve la liberté de choix tout en orientant les décisions des gens dans la bonne direction.» Le dernier élément de cette définition peut sembler surprenant : pourquoi faudrait-il orienter les décisions des gens dans la « bonne » direction ? Ceux-ci ne sont-ils pas rationnels et autonomes ? Ne seraient-ils pas en mesure de prendre des décisions en accord avec leurs valeurs et leurs projets de vie ?

A viselkedéstudomány eredményeinek közigazgatási felhasználása nem új keletű. Azonban a szerző figyelmét egy szingapúri tanulmányút során hívták fel erre. 2021. március 8-12. között 25 ország képviselői vehettek részt egy olyan képzésen, ahol kísérletet tettek szemléletük átadására. A Szingapúri Kooperációs Program-Közszolgáltatások 4.0: Okos Nemzet Állampolgári Szolgáltatások című képzés elvégzését követően egyértelművé vált, hogy mi az, amit lehet(ne) másképp is csinálni. E tanulmányban a közigazgatás bökéseivel foglalkozom, bemutatom a jó megoldásait, és hazai kísérletét az oltási hajlandóság befolyásolására.

This paper is a preliminary attempt to bring to the fore some questions and issues regarding the role of habits in aesthetics. Indeed, much attention has recently been given to habits across a wide range of fields of inquiry: philosophers turn to the concept to investigate its significance to the historical development of Western thought; neuroscientists look into the role that habits play in the functioning of the human mind and identify the neural and psychological underpinnings of habitual behavior; anthropologists, political scientists and sociologists tap into habits as a key notion to explain social dynamics and collective behavior. For all of these waves that the notion has made in other parts of the humanities and social sciences, there have been so far, however, only a few sustained discussions of habits in conjunction with aesthetics. What is the role of habits in aesthetic experience? How do habits influence and regulate artistic creative processes?

Despite good intentions, the increasing number of plastic bag bans aimed at alleviating marine plastic pollution saw a correlated increase in the number of unintended consequences that emerged alongside the bans, suggesting that human behavior towards plastic bag consumption have not changed, but merely shifted, and are feeding into other major international environmental catastrophes. Nudge theory, which helps people make better choices for themselves without inhibiting their free will, is a potential solution that has been shown to play a subtle but important role in providing options under circumstances where complex information needs to be streamlined for the wider community, avoiding any unintended consequences and behavioural shifts that might arise from instruments that diminishes autonomy. It is therefore timely to look into the insights of nudge theory to encourage a positive behavioural change to reduce plastic bag consumption. Here we apply a systematic literature review to show how successful applications of nudges in supermarkets can be leveraged to reduce plastic bag consumption. We find that the current applications of nudges in various industries worldwide, including supermarkets have produced positive and encouraging results, as well as producing lasting behavioural change among the wider community. Supermarkets are identified as a powerful deployment site of these nudges due to their positioning as a dominant provider of plastic bags to the wider community, as well as being the largest and leading provider of daily food needs. Finally, we synthesise our findings to produce a coherent and testable framework of actionable interventions that supermarkets can employ to nudge customers towards reduced plastic bag reliance, accompanied with a visual timeline of a customer shopping in a supermarket experiencing these nudges.

Despite good intentions, the increasing number of plastic bag bans aimed at alleviating marine plastic pollution saw a correlated increase in the number of unintended consequences that emerged alongside the bans, suggesting that human behavior towards plastic bag consumption have not changed, but merely shifted, and are feeding into other major international environmental catastrophes. Nudge theory, which helps people make better choices for themselves without inhibiting their free will, is a potential solution that has been shown to play a subtle but important role in providing options under circumstances where complex information needs to be streamlined for the wider community, avoiding any unintended consequences and behavioural shifts that might arise from instruments that diminishes autonomy. It is therefore timely to look into the insights of nudge theory to encourage a positive behavioural change to reduce plastic bag consumption. Here we apply a systematic literature review ...

El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar las intersecciones entre la idea de cultura corporativa, los mecanismos de prevención (compliance) y el injusto penal de la persona jurídica. Para ello se procederá como sigue: en la primera parte se analizará el concepto de cultura corporativa (2); en la segunda se analizará qué debe entenderse por cultura corporativa criminógena, y en qué medida los estudios de psicología social y criminológicos pueden darnos información relevante al respecto (3); en la tercera se recapitularán algunas conclusiones sobre cómo es posible prevenir la aparición de factores culturales criminógenos (4); para concluir con un análisis jurídico-penal del papel que la cultura corporativa puede tener en el injusto de la persona jurídica (5).

– The applied behavioural literature has found green nudges to be effective mechanisms for reducing residential water and energy consumption. This study estimates the impact of several such behavioural interventions on residential water consumption in Cape Town, South Africa – a setting characterised by both water austerity and extreme income inequality. In this setting, in addition to testing the ability of behavioural messages to encourage water conservation in times of water scarcity, we are able to examine whether average treatment effects are heterogeneous across the income spectrum. Ultimately, the behavioural messages are found to have a significant effect on water saving: resulting in an average reduction of water usage of between 0.6%-1.3% across the various treatments. As water restrictions intensified throughout the intervention period, these decreases in consumption represent decreases over and above those attributed to rising tariffs and increasingly stringent physical restrictions. In terms of the most effective message, the results indicate that publicly recognising water conservation or appealing to households to act in the public interest are the most effective motivators for water conservation. Treatment effects were found to vary across income groups. Specifically, wealthier households were more responsive to social incentives such as public recognition of water conservation, appeals to the public good and social norm comparisons.

Nudges might be useful to promote changes in agents' eating habits associated with the epidemic of obesity. But they also could have some limitations. In the article, those limitations are attributed to an assumption of individualist cognition that leads to design interventions in the decision-making of isolated agents that face isolated situations. Urban obesity in Mexico City is presented as a case to show some limitations of nudging in the promotion of new eating habits. The argument is based on some qualitative studies made by some sociologists and anthropologists that address food practices in Mexico City. The case shows the necessity to adopt a rather social and situated view on cognition in the design of food policies to face obesity. Such policies should be oriented to form new eating habits by destructuring obesogenic environments. Not just focus interventions on individual decision making.

Rethinking the political workings of habit and habituation, this article suggests, is vital to understanding the logics and possibilities of social change today. Any endeavour to explore habit's affirmative potential, however, must confront its legacies as a colonialist, imperialist and capitalist technology. As a means to explore what it is that differentiates contemporary neoliberal modes of governing through habit from more critical approaches, this article compares contemporary 'nudge' theory and policy, as espoused by the behavioural economist Richard Thaler and the legal scholar Cass Sunstein, with the pragmatist philosophies of habit offered by John Dewey, William James and Shannon Sullivan. While nudge advocates focus on how policy-makers and corporate leaders can intervene in the 'choice archi-tectures' that surround us to outsmart or bypass problematic human tendencies, I argue, pragmatist philosophers appreciate the necessity of collective efforts to develop new and flexible forms of habituation in order to engender more enduring and democratic forms of social transformation.

The starting point of the present paper is the nudge phenomenon. The most disturbing element of their operation is their potential for individual manipulation, i.e. initiatives go beyond the acceptable limit of interference on individual choice. This feature is not ignored by nudge advocates, who discuss it extensively to justify the overriding benefits of such initiatives. In the discussion, they acknowledge the seminal importance of JS Mill's harm principle, which is introduced in On Liberty. Academics without hidden agendas must look into JS Mill's theories from an intellectual history perspective and study to what extent JS Mill's harm principle lends support to government and society's interference in private lives. The paper first unveils the contradictions in the interpretation of JS Mill's harm principle in order to show that it is an unlikely philosophical justification for nudge proponents. The paper argues further that JS Mill was familiar with Jeremy Bentham's writings on indirect legislation, presented in the Traités de legislation civile et pénale. It pinpoints elements of indirect legislation that are discussed by JS Mill in On Liberty without ever naming them as such. The paper contends that JS Mill's presentation of the harm principle can be read as a discussion with Bentham in relation to the appropriate limits of government intervention in people's lives. This double reading of JS Mill and Bentham through the lens of indirect legislation makes it possible to pinpoint the main differences between both authors as regards the appropriate degree of government interference. Bentham's theories appear to be a more relevant philosophical justification for the use of nudges than Mill's harm principle.

RESUMO: O artigo aborda consequências relevantes da neurociência ao direito do consumidor, cogitando seu uso em prol do aprimoramento da tutela consumerista. Principia-se com o exame de automatismos e vieses cognitivos, seguido da análise do neuromarketing e do efeito priming, instrumentos úteis à estratégia publicitária. Parte-se, então, às propostas de como a neurociência pode não ser apenas vilã, mas também auxiliar a embasar dispositivos legais vigentes-que protegem o consumidor-e fundamentar propostas inovadoras na tentativa de aprimorar a proteção dos cidadãos.

SUMÁRIO: Introdução;-1. Neurociência e automatismos: esgotamento do ego (ego depletion), aprendizado e tensão cognitiva;-2. Neuromarketing e efeito priming;-3. A regulamentação da publicidade e a neurociência;-3.1. O marketing enganoso sob a ótica da neurociência: what you see is all there is (wysiati);-3.2. A publicidade abusiva sob a ótica da neurociência;-3.2.1. Publicidade abusiva para crianças e adolescentes;-3.2.2. Publicidade abusiva que explora o medo;-3.3. Publicidade restrita: cigarros e bebidas alcoólicas;-4. O uso da neurociência em benefício dos consumidores;-4.1. O paternalismo libertário e o uso de nudges;-4.2. Treinamento pré-frontal;-Conclusão;-Referências.

Abstract: 
You have to decide whether development means affluence or weather it means peace prosperity and happiness. --Sunder Lal Bahuguna.
In the article we intend to study the phenomena of initiating sustainability via a small Nudges. Nudge play an important role changing people’s behaviour towards sustainability, we intend to study how same effectiveness can be increased by complementing nudges with movement, education (Think) and thro laws of land (Shove). We also intend to study the new practices on sustainability in developed countries and how developing countries like India are adopting some of them. The study is based on secondary data and case studies of various companies in India which have adopted sustainable approaches of innovations in their business model.
Keywords: Sustainable development, Nudge, Think, Shove.

My task in this chapter is a discussion of the issue of automaticity in Kotarbiński aided by some analysis of his stance concerning the know-how question. I shall also try to investigate the impact of this discussion on the philosophical framework of action theory which has been accepted in Chapter 1 under the umbrella of intentionalism. My overall stipulation is that, as in the case of many other important issues explored by Kotarbiński, the praxiological approach to automation and the know-how question appears not only as pioneering but also, in several respects, as still attractive and fresh. The basic praxiological intuition that automaticity economizes our actions and thus makes much sense in the context of our limited mental resources is at heart of the contemporary problems in philosophy and cognitive psychology.

Green nudges are an additional demand-side-management tool that can be used to reinforce government policy and improve policy outcomes. In this context, social comparisons have been shown to be particularly effective in the environmental space. Against the backdrop of a severe and sustained drought, this study estimates the impact of a social-norm inspired behavioural nudge implemented by local government in Cape Town, South Africa. The insert – which combined social comparison with a punitive threat – was sent to households consuming excessive amounts of water. The letter admonished recipient households for unacceptable, excessive and above-average water consumption. This paper estimates the treatment effect for a subsample of these households.

The impact of the intervention is calculated for various periods, namely: 2-months, 3-months, 4-months, 5-months, 6-months and 7-months after receipt of the letter. Throughout this timeline, the treatment effect remains relatively consistent: treated households reduced consumption by around 1.1 kl per month for the first six months after receipt of the letter; the treatment effect reduces to 0.9 kl seven-months post intervention. We use some back-of-the-envelope calculations to contextualise this saving against the current crisis. Assuming an average reduction of 1.1 kl per month over seven months implies a saving of 7.7 kl per households. Under Level 5 restrictions where individual consumption is capped at 87 l per person per day, this saving is equivalent to the monthly consumption of a three-person household.

Households that consumed greater than 50 kl in January 2017 were eligible to receive the letter. In terms of the percentage reduction in water consumption achieved by the intervention, when only considering eligible households (i.e. a sample of households consuming at least 50 kl in January 2017), the letter induced a consistent 3% reduction in consumption (decreasing to 2.5% seven-months post the intervention). The implication is that the nudge was extremely effective in eliciting a response in a group of households that were price insensitive and slow to respond to higher tariffs and physical restrictions.  Moreover, when considering the treatment effect against the entire sample (eligible and non-eligible households), the letter generated a consistent 6% reduction in consumption (decreasing to 5.3% seven-months post the intervention).

It is important to note that these treatment effects were realised at the end of a period which has seen increasingly stringent physical restrictions and tariff hikes: prices in the 5th and 6th tariff blocks increased by 293% and 689%, respectively. As the warning letter induced additional water savings on top of the savings generated by these more conventional demand-side-management tools, green nudges present as an effective tool for reinforcing government policy, particularly in a time of crisis.

Behavioral scientists have begun to research 'sludge,' excessive frictions that make it harder for people to do what they want to do. Friction is also an important concept in transaction-cost economics. Nevertheless, sludge has been discussed without explicit referral to transaction costs. Several questions arise from this observation. Is the analogy to friction used differently in both literatures? If so, what are the key differences? If not, should we develop the concept of sludge when the well-established literature on transaction costs already exists? This conceptual article shows that sludge and transaction costs are related, but distinct, concepts, and that the literature on sludge can benefit from incorporating elements from transaction-cost research. For example, we suggest defining sludge as aspects of the choice architecture that lead to the experience of costs, organize sludges using a typology inspired by the transaction-cost literature, highlight specificity, uncertainty, and frequency as important determinants of the 'sludginess' of choice architecture , and show that sludge audits can be conducted using methods developed in the transaction-cost literature.

Behavioural change techniques are currently used by many global organisations and public institutions. The amassing evidence base is used to answer practical and scientific questions regarding what cognitive, affective, and environment factors lead to successful behavioural change in the laboratory and in the field. In this piece we show that there is also value to examining interventions that inadvertently fail in achieving their desired behavioural change (e.g., backfiring effects). We identify the underlying causal pathways that characterise different types of failure, and show how a taxonomy of causal interactions that result in failure exposes new insights that can advance theory and practice. Behavioural Change: What Is It, Who Uses it, and Why? Using psychological insights to motivate people to change their opinions, attitudes, and behaviour go back as far as Ancient Greece [1] and Rome [2]. The 20th century sparked a dedicated interest in the psychological processes underlying behavioural change (see Glossary) from psychotherapists [3] and psycholinguists [4] studying the art of persuasion through to the behavioural engineering enterprise of the behaviourists in the 1950s [5] and 1960s [6], and on to nudges in the 2000s [7,8]. Early in history, as today, the behavioural change enterprise has been designed to answer a practical problem: what levers can we pull to change behaviour reliably both for personal and public good? Today, many public and private institutions implement behavioural change frameworks and behavioural change theories, which aim to provide leverage for changing behaviour on a mass scale (Box 1) [9]. Essentially, the goal is to identify and describe the factors that determine a targeted behaviour, decompose the contexts in which it is observed, and design and implement interventions to induce positive change. Applications range from efforts to improve dietary choices [10] and help people save more for their retirement [11] through to communicating responses to a public health crisis [12]. Learning from Failure How successful are behavioural interventions? [13]. The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) created a catalogue of interventions and treatments (we use these terms interchangeably) implemented in public bodies in 23 countries, showcasing the success story of behavioural change around the world (Box 2).The problem is that a rather loose inclusion criterion was used to determine what counts as an intervention (e.g., literature review), raising concerns about what is deemed a success [14]. Conversely, while failures have recently received some attention in the literature [15-17], along with illustrations of particular types (e.g., backfire effects) [18], a systematic evaluation of failures is lacking. In the researcher's world, this might be the result of publication bias; this has been instrumental in the replication crisis in psychology [19]. In the practitioner's world, the preoccupation with the credibility of evidence to determine the efficacy of a treatment overshadows examining what has not worked and why. In fact, this is where a causal explanatory approach would benefit both the basic science and policy world: constructing causal scenarios of potential relations that distinguish what might be relevant (what features of the intervention you think would influence an outcome) from what is not relevant (extraneous Highlights The behavioural change enterprise disproportionately focuses on promoting successes at the expense of examining the failures of behavioural change interventions. We review the literature across different fields through a causal explanatory approach to identify structural relations that impede (or promote) the success of interventions. Based on this analysis we present a tax-onomy of failures of behavioural change that catalogues different types of failures and backfiring effects. Our analyses and classification offer guidance for practitioners and researchers alike, and provide critical insights for establishing a more robust foundation for evidence-based policy.

Dispositional empathy has been found to positively predict donation behavior. However, very few studies have verified that such effect exists independently of situational empathy. Also, while the watching-eyes effect has been shown to promote prosocial behaviors, how it is manifested on online behaviors is highly uncertain. This study fills in the gap by examining the direct effect of dispositional empathy on individuals’ tendency to donate, the watching-eyes effect on online donation behavior, as well as the mediation effect of dispositional empathy on the watching-eyes effect. Results indicate that dispositional empathy independently and positively predicted donation behavior. The watching-eyes effect was insignificant in this experiment. There was also a pattern that low-empathy individuals were more affected by the watching-eyes effect, arguably through the quantity effect. However, such pattern was statistically insignificant.

Simple Summary: Many members of the public express a desire for farm animals to have a good quality of life. Yet, when it comes to purchasing higher welfare products which would support this, many consumers do not 'walk their talk'. This paper introduces the concept of 'nudging' as a means to help consumers align their actions with their intentions and support their desire to engage in pro-animal welfare behaviours. 'Nudging' is a collection of behaviour change tools designed to hint to, or suggest, a choice most closely aligned with an individual's self-interests or intentions. Their purpose is to simplify the decision-making environment by working in concert with the behavioural flaws known to influence human decision-making. Four specific behavioural 'nudges' are outlined: self-nudges, choice architecture, social norms and pre-commitments, along with examples of how they can be applied to animal welfare. Inspired by effective applications of 'nudging' to close the consumer attitude-behaviour gap in other relevant domains, this paper seeks to highlight how similar initiatives might be applied to better support higher welfare choices amongst consumers and in turn, enhance the lives of farm animals. Abstract: Citizen concern for the welfare of farm animals is well documented. However, there is a notable gap between people saying they want improved farm animal welfare and how they actually behave as a consumer. This is known as the citizen-consumer attitude-behaviour gap. As improvements in farm animal welfare can be affected by market demand, the choices consumers make become important. This paper introduces the concept of 'nudging' and discusses how it could be applied to reduce the attitude-behaviour gap amongst consumers. By designing the choice environment to better reflect the behavioural biases known to impact human decision-making, 'nudge' tools function to prompt individuals to make choices that are aligned with their stated intentions. Four 'nudge' tools: self-nudges, choice architecture, social norms and pre-commitments are discussed. The behavioural rationales for their use are reviewed and examples of how they might be applied to animal welfare provided. Improved farm animal welfare arguably requires improved pro-welfare consumer behaviour. This paper highlights how this might be encouraged by: self-nudging the salience of an ethical self-image; altering the choice architecture to influence decision-making; articulating social norms to impact behaviour; and using pre-commitment devices to overcome self-control issues.

Nudging operates by shaping the so-called architecture of our choices. This can happen in many ways, but often it involves altering how we perceive our choices by providing us with information or cues. For example, cleverly engineered road signs, financial disclosure statements, and nutrition labeling can prompt people to drive more safely, save more money, and eat healthier. These nudges operate by inserting themselves into our perceptual experience. We see—and consequently think about—information that we otherwise would not. In this paper, I argue that this form of nudging can create significant impact on aesthetics. Appreciating aesthetic value, whether it be beautiful natural scenery or an enticing meal, often depends on experience uninterrupted by other thoughts. And, even in less obviously aesthetic contexts, nudges can clutter or skew our experience. The irony here is that nudging—which purports to eschew coercion—ends up forcing us to think in certain ways and preventing us from experiencing the world as we might otherwise. I conclude that, at the very least, considerations of aesthetics and freedom of thought should figure more in our decisions about when to nudge and when not to nudge.

Nudges – policy proposals informed by work in behavioural economics and psychology that are designed to lead to better decision-making or better behaviour – are controversial. Critics allege that they bypass our deliberative capacities, thereby undermining autonomy and responsible agency. In this paper, I identify a kind of nudge I call a nudge to reason, which make us more responsive to genuine evidence. I argue that at least some nudges to reason do not bypass our deliberative capacities. Instead, use of these nudges should be seen as appeals to mechanisms partially constitutive of these capacities, and therefore as benign (so far as autonomy and responsible agency are concerned). I sketch some concrete proposals for nudges to reason which are especially important given the apparent widespread resistance to evidence seen in recent political events.

In this paper, we use behavioural insights to design a nudge aimed at reducing electricity consumption in 4 Dorp Street, a large office building with 24 floors, where several provincial government departments in the Western Cape are headquartered. We collected half-hourly meter readings from randomly assigned floors for the period 2015 – 2016. Results show a 9% reduction in energy consumption from a mix of routine information and inter-floor competitions while a combination of regular information, inter-floor competitions and assigned floor advocates yielded a 14% reduction in energy use. These are remarkably the largest reductions in energy consumption to have been demonstrated using behavioural nudges.

Special Issue, The Origins of the Welfare State: Global and Comparative Approaches Co-edited by Agnoletto, S. and Palmieri, C. http://zapruderworld.org/journal/archive/volume-3/overcoming-barriers-to-voluntary-servitude-positive-thinking-and-self-help-the-post-political-ideology-of-workfare/

While trying to compensate for the devastating effects of the Covid-19 epidemic in the world, the supply chain from energy to agriculture and food, the supply chain extending from the health sector to the economy is also protected. Although the epidemic process has created many psychological and sociological difficulties, it has also created awareness in the health sector about individual interaction and behavior patterns or individual-society relationship. These behavioral approaches, which form the main lines of human and social sciences, are also widely used in multidisciplinary fields such as public policy and economics. As a result of the studies, it has been determined that people exhibit attitudes far from rationality and fall into cognitive misconceptions. However, these behaviors can be brought under control by consciously triggering instructions to individuals within certain limits. This approach, which is considered as "nudging" in the economic literature, can keep people away from acting irrationally and is frequently used in public policy practices. For this purpose, in this study, decision-making behaviors against some problems observed in the health sector were examined using the survey method in the light of "nudge". It is expected that the results obtained will contribute to the policies and decision mechanisms in the relevant sector.

It is difficult to mobilize co-creating users over time: lack of motivation to contribute, difficulty in capitalizing on contributions. The outcomes of traditional co-creation processes are therefore often limited in scope. The use of blockchain is one way to overcome these limitations and scale up. By allowing contributors to be recognized or even remunerated, the blockchain produces a "nudge" effect thanks to the climate of trust it creates. Thanks to the traceability and capitalization of contributions, the blockchain also makes it possible to make the most of them by promoting their recombinations. Finally, the blockchain allows new approaches to intellectual property to be unleashed and new types of organizations (DAO) based on sharing to emerge.

The paper focuses on the paradox of nudges in policymaking-how certain policies, attempting to curb or encourage specific behaviour can actually backfire in their execution. With a primary emphasis on paternalistic policies, especially in case of social development policies like sin taxation (which is, in essence, negative reinforcement) and progressive legal mandates (that act as positive reinforcement), the paper also briefly discusses more recent developments in corporate policies where the paradox is apparent. Secondarily, a case study on India's decriminalisation of non-heterosexual relations helps explore the societal "ideological void". The nature of normative, paternalistic nudges in absence of real social change is discussed as a significant causative agent in the paradox.

Creșterea consumului sustenabil prin restructurarea meniurilor în favoarea preparatelor vegane și vegetariene Literatura psihosociologiei susține că deciziile indivizilor sunt influențate de percepțiile acestora despre ce fac ceilalți indivizi din jurul lor. Lucrarea "Nudge: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth, and Happiness" publicată în 2008 scrisă de Cass Sunstein și Richard Thaler oferă soluții cu privire la problemele sociale legate de conservarea energiei. Ei sugerează că în loc să fei provocate emoțiile, dorințele și alte înclinații care pot sabota deciziile bune, rezultatul poate fi obținut găsind metode inovative. Aceștia sugerează că cercetările științifice ale minții umane referitoare la tendința de a lua decizii iraționale și și eșecul de a anticipa schimbările de dispoziție pot fi aplicate proiectelor de design care îi îndeamnă pe oameni să facă alegeri mai bune, indiferent dacă ei sunt conștienți sau nu (Salinger, 2011). A spune indivizilor ceea ce fac alți indivizi să conserve energie reprezintă o tehnică de tip "nudge". Alte tehnici nudge variază de la micșorarea farfuriilor de mâncare din cantine, astfel încât oamenii își iau mai puțină mâncare până la revopsirea drumurilor astfel încât să creeze iluzi că șoferii merg rea repede, astfel încât aceștia să încetinească fără să se gândească la acest aspect. Prim Ministrul Angliei, David Cameron a fondat o echipă numită Nudge Unit, astfel încât să dezvolte tehnici nudge care să îmbunătățească sănătatea, mediul, acțiunile caritabile, rețelele sociale și sensul general al bunăstării. Acesta consideră tehnica nudge un mecanism de persuadare a cetățenilor să aleagă ce e mai bun pentru ei și societate (Basham, 2010). Conform teoriei procesului dual din domeniul psihologiei, gândirea are două moduri : reflectivă și automată. Indivizii se bazează pe modul automat atunci când trebuie să acționeze repede. Thaler și Sunstein responsabilizează indivizii pentru crearea arhitecturii decizionale și îi numește arhitecți decizionali. Acești arhitecți se găsesc peste tot de la cei care proiectează ceasuri deșteptătoare până la profesioniști din domeniul sănătății, la organizaori de planuri de pensionare și birocracți din agențiile guvernamentale (Selinger, 2011). Thaler și Sunstein (2008) consideră că tehnica de nudging "alterează comportamentul oamenilor într-o manieră previzibilă, fără a interzice nimic sau să modifice stimulentele economice ".

ABSTRACT: Objective: To identify, based on Behavioral Economic Theory, which are the possible nudges adopted by the State as a means of guaranteeing, to some extent, the right to an ecologically balanced environment, under the terms established by the Federal Constitution of 1988. Methodology: The deductive method is used, while the research is of a qualitative nature and analyzes bibliography and news about nudges and incentives granted by the State. Results: It was concluded that green nudges are a promising ally in the implementation of public policies aimed at promoting environmental sustainability. It is indisputable that green nudges have their limits, not being a solution for all environmental problems. They do not lend themselves to replace traditional broad-spectrum public policies, they do not make economic incentives or the imposition of repressive sanctions, when applicable, dispensable. The role of green nudges is supplementary, completing the panoply of defense of the environment. Contributions: Based on the Behavioral Economic Theory, alternatives to the State were presented, as guarantor and promoter of the right to an ecologically balanced environment, to induce sustainable behaviors.
Keywords: State incentives; Green nudges; Libertarian paternalism; Choice architecture; Environmental sustainability.
RESUMO: Objetivo: Identificar, com base na Teoria Econômica Comportamental, quais são os possíveis nudges adotados pelo Estado como meio de garantir, em alguma medida, o direito ao meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado, nos termos estabelecidos pela Constituição Federal de 1988.
Metodologia: Utiliza-se o método dedutivo, enquanto a pesquisa é de natureza qualitativa e analisa bibliografia e notícias sobre nudges e incentivos conferidos pelo Estado.
Resultados: Chegou-se à conclusão de que os green nudges constituem um aliado promissor na implementação de políticas públicas que visem à promoção da sustentabilidade ambiental. É indisputável que os green nudges têm seus limites, não consistindo em solução para todos os problemas ambientais. Não se prestam a substituir tradicionais políticas públicas de largo espectro, não tornam prescindíveis os incentivos econômicos, nem a inflição de sanções repressivas, quando cabíveis. O papel dos green nudges é suplementar, completando a panóplia de defesa do meio ambiente.
Contribuições: Apresentaram-se, com base na Teoria Econômica Comportamental, alternativas ao Estado, como garante e promotor do direito ao meio ambiente ecologicamente equilibrado, para induzir comportamentos sustentáveis.
Palavras-chaves: Incentivos estatais; Green nudges; Paternalismo libertário; Arquitetura de escolhas; Sustentabilidade ambiental.

This paper presents the hypothesis that the increased use of Nudge theory is symptomatic of a privation of international education. In order to perform this task, the paper will implement the method of intertextual analysis between Richard Thaler and Cass Sunstein’s 2008 work, Nudge: Improving Decisions About Health, Wealth, and Happiness (Nudge) and the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization’s (UNESCO) 2015 publication, Rethinking Education: Towards a global common good? Using this method, I aim to demonstrate that the increasing global interest in education appears to have arisen following the success of Nudge theory.

This paper draws on Austrian Economics contributions and its criticism of interventionist policies and programs
to assess the prospects of Behavioral economics nudges and libertarian paternalism in a world where fallible
knowledge is pervasive. We go on to argue that one of the main problems underlying behaviorally informed
regulations and nudging in the real world is epistemic. This is largely so because policy makers tend to
underestimate “the importance of the knowledge of the particular circumstances of time and place” and their own
cognitive limitations. It concludes with two advices to policy makers and regulators. One is that decisions over
nudging are to be made on a case-to-case basis. Another is that it is worthwhile to dig deeper into specificities of
institutional environments suggesting under which conditions nudges can(not) deliver what they promise

This essay aims to analyse and debunk several technology-related concepts commonly discussed in papers, reports and speeches by academics, consultancies, politicians and governmental bodies. Each reflects a presumption about how technology, the internet in particular, and technology-enabled social and political processes might affect the practice of governing. The discussion characterises the concepts as “socio-technical imaginaries”, a term for ideas that link the socio-political environment with technology. Socio-technical imaginaries start as a description of potentially attainable futures, turn into a prescription of futures that ought to be attained, then become received wisdom about the present day. They are speculation that takes root through reuse and endorsement by authoritative figures, becoming an asserted present reality on the basis of little or no evidence. Once imaginaries become widely accepted and used, they may shape trajectories of research and innovation, steering technological progress as well as public and private expenditure. The imaginaries addressed are: Public Sector Innovation, Digital Transformation of Government, Co-creation & Co-production of Public Services, Crowdsourcing, Wisdom of Crowds, Collaborative Governance, Customer/Citizen Centricity, Once-only Principle, Personalisation, Big Data, Nudge (Behavioural Insights), Platform Government/GaaP, and Online Participation. Four questions are posed to critique each imaginary: What is the received wisdom? What does that really mean? What is the problem/what has gone wrong? What to do better/what should it be? As a whole package, these imaginaries represent a nightmare for liberal, representative democracy. Some may enable the “panoptic” state, others may undermine existing institutions to open a void for it to step into. Many have the likelihood of creating or reinforcing inequality of opportunity, outcome or influence. But their grip is hard to loosen. The notions that they are inevitable or that issues will be resolved in due course by technology itself need to be challenged by surfacing the human, social and political dimensions and actively addressing them.