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Within the past years, the Green New Deal (GND) became the common language for Northern climate politics, offering a seeming exit path from Northern social and ecological crises while erasing an older Northern climate discourse tied to... more
Within the past years, the Green New Deal (GND) became the common language for Northern climate politics, offering a seeming exit path from Northern social and ecological crises while erasing an older Northern climate discourse tied to Southern demands for climate reparations and rights to development. This Eurocentric GND has become the environmental program for an equally Eurocentric social democratic renewal. This article situates the GND in world-systemic shifts, and Northern reactions to such shifts. It situates the GND as one of three possible Eurocentric solutions to the climate crisis: a great elite transformation from above; a left-liberal “reformist” resolution; a social democratic resolution. It then elaborates a possible “People’s Green New Deal,” a revolutionary transformation focused on state sovereignty, climate debt, auto-centered development, and agriculture. Within each proposed resolution, it traces the role of the land, agriculture, and peasants.
ABSTRACT The article examines the weakness of discourses around food sovereignty in Southwest Asia and North Africa, and examines some older currents resembling the food sovereignty discourse. The author first historically situates the... more
ABSTRACT The article examines the weakness of discourses around food sovereignty in Southwest Asia and North Africa, and examines some older currents resembling the food sovereignty discourse. The author first historically situates the emergence of food sovereignty. He discusses agro-ecology – the ‘technics’ (or social embeddedness of technology) of food sovereignty – and its national-popular content, before then developing elements of the delinking paradigm. He goes on to discuss Tunisian national-popular and Third Worldist agronomists’ and economists’ efforts to develop technics and frameworks for food sovereignty in the 1970s and 1980s. The article compares the food sovereignty paradigm with auto-centred, self-reliant development proposals, and the proposals of the Tunisian economists and agronomists.
ABSTRACT Recently a debate re-emerged between Adel Samara and Samir Amin on the state role in delinking – subjecting a social formation’s relationships to the world-system to a domestic, popular law of value. I suggest the arguments turns... more
ABSTRACT Recently a debate re-emerged between Adel Samara and Samir Amin on the state role in delinking – subjecting a social formation’s relationships to the world-system to a domestic, popular law of value. I suggest the arguments turns on the agent helming development. Amin’s agent is slightly more ambiguous than Samara’s, reflecting de-linking is modelled on postrevolutionary planning in Maoist China, with an explicit state role, whereas Samara, theorizing development under military occupation, spurned the state. The article assesses the arguments against contemporary Tunisia. It shows how flourishing Tunisian struggles track Samara’s development by popular protection (DBPP). The subject of history is masses engaged in struggle with state-mediated accumulation. It focuses on Tataouine’s 2017–2018 ElKamour protests. It argues Amin (1) articulates an antisystemic ideology, crucial amidst ideological disarray; (2) offers ideas for changes in financial architecture – holding programmes amidst capitalist advance; (3) build up the delinking framework which DBPP expands.
ABSTRACT Discussion on food sovereignty and agro-ecology, and Anglophone rural sociology have blind spots when it comes to the Middle East/North African (Arab) region. This article explores them; outlines some initial concepts, discusses... more
ABSTRACT Discussion on food sovereignty and agro-ecology, and Anglophone rural sociology have blind spots when it comes to the Middle East/North African (Arab) region. This article explores them; outlines some initial concepts, discusses avenues for research, and notes some socio-political features of the region which make it distinct from others. It focuses on the necessity to include war and the national question to understand the regional agrarian question and advances and retreats in regional knowledge production. It proceeds by (1) establishing the relative absence of the region from the leading peasant studies journals; (2) synthesizing the region’s political economy and waves of knowledge production; (3) highlighting local traditions which speak to the questions of food sovereignty and agro-ecology; and (4) listing a series of theoretical, historical, and analytical avenues which remain to be addressed.
In this article, we draw attention to similarities and synergies between eco-fascist and liberal forms of populationism which encourage reproductive injustices against Indigenous women and women of colour globally, increasingly in the... more
In this article, we draw attention to similarities and synergies between eco-fascist and liberal forms of populationism which encourage reproductive injustices against Indigenous women and women of colour globally, increasingly in the name of climate change mitigation. Calls to intervene in the bodily and social autonomy of racialised women, at best, distract from ecological crisis and, at worst, encourage violent forms of reproductive injustice. We urge instead for an honest reckoning with the root problem of ecologically unequal exchange (EUE) as the system of global extraction, which enacts environmental harm and reproductive injustice. Finally, we call for an anti-imperialist eco-socialist move towards equal exchange on a world scale to end the flow of undervalued resources from the South and to limit the contaminating activities these enable. We also stress that an anti-imperialist eco-socialism needs to be attuned to the teachings of reproductive justice movements and resistan...
This article engages with and critiques dominant theories of political ecology. It takes the theory of ecologically unequal exchange (EUE) as the framework of critique. It assesses the claims of “fossil capitalism,” eco-modernism,... more
This article engages with and critiques dominant theories of political ecology. It takes the theory of ecologically unequal exchange (EUE) as the framework of critique. It assesses the claims of “fossil capitalism,” eco-modernism, extractivism, and degrowth, as well as the theories of “post-development.” It finds that with the exception of degrowth, none of them take imperialism or the global history of accumulation sufficiently seriously, and either displace transformative obligations wholly onto the South or adopt a framework which centers merely the agency of the Northern working class or a class-blind movement of movements. Instead, it proposes modifications of EUE based on the polarized nature of accumulation and waste production and distribution, and neocolonialism. It uses that framework to identify the antisystemic role of nature-reliant peripheral semi-proletarian classes, and from there reopens the debate on appropriate-scale industrialization along with ecological transfo...
Discussion on food sovereignty and agro-ecology, and Anglophone rural sociology have blind spots when it comes to the Middle East/North African (Arab) region. This article explores them; outlines some initial concepts, discusses avenues... more
Discussion on food sovereignty and agro-ecology, and Anglophone rural sociology have blind spots when it comes to the Middle East/North African (Arab) region. This article explores them; outlines some initial concepts, discusses avenues for research, and notes some socio-political features of the region which make it distinct from others. It focuses on the necessity to include war and the national question to understand the regional agrarian question and advances and retreats in regional knowledge production. It proceeds by (1) establishing the relative absence of the region from the leading peasant studies journals; (2) synthesizing the region’s political economy and waves of knowledge production; (3) highlighting local traditions which speak to the questions of food sovereignty and agro-ecology; and (4) listing a series of theoretical, historical, and analytical avenues which remain to be addressed.
This article assesses various movements and struggles touching on agriculture and the agrarian question at political and historiographical planes in post-revolutionary Tunisia. It reads the Tunisian uprising through the lens of an... more
This article assesses various movements and struggles touching on agriculture and the agrarian question at political and historiographical planes in post-revolutionary Tunisia. It reads the Tunisian uprising through the lens of an unsettled national-agrarian question and assesses post-revolutionary attempts at environmentalism of the poor in Tunisia
Until his early death in 1985, at age 51, the Tunisian agronomist Slaheddine el-Amami carried out a path-breaking research program at what was then the Centre de Recherche et de Génie Rural. He wrote technical studies ranging from the... more
Until his early death in 1985, at age 51, the Tunisian agronomist
Slaheddine el-Amami carried out a path-breaking research program
at what was then the Centre de Recherche et de Génie Rural. He
wrote technical studies ranging from the agricultural capacities of the
unjustly-marked-as-barren Kerkennah Islands, to possibilities for drip
irrigation, to attempts to quantify the energy use of Tunisian
agriculture, to a wide-ranging investigation of indigenous hydraulic
systems. There is little explicit mention in this work of a then-dominant strand of heterodox Arab and Third Worldist social science–the emphasis on delinking, or removal from Western commodity,
technical and financial flows. Yet through an examination of his work
in the context of the delinking paradigm, as put forth by scholars like
Samir Amin, Fawzy Mansour and Mohamed Dowidar, I show the use
and need for independent agronomic expertise to be deployed
within analytical paradigms such as delinking, forged by heterodox
political economists. Through delinking, countries could proceed on a
path of auto-centered development. The possibility and time frame
of delinking is necessarily a socio-technical question linked to
indigenous capacities, technical and natural, and the social relations
with which they are woven. It is also a question of creating and
mobilizing a surplus in the agricultural sector. Through examining
Amami’s life’s work, I show the use and need for interdisciplinary
methods and research programs, which must braid the social and
natural sciences–if not simply take threads from each to create a
holistic knowledge–in order to arrive at appropriate developmental
programs. Such knowledge and programs were appropriate in that
they offered ways of working agriculture without capital-intense
inputs–thus resolving rather than aggravating current account
imbalances and labor surpluses. They also relied on a decentralization
of planning, based on the skills and knowledges of the direct
producers. In analyzing such knowledge, systematized in the work of
Amami, I will also show how moving from underdevelopment to
development requires a mélange of knowledges. Crucial and
neglected are those knowledges which have been developed to
inform sustainable ways of living on land-bases, in order to produce
the rural surplus which is the sine qua non of a successful move
beyond developmental malaise in the Global South. I will then link
this to the International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge,
Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) Synthesis Report,
showing this paradigm’s continuing relevance.
The article examines the weakness of discourses around food sovereignty in Southwest Asia and North Africa, and examines some older currents resembling the food sovereignty discourse. The author first historically situates the emergence... more
The article examines the weakness of discourses around food
sovereignty in Southwest Asia and North Africa, and examines
some older currents resembling the food sovereignty discourse.
The author first historically situates the emergence of food
sovereignty. He discusses agro-ecology – the ‘technics’ (or social
embeddedness of technology) of food sovereignty – and its
national-popular content, before then developing elements of the
delinking paradigm. He goes on to discuss Tunisian national-popular and Third Worldist agronomists’ and economists’ efforts
to develop technics and frameworks for food sovereignty in the
1970s and 1980s. The article compares the food sovereignty
paradigm with auto-centred, self-reliant development proposals,
and the proposals of the Tunisian economists and agronomists.
Research Interests:
The first edition of this Research Handbook offers unparalleled insights into the large-scale resurgence of interest in Marx and Marxism in recent years, with contributions devoted specifically to Marxist critiques of law, rights, and the... more
The first edition of this Research Handbook offers unparalleled insights into the large-scale resurgence of interest in Marx and Marxism in recent years, with contributions devoted specifically to Marxist critiques of law, rights, and the state.

The Research Handbook brings together thirty-three scholars of Marx, Marxism, and law from around the world to offer theoretically informed introductions to the Marxist tradition of social critique, contemporary Marxist analyses of law and rights, and future orientations of Marxist legal analysis. Chapters testify to the strength of Marxist critical tools for understanding the role of law, rights, and the state in capitalist societies.

Exploring Marxist critique across an extraordinarily wide range of scholarly disciplines, this Research Handbook is a must-read for scholars of law, politics, sociology, philosophy, and political economy who are interested in Marxism. Graduate and advanced undergraduate students in these and related disciplines will also benefit from the Research Handbook.

The volume is edited by Paul O'Connell (Reader in Law, SOAS, University of London) and Umut Özsu (Associate Professor of Law and Legal Studies, Carleton University).

Contributors include Max Ajl (Postdoctoral Researcher, Department of Social Sciences, Rural Sociology Group, Wageningen University & Research), Rémi Bachand (Professor of Law, Université du Québec à Montréal), Miriam Bak McKenna (Lecturer in Law, Lund University), Clyde W. Barrow (Professor of Political Science, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley), Enzo Bello (Associate Professor, Universidade Federal Fluminense, Rio de Janeiro), Bill Bowring (Professor of Law, Birkbeck, University of London), Honor Brabazon (Assistant Professor of Sociology and Legal Studies, St. Jerome’s University in the University of Waterloo), Gustavo Capela (PhD Candidate in Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley), Cosmin Sebastian Cercel (Associate Professor of Law, University of Nottingham), B. S. Chimni (Distinguished Professor of International Law, OP Jindal Global University), Pablo Ciocchini (Lecturer in Criminology, University of Liverpool), Natalia Delgado (Lecturer in Law, University of Southampton), Matthew Dimick (Professor of Law, University of Buffalo), Radha D’Souza (Reader in Law, University of Westminster), Michael Head (Professor of Law, Western Sydney University), Nate Holdren (Associate Professor of Law, Politics, and Society, Drake University), Rob Hunter (Independent Scholar, PhD in Politics, Princeton University), Talina Hürzeler (Independent Scholar, LLB, University of New South Wales), Bob Jessop (Emeritus Professor of Sociology, University of Lancaster), Rene José Keller (Independent Scholar, PhD in Law, Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, and PhD in Social Work, Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul), Rafael Khachaturian (Lecturer in Critical Writing, University of Pennsylvania), Stéfanie Khoury (Independent Scholar, PhD in Sociology of Law, Università degli Studi di Milano and Universidad del País Vasco), Dimitrios Kivotidis (Lecturer in Law, University of East London), Daniel McLoughlin (Senior Lecturer in Law, Society, and Criminology, University of New South Wales), Eva Nanopoulos (Senior Lecturer in Law, Queen Mary, University of London), August H. Nimtz (Professor of Political Science and African American and African Studies, University of Minnesota), Paul O’Connell (Reader in Law, SOAS, University of London), Chris O’Kane (Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Texas Rio Grande Valley), Rebecca Schein (Associate Professor of Interdisciplinary Studies, Carleton University), Igor Shoikhedbrod (Assistant Professor of Political Science and Law, Justice, and Society, Dalhousie University), Nimer Sultany (Reader in Law, SOAS, University of London), Christine Sypnowich (Professor of Philosophy, Queen’s University), and Ahmed White (Professor of Law, University of Colorado at Boulder).
It is widely understood that the social base for discontent with the Syrian government emerged amongst impoverished Sunni rural areas and slums surrounding mid-size cities. This chapter traces the disembedding through which the social... more
It is widely understood that the social base for discontent with the Syrian government emerged amongst impoverished Sunni rural areas and slums surrounding mid-size cities. This chapter traces the disembedding through which the social policies upon which the Ba’ath initially emplaced were slowly rolled back. It situates the Ba’ath pact with the peasantry in the world-historical context of Arab nationalism and the global rise of anti-systemic movements from 1917 onwards. It traces developmental decay—the policy changes and political ecology through which the Ba’ath gradually broke its alliance with the peasantry and the urban working class. Instead of limiting this passive revolution to the national plane, I situate it in a wider historical arc within which the gains of the Arab nationalist movements all slowly evaporated.
This chapter first describes Yemen's pre-1970 agricultural system, before the oil age's regional and global dynamics reworked the country's political ecology. Next, it explains remittances' role in restructuring Yemen,... more
This chapter first describes Yemen's pre-1970 agricultural system, before the oil age's regional and global dynamics reworked the country's political ecology. Next, it explains remittances' role in restructuring Yemen, especially its agricultural sector. It then offers a quantitative and qualitative-historical account of Yemen's rising food import dependency. The chapter traces how remittances levered Yemen into an irrigation system that uses motors to withdraw water from aquifers, and shows how higher wages and the qat economy lubricated this shift. It highlights how diesel subsidies have become a catalyst for the degradation of traditional irrigation, a mechanism of rural social differentiation, and a means for society-wide differentiation and the denial of development. The chapter concludes by discussing additional exacerbating factors, including ongoing external aggression, and comments on policies to cease and eventually reverse the social and ecological de-...
This chapter proceeds as follows: it first describes Yemen’s pre-1970 agricultural system, before the oil age’s regional and global dynamics reworked the country’s political ecology. Next, it explains remittances’ role in restructuring... more
This chapter proceeds as follows: it first describes Yemen’s pre-1970 agricultural system, before the oil age’s regional and global dynamics reworked the country’s political ecology. Next, it explains remittances’ role in restructuring Yemen, especially its agricultural sector. It then offers a quantitative and qualitative-historical account of Yemen’s rising
food import dependency – a world systemic process. The chapter traces how remittances levered Yemen into an irrigation system that
uses motors to withdraw water from aquifers, and shows how higher wages and the qat economy lubricated this shift. It highlights how
diesel subsidies have become a catalyst for the degradation of traditional irrigation, a mechanism of rural social differentiation, and a means for society-wide differentiation and the denial of development. The chapter concludes by discussing additional exacerbating factors, including ongoing external aggression, and comments on policies to cease and eventually reverse the social and ecological de-development of Yemen’s agricultural system, and the country itself.
Research Interests:
I suggest that we examine the city as the outcome of the history of development. Thus, we ought to regard Tunis as it is not as teleology, but as the outcome of choice and struggle – the outcome of history, not the object of timeless... more
I suggest that we examine the city as the outcome of the history
of development. Thus, we ought to regard Tunis as it is not
as teleology, but as the outcome of choice and struggle – the outcome
of history, not the object of timeless social-scientific modelling. By
understanding choices made and unmade, we might better understand
the choices before Tunisian policymakers today, understand which
choices are not on the agenda, why they are not there, and in turn push
some alternative, affordable, feasible, and real Utopias for arresting the
cascade of crisis that is Tunis today.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
In an extended critical response to Mike Davis's The City as Ark, this article dissects the urbanization and modernization teleologies which structure and inform the current interest in framing the city as humanity’s utopia. Instead, by... more
In an extended critical response to Mike Davis's The City as Ark, this article dissects the urbanization and modernization teleologies which structure and inform the current interest in framing the city as humanity’s utopia. Instead, by showing how contemporary Global North urban rests rest on settler-colonialism and ecological imperialism, it shows how sustainable urbanization and urban forms ought to be based on a smooth relationship between urban forms and their surrounding agriculture hinterlands. In turn it also suggests that urban studies ought to pay greater attention to peasant movements and world-ecology, since they are the basis for a sustainable rural world, and thus a sustainable urban world.
Research Interests:
When Sam Moyo, the outstanding scholar of the agrarian question, died in 2015, he left behind more than a great trove of writings, and more than memories, thoughts and theories to be picked up and deployed by those left living. He also... more
When Sam Moyo, the outstanding scholar of the agrarian question, died in 2015, he left behind more than a great trove of writings, and more than memories, thoughts and theories to be picked up and deployed by those left living. He also left behind a set of institutions—living testaments—not least among them the African Institute for Agrarian Studies and its linked journal, the tricontinental Agrarian South.
This paper addresses questions of paths to utopia, the labor question in US agriculture, and agriculture in the Green New Deal
This paper addresses questions of paths to utopia, the labor question in US agriculture, and agriculture in the Green New Deal
As scientists’ consensus shifts from sober scholarly dialogue into the wider plane of culture, there has been a need to find a framework upon which to hang popular understanding. An increasingly common move is to grasp for a (Global)... more
As scientists’ consensus shifts from sober scholarly dialogue into the wider plane of culture, there has been a need to find a framework upon which to hang popular understanding. An increasingly common move is to grasp for a (Global) Green New Deal. This move comes in many forms. I would like to start by dismissing the ones which deserve dismissal, and then dialoguing with those which do not. First to the trash bin is the disquieting embrace of nuclear power so that we can keep using the same if not more energy. If this is a shade of green, it’s one which glows in the dark (there is a reason insurers do not really insure nuclear power). Much more serious is the responsible if distant cousin of the high-energy fission-based deus ex machina: the move to draw all of our needed energy from lithium batteries and solar. One issue is that this tech seems to have an immaculate conception and does not require cutting into Western China, host of the rare earth metals needed for clean energy. This matter ought to be dealt with head-on, since there is a trade-off between carbon-neutral energy, and ecological devastation in Chinese mining sites and Malaysian ore processing centers. Perhaps the larger issue is that the GND, even when fission-free, is frequently a coded call for a social-democratic U.S. plus Europe, but clean, which is then turned into a template transported to the poorer countries
Research Interests:
Giorgos Kallis, has released a collection of essays, In Defense of Degrowth, ranging from manifestos, to brief polemics and longer explanations. “Degrowth” is defined as an “equitable downscaling of production and consumption that... more
Giorgos Kallis, has released a collection of essays, In Defense of Degrowth, ranging from manifestos, to brief polemics and longer explanations. “Degrowth” is defined as an “equitable downscaling of production and consumption that increases human well-being and enhances ecological conditions.” The point of degrowth is to change the organizing principles of society, to adopt a creed of “simplicity, conviviality, and sharing,” and design new institutions, paired with localized economies—production, distribution, and consumption—and more equal distribution of resources.
Research Interests:
Ayeb’s focus is the struggles of direct producers who work in agriculture in a natural world beset by the dislocations and mounting disorders of agro-industrial capitalist farming. Through interviews, he assembles an anecdotal yet... more
Ayeb’s focus is the struggles of direct producers who work in agriculture in a natural world beset by the dislocations and mounting disorders of agro-industrial capitalist farming. Through interviews, he assembles an anecdotal yet accurate account of Tunisia’s rural productive system, a collage of testimony and analysis.
Research Interests:
In our moment, questions and quandaries of land, revolutionary nationalism, the frictions and convergences of struggle in the core and the periphery, and finally what forms of struggle – in the most literal sense – can make a world big... more
In our moment, questions and quandaries of land, revolutionary nationalism, the frictions and convergences of struggle in the core and the periphery, and finally what forms of struggle – in the most literal sense – can make a world big enough for everyone, find one of their most vivid and inspiring contemporary experiments in Jackson, Mississippi. There, the organizing of Cooperation Jackson, which has sought to build political power, economic autonomy, and eco-socialism, invites us to consider simmering questions of transition, organization, and strategy as they exist today. The publication of Jackson Rising, a book on their ongoing struggles, allows us to do so in the spirit of political experimentation and the utopian vision necessary for this task.
Research Interests:
Ali Kadri, Arab Development Denied (London: Anthem, 2014), 250 pages, $40, paperback.Perhaps nowhere does violence collapse the horizon as it does in the Arab world. Imperial wars have demolished the Libyan state and turned Syria into a... more
Ali Kadri, Arab Development Denied (London: Anthem, 2014), 250 pages, $40, paperback.Perhaps nowhere does violence collapse the horizon as it does in the Arab world. Imperial wars have demolished the Libyan state and turned Syria into a charnel house. Yemen, the region's poorest country, was a U.S. drone shooting gallery before Saudi Arabia…attacked it, sending it spiraling into famine. Iraq shudders under ISIS's car bombs after decades of wars and sanctions. And Palestine continues to bleed and resist under the weight of Israeli settler-colonialism.… Why so much violence? The academic mercenaries of counterinsurgency studies fixate on terrorism as a response to material grievance, and Western war as the response. Others ascribe the region's underdevelopment to a mix of institutional inadequacy and democratic deficits, remediable by the application of U.S. power.… Against this tableau, Ali Kadri in Arab Development Denied offers a coruscatingly intelligent account of how...
This review essay summarizes and synthesizes three books on Black and Indigenous agrarian struggles in the modern-day territories of the USA. It discusses how they recount the centrality of land, national liberation, self-reliant... more
This review essay summarizes and synthesizes three books on Black and Indigenous agrarian struggles in the modern-day territories of the USA. It discusses how they recount the centrality of land, national liberation, self-reliant development, food sovereignty and sustainable forms of agriculture and land management to Black and Indigenous radical struggle. It then suggests parallels and divergences between those struggles and those in the Third World’s agrarian south. It focusses on the anti-systemic dimensions of national liberation struggles in the core, especially those carried out historically by Black and Indigenous movements, and details how those movements historically looked out beyond the US landmass for solidarity and to build internationalist fronts. Finally, it reflects on their role in destabilizing settler-capitalism in the USA.
Research Interests:
In this article we draw attention to similarities and synergies between eco-fascist and liberal forms of populationism which encourage reproductive injustices against Indigenous women and women of colour globally, increasingly in the name... more
In this article we draw attention to similarities and synergies between eco-fascist and liberal forms of populationism which encourage reproductive injustices against Indigenous women and women of colour globally, increasingly in the name of climate change mitigation. Calls to intervene in the bodily and social autonomy of racialised women, at best, distract from ecological crisis and, at worst, encourage violent forms of reproductive injustice. We urge instead for an honest reckoning with the root problem of ecologically unequal exchange (EUE) as the system of global extraction, which enacts environmental harm and reproductive injustice. Finally, we call for an anti-imperialist eco-socialist move towards equal exchange on a world scale to end the flow of undervalued resources from the South and to limit the contaminating activities these enable. We also stress that an anti-imperialist eco-socialism needs to be attuned to the teachings of reproductive justice movements and resistant to creeping liberal eugenicism, as much as to the overt eco-fascism which has proved so deadly in recent years.
This commentary turns a critical lens on the perspectives of labour in the potential green transition. It shows what changes when we focus on worldwide social labour—the labour which most of humanity currently performs—and its worldwide... more
This commentary turns a critical lens on the perspectives of labour in the potential green transition. It shows what changes when we focus on worldwide social labour—the labour which most of humanity currently performs—and its worldwide impact, going beyond climate to damages from mining and to biodiversity and other elements of the ecology. Such an optic forces scepticism about approaches which only consider the North when it comes to a large-scale green transition. Indeed, this paper argues, using illustrative examples, how such approaches rely on suppressing the historical role of colonialism and imperialism in making First World (core) development possible. It shows how lenses such as “social reproduction” or policies such as “universal health care” focused only on the core reproduction of worldwide patterns of domination. It then puts forward the outlines of an alternative approach to decent work in the context of a worldwide green transition toward a non-hierarchical world sys...
I suggest that we examine the city as the outcome of the history of development. Thus, we ought to regard Tunis as it is not as teleology, but as the outcome of choice and struggle – the outcome of history, not the object of timeless... more
I suggest that we examine the city as the outcome of the history of development. Thus, we ought to regard Tunis as it is not as teleology, but as the outcome of choice and struggle – the outcome of history, not the object of timeless social-scientific modelling. By understanding choices made and unmade, we might better understand the choices before Tunisian policymakers today, understand which choices are not on the agenda, why they are not there, and in turn push some alternative, affordable, feasible, and real Utopias for arresting the cascade of crisis that is Tunis today.