Civil-Military cooperation

This publication provides key lessons with regard to medical assistance and health services for restoring the social well-being of a nation in the aftermath of disaster or conflict.  In health sector activities, it is imperative that contributing players – government civilian & military organizations, coalition partners, NGOs and other international actors – gain an awareness of each other’s capabilities and contributions early on, and that they cooperate/collaborate in both planning and execution.

“Economic stabilization” relates to the process of establishing the policies and regulatory framework to support basic economic activity and development in a post-conflict environment.  Various complexities of economic stabilization – finding ways to immediately engage local groups in reconstruction efforts; providing jobs for the unemployed and underemployed; conducting comprehensive economic assessments; identifying which local businesses, projects, and economic activities should be resourced; maximizing participation from the private sector and multinational corporations; etc. – mandate that civilian and military practitioners work together from initial planning through all phases of execution.

The international acts and treaties on arms control have established a system of Confidence-and Security-Building Measures (CSBMs). Nowadays the military CSBMs exist side by side with non-military ones since they include a broad spectrum of political, cultural and social activities, police and cross-border cooperation projects, educational and scientific exchange, etc. The overall aim of all CSBMs is to improve the connections and promote mutual understanding between conflicting parties or countries in the name of security and development. The article presents an analysis of the existing international political and legally-binding agreements concerning the military CSBMs with regard to their good effect and development so far. The author also makes some suggestions concerning the use of the new generation of non-military CSBMs for inter-institutional coordination , paying special attention to the measures which reduce their maximum effectiveness.

Offshore crisis response requires a higher level of multiagency interconnectedness than ever before. However, the data overload that we all face in the Information Age inhibits networking as much as it facilitates it. To achieve the necessary level of interconnectedness needs individuals and organizations to adopt a completely new way of doing government business.

This article first appeared in the Strategist (November 2016).  It is re-printed here, unchanged, with the permission of the author in accordance with Creative Commons pursuant to the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. Original publication available at: https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/delivering-joined-government-achieving-integrated-approach-offshore-crisis-management/

At the outset it is worth making the point that the work and experience of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands or RAMSI is very much relevant to the themes of the conference of civil-military-police interaction. At its inception in 2003, RAMSI was conceived as a comprehensive mission that would involve police, military and development components. It would also be a long-term mission, which was envisaged to last for about ten years. From the beginning, it has always had a civilian leader, the RAMSI Special Coordinator, and has been a police led operation, with the military playing a supporting role.

In this paper, representing the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations, I share recent experiences from Timor-Leste where I serve as Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon’s Special Representative.Today’s topic, transitions, is a timely one. In its history of over more than 60 years, peacekeeping has gone through a series of surges and periods of consolidation. Following the most recent surge of new peacekeeping missions in the early 2000s, we expect the next few years to represent a period of consolidation and drawdown. Our mission in Chad will close at the end of December; in Timor-Leste and Liberia, transition planning is already underway, in others like Cote d’Ivoire, it is a little further on the horizon. In all transitions, we have to manage the departure of peacekeeping missions in a way that helps consolidate and build peace. The topic is also timely as UN Member States are in the midst of important policy debates in the Security Council as well as the 4th and 5th Committees of the General Assembly, on the interface between peacekeeping and peace-building, the role of the peace-building Commission and the Security Council, and on allocation of resources across multiple instruments like peacekeeping operations or special political missions, and development assistance. Thoughts about the role of these instruments are evolving and there is some way to go to make sure they all work together effectively.

The Asia Pacific Civil-Military Centre of Excellence convened the Rule of Law Roundtable: Towards Best Practice in Post-Conflict Situations from 25-28 October 2011. The Roundtable was convened with the aim of strengthening Australia’s multiagency approach and capabilities for
conflict management offshore in this field. The central theme of the Roundtable was civil-military-police cooperation and coordination on rule of law issues during the early stages of the post-conflict period. The proposal for the Roundtable was developed in consultation with relevant whole-of-government officials with responsibilities for Australian responses in postconflict situations. The Roundtable was considered particularly timely due to the establishment of new Australian Government capacity in this area including the Australian Civilian Corps, the National Security College and the Centre itself.

The Roundtable had five sessions: best practice in post-conflict situations; criminal justice sector; security sector reform; transitional justice and whole-of-government approaches. In each session a number of presentations were made by subject-matter experts, which then
informed and prompted discussion. The Roundtable then concluded with a Government officials-only session to discuss the implications of the Roundtable for the Government.

The Roundtable created a ‘space’ for international rule of law experts and practitioners with a select group of Australian Government officials to discuss best (or better) practice in reestablishing the Rule of Law in post-conflict environments. What emerged was greater clarity
concerning the various responsibilities of different agencies and actors in the field together with a greater appreciation of the interconnectedness of the issues and the need to continue to work
to develop our expertise in this area.

This Report provides a summary of key issues discussed at the Roundtable and includes research material to give a holistic report on the state of the art for rule of law It is a blend of research material, content from Roundtable presentations and comments made by participants during discussion time under. The Roundtable was conducted under the Chatham House Rule.

The Centre was delighted by the high level and active participation at the Roundtable. I would like to acknowledge the outstanding contribution made by Dr Vivienne O’Connor, Senior Rule of Law Adviser in the United States Institution of Peace’s Rule of Law Program who agreed to cofacilitate the Roundtable. I would like to thank all those who took part and especially the presenters. Additionally, I would especially like to thank Ms Rachel Wallbridge for her work behind the scenes organising the Roundtable and in preparing and researching this Report.

This chapter attempts to identify some ethical concerns evoked by military engagement in healthcare reconstruction. By bringing empirical evidence to the ongoing debate in military and development communities we aim to shed some light on the central question if and how, from a military ethical point of view, military should be involved in healthcare reconstruction during stabilization and reconstruction operations in Uruzgan.

ABSTRACT

This article tackles with the question of Europeanization in Turkey’s civil-military relations and the extent and content of democratization that the EU as a factor or an anchor serves in the civilian control over the Turkish Armed Forces. We argue that: the EU membership process has necessitated democratization in civil-military relations and has served as an external stimulus in empowering the civilian voices for the civilianization of the 1982 Constitution and the political elite’s standing vis-à-vis the military elite; this external support was not sufficient for a fully integrated democratic control of the armed forces (DECAF) as there are still problems in the democratization of civil-military relations; since the 2000s, there has been  a DECAF reform process continuing; but due to historical deficiencies in Turkish polity like the civilian incapacity to change the priority given to the military’s role in the making of the security culture, the European norms of DECAF is formal. The article has four parts. In the first part, we aim to give background information to DECAF reforms in Turkey. We focus on the harmonization packages that Turkey has adopted as part of the requirements for EU membership which pinpoint how close Turkey gets to the norms and values of the EU or in a similar vein how far Turkey deviates from general understandings of DECAF as there are still issues awaiting Turkey’s Europeanization.  The second part carries the discussion to the Justice and Development Party (JDP) – Turkish General Staff (TGS) relations between 2002-2007. The first JDP governmental term is significant for DECAF as most of the reforms occurred in this period. Yet, it is the same period when the tension between the JDP and the TGS reached levels that were hard to govern by the politicians.  The third part makes an assessment on the civil-military relations in the period since 2007. This part is a political mapping of the contemporary situation as it makes an elaboration of key issues that dominate the agenda of Turkish politics recently. The last section draws a conclusion and identifies the boundaries as well as the shortcomings of DECAF in Turkey. The concluding remarks pay special attention to the significance of the question of a Turkish way to Europeanization especially in the field of civil- military relations.

The crisis management operations carried out since the end of the Cold War have highlighted the need to harmonize multinational cooperation as a means to enhance the coherence and effectiveness of the mission.
This is the fundamental principle of the Comprehensive Approach, defined as the synchronization of the strategies and actions of the actors involved in the crisis management at all levels and phases. The European Union has been defining since 2008 its own Comprehensive Approach in order to improve its comprehensiveness in foreign and security policies; to expand its practical cooperation with other relevant actors in crisis management operations and to support the development of civilian and military capabilities.
The article analyses the background and current developments of the European Comprehensive Approach"

Por meio de um esforço de monitoramento empírico, este artigo tem como objetivo analisar de que modo mecanismos institucionais do Estado brasileiro e recentes movimentos na sociedade afetam a trajetória de construção de uma dimensão pública mais plural no processo de formulação da política de defesa no Brasil. A caracterização da política de defesa como uma política pública sui generis sugere a pertinência de investigar o jogo político entre atores assimétricos que permeiam as tomadas de decisão. Por meio de análises da literatura acadêmica, de relatórios oficiais, do ordenamento jurídico e de entrevistas, este artigo argumenta que houve avanços na construção de uma dimensão pública para a defesa, embora a falta de institucionalidade e a baixa qualidade do diálogo façam que essa trajetória seja frágil e não linear.

When your line leadership asks you the biggest lesson learned of COVID…the first is our nation needed us. When our healthcare system was stressed, it could not, without our help, deal with this pandemic…that is an important lesson. There are lots of discussions about the future of military medicine and some of them revolve around, hey, there is an easy answer, let the civilian healthcare community do more for the military. But the civilian healthcare system is relying on us to do more for them when they are stressed; it was a great partnership. That is a big lesson learned, when things got tough, they turned to us."

Complex operations require a multiagency, and generally a multinational, response. Past models of leadership education, training and preparation focused on developing high levels of skill in particular specialties. While special subject matter expertise is still required, future leaders need both ‘depth’ of expertise and ‘breadth’ of understanding to enable them to even make sense of the challenges facing them, much less to be effective coordinators. Accordingly our career models for those who will find themselves in leadership positions need to radically change. We also need to reassess the nature of leadership, as a function exercised by staff, both on operations and in planning and coordination roles. ‘Leadership’ does not just mean senior leadership, it is also exercised by those who are required to exercise peer and servant leadership to make critical decisions in an operation.  Leaders are made, not born, and the challenge of crisis leadership requires that they are able to take charge from the outset. This imperative requires organisations to invest far more time and resources in ensuring that leaders have the professional training and skills required before they are given positions of trust.

The United Nations today encourages a comprehensive approach to all aspects of its activities. This includes an integrated response between military, police and civilian capacities in the planning, preparation and implementation of UN peace operations and interventions. The United Nations now has some 65 years experience in dealing with international conflict and post conflict environments, and during that period the world, the United Nations and Member States have all come to realise that there is no simple solution to the international vision outlined in the UN Charter to prevent the scourge of war, and that all avenues and capabilities must be used to achieve that end. Over that period huge changes have occurred to the world, there has been broad normative debate on international responsibilities, agreements and standards, there has been the growth of a large number of regional and sub-regional organisations that focus on collective security arrangements, and some 141 new Member States have joined the United Nations to bring its membership today to 192. Nevertheless, conflict has persisted with an average of about 30 wars and armed conflicts occurring each year.

Australia has a strong record of contributing to peacekeeping and peace-building operations. Among the first to be deployed under UN auspices, Australian troops monitored the ceasefire between Dutch and Indonesian forces in 1947. Since that time Australians have served in more than 50 United Nations and other multilateral peace and security operations around the world.

As the nature of peace operations has evolved, so too has Australia’s contribution and engagement. We remain committed to active participation—as a dependable partner—in efforts to build peace and stability in our region and globally.

This report seeks to capture the experiences, innovations and practical lessons that have emerged over the last two decades from Australia’s contributions to peace operations in support of our regional neighbours—Papua New Guinea’s Autonomous Region of Bougainville, Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste. The analysis of peace operations in these three countries highlights the strength of partnerships between the operations and the local leadership, and underlines the core principle that in order to have a sustainable impact, peace operations must be aligned with local priorities and support local capacities.

Regional participation has been a key feature of successful peace operations in Australia’s neighbourhood, and this report draws out the significant advantages of the regional dimension to the operations in these three countries. We are grateful for the valuable advice and guidance provided by representatives from the governments of Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and Timor-Leste during the preparation of this report. We are also grateful for the insights and advice received from a number of people who were part of these peace operations on the ground. We would like to acknowledge the important contributions of Australia’s regional partners to the success of the operations addressed in the report.

We also acknowledge the excellent work of the Australian Civil-Military Centre in producing this report. It is a further demonstration of the Centre’s success in strengthening national civil-military capacities to prevent, prepare for and respond to conflicts.

We hope this analysis will be a useful resource for ongoing and future peacekeeping and peace-building efforts within our region and beyond, and provide a practical contribution to national, regional and global dialogues on peace, security and development. We commend it to anyone working in the peacekeeping and peace-building domains.

Over the past 20 years, Protection of Civilians has moved to the forefront of the Security Council resolutions under which United Nations peacekeepers are deployed.

But what exactly is meant by "protection of civilians"? How are peacekeepers meant to protect? What are the responsibilities of heads of mission and force commanders? How are we to counter crimes against women and children who have become weapons of war?

These and other questions are addressed in this program which features contributions from United Nations personnel, military, police and civilian peacekeepers, as well as representatives from international non-governmental organisations around the world with vast experience in the Protection of Civilians in the context of peacekeeping operations.

Please note, this video contains images that some may find distressing.

The Australian Civil-Military Centre
- supporting the development of civil-military-police capabilities
- building partnerships to more effectively prevent, prepare for, respond and recover from international conflicts and disasters.

This short promotional video provides some context for the work of the ACMC.

The South African Defence Review Process (DRP) and the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission (SATRC) were both instituted following South Africa's negotiated transition from minority (apartheid) rule to democracy. This contribution explores whether the two initiatives had any reciprocal influence on each other.

Η διπλωματική εργασία αναλύει τον όρο της πολιτικο-στρατιωτικής συνεργασίας και μελετά τη σημασία που του προσδίδουν ο Ο.Η.Ε., το ΝΑΤΟ και η Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση στη διαχείριση κρίσεων. Ως παράδειγμα για την εφαρμογή του όρου στη διαχείριση κρίσεων χρησιμοποιείται η περίπτωση του Αφγανιστάν.
Η έννοια της πολιτικο-στρατιωτικής συνεργασίας είναι σημαντική, η εφαρμογή της όμως φαίνεται αναποτελεσματική στο παράδειγμα του Αφγανιστάν, λόγω του κατακερματισμού της, των διαφορετικών αρχών και της αδυναμίας συντονισμού τους.

This is a comparative descriptive study of the American, British and Canadian approaches at managing PRTs in Afghanistan and Iraq. It compares the civil-military balance, the structures, funding schemes and describes the environment of deployment, and lists a number of challenges of training and performance. It concludes that without clear strategic guidance, commonality of planning, training and execution, the PRT model cannot succeed.

The year 2015 showed new variables for European metropolis security. With Paris, Europe lives a "kabulization" of its metropolis, now theater of authentic war operations. The migration waves are the background of scenarios where external and internal complex situations linger, and in the future, also the environmental issues will be an element to be considered. New paradigms are necessary to manage conficts. Prevention and in progress method is proposed here in an upgraded and reviewed version. During 2015 new variables had occurred regarding the European Metropolis security, which asks for new paradigms for confict management. We already identifed a methodology that can be applied to the prevention and treatment of urban conficts inside the metropolitan context, referring to a key-example that could help to understand clearly which parameters are involved and how to operate, in advance, according to the new systemic relationships (Di Dato, Simula, 2014). However, being different phenomena, what happened in Rome frst and in Paris, later, are events that push to refect how to urgently intervene effectively and with long term results, on a situation that is evolving inside the social and metropolitan network in Europe but not only. That could lead to highly insecure situations and scarce territorial control, more and more impactful. The daily news about the migration fows from the critical areas of Africa, and the Middle East to Europe reported an intensifcation. The evacuations in Calais and the crucial situation at the border between Greece and Macedonia showed an inadequate response from Europe. Practically until now, Europe has been ineffcient and uncoordinated in confronting the crisis, no matter the actions implemented at the origin and in the receiving. The diffculties are, for sure, mostly due to the magnitude of the phenomenon and its complexity. However, this does not justify incoherent and indecisive positions. Instead, it asks for designed and planned actions with superior effectiveness. A lack of a comprehensive European vision of the problem is evident. It could have been, on the contrary, the opportunity to fnd a hypothetic-ideal and idealistic-new cohesion of Europe. Plus, it is also evident a diffused incapability of the system itself, lacking administrative and logistical-functional planning tools, that is entrusted and limited to offcial well-written documents, but poorly useful and to the outstanding goodwill of the operators on the feld. The response is affected by localism, by closures, with the risk to open to infltrate groups of interest, not necessarily recognized or recognizable, if not by individual doubtful initiatives. To the point that a Schengen Treaty suspension, and a Dublin Treaty revision have been asked. In some cases applied. 1 The result is a geopolitical impairment that gets more infuential leader nations like Russia, in particular in confront to Europe, but generally on the geopolitical checkerboard, operating decisively, with a meditated strategy on the Syrian critical area. 2 That has consequences on the European position on Ukraine (that almost disappeared from the news) 3 and the inner tensions growing, among the EU member states and the local communities. Tensions that invariably are taken as an advantage by the more conservative and populist right. 4

Civil Affairs Association|5/14/2020
MAJ Brian Hancock and Dr. Timothy Darr discuss their submission to the Civil Affairs Association "Call for Papers."  Their submission, titled Integrating Civil Affairs Through the Application of Battlefield-Relevant Civil Information Management, discusses a future product of Civil Information Management and its relevance.

This publication presents a selection of lessons on "building stable governance" – with examples from Afghanistan, Iraq, Kosovo, Sierra Leone, and other areas.  Lessons discuss local understanding, local ownership, security, conflict resolution, decentralization, public servants, state-citizen relations, and 'steady state' sustainment.  This compendium offers an extensive bibliography and several annexes on governance-related topics.

Харук А.І. Висвітлення проблематики цивільно-військового співробітництва на сторінках часопису «Зарубежное военное обозрение» (1980-ті – початок 1990-х роки) // Цивільно-військове співробітництво на території Донецької та Луганської областей: моделі, тенденції перспективи: колективна монографія; [відп. ред. І.Г. Патер, упоряд. О.І. Муравський]. Львів: Інститут українознавства ім. І. Крип’якевича НАН України, 2018. – С. 263-270.

ACMC has recently produced a leadership film titled 'Leading Together'.  This film features inspiring examples of leaders who are willing to share candidly what they have learned from hard won experience in international crisis response.  It includes interviews with leaders from the United Nations, the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), the United States Navy, Australian Army and the World Food Program.

Leading Together will be launched at Australian Parliament House in October and available from October 18. This trailer provides a sneak peek at the practical advice on leadership from some of the world’s most prominent and experienced leaders.

This research project is being undertaken by RJ Networking. The chief researcher is Dr Stephanie Koorey, with advice being provided by Honorary Associate Professor Stefan Markowksi, both associated with the University of New South Wales, Canberra, who is also providing in-kind support. In addition to progress reports and a literature review, the major outcomes of the project will be four reports that include policy recommendations.

The project relates to the Australian Civil-Military Centre’s research themes 1 and 2 as proposed by its research
program’s Call for Concept Notes in 2013. These research themes are: rebuilding societies post-conflict—the role of civil-military-police actors in assessing appropriate models to reintroduce security post-conflict; and strengthening security, protection of civilians, and the rule of law in conflict and post-conflict environments through civil-military-police coordination.

There appears to be a growing convergence between the police and the military of Western developed states. This has been argued to be problematic for a number of reasons, including the fact that this is out of step with current post-conflict peacebuilding efforts that aim to ensure a strict separation of these two agencies. This paper investigates the police-military relationship in contemporary peace operations from a number of different angles. It considers points of convergence and divergence both in theoretical terms and in different case studies, and investigates doctrinal developments that have been undertaken in recent efforts to demarcate these two roles more clearly. The paper argues that there are continuing significant functional and symbolic differences between these two agencies. Furthermore, there are practical and normative advantages to be gained from utilising police and military in distinctive ways in contemporary peace operations, and more needs to be done to establish what those appropriate ways for utilising those different agencies actually are in various security contexts.

Australian responses to international, complex emergencies and humanitarian crises, generated by natural disaster, conflicts or incidents, demand the coordinated responses of multiple civil-military-police actors and agencies.

A scoping study of Australian government agency training needs in the latter half of 2013 indicated that stakeholder agencies continue to have difficulty in identifying and developing individual skills to enable people to operate effectively in a high-pressure crisis environment that requires an integrated civil-military-police response. Agencies highlighted the need to develop a ‘whole-of-government’ set of skills for civil-military-police interaction that would complement agency specific skills.

In 2015, the Australian Civil-Military Centre (ACMC) commissioned Sustineo to undertake a project to address this gap. This report, based on Sustineo’s research and consultations, goes some way to identifying the skills needed for effective civil-military-police interaction. However, the list is not exhaustive. In fact, the report highlights the difficulty of articulating a specific set of multiagency, cross-cutting skills for civil-military-police interaction.

Practitioners gave consistent advice that specific skills were less important than other factors in successful civil-military-police interaction. Skills and training are only one component of success. The factors that can facilitate and enhance civil-military-police interaction and the strategies required to address those factors are much broader. The report highlights some of these broader factors and how they interrelate. It identifies the interdependence of individual knowledge, skills and attributes, the value of building relationships, the importance of tolerance and understandings of difference and the need for trust and credibility.

The report concludes that an individual’s ability to operate effectively in a civil-military-police environment is developed both prior to and during a mission or deployment and relates more to the type of person and their relationships than to specific skills.

Generic skills and attributes for effective civil-military-police interaction
•Common and shared goals
•Situational awareness
•Understanding of whole-of-government
•Personal attributes such as flexibility, resilience and working in a team
•Professional skills, such as negotiation, mediation, conflict management and partnership brokering
•Existing professional relationships and networks
•Trust
•Self-awareness (and social and emotional intelligence)
•Tolerance of diversity (including of organisational differences and cultural diversity).

The report identifies considerations for developing people for deployments and it is hoped that these will inform agencies’ training and development strategies. The findings support the ongoing work that the ACMC is undertaking to develop an Australian Government Preparedness Framework (the Framework). The Framework will draw together several streams of work that are interrelated, including this report, to further build Australia’s whole-of-government effectiveness in responding to disasters and complex emergencies overseas.

These Policy Proposals are the product of a three-year Australian Research Council-funded project on ‘Strengthening the Rule of Law through the UN Security Council’. The project is a collaboration between the Australian National University’s Centre for International Governance and Justice and the Australian Government’s Australian Civil-Military Centre.

Medical intelligence, security and global health are distinct fields that often overlap, especially as the drive towards a global health security agenda gathers pace. Here, we outline some of the ways in which this has happened in the recent past during the recent Ebola epidemic in West Africa and in the killing of Osama Bin laden by US intelligence services. We evaluate medical intelligence and the role it can play in global health security; we also attempt to define a framework that illustrates how medical intelligence can be incorporated into foreign policy action in order delineate the boundaries and scope of this growing field.

The aim of this study is to discuss civilian dimension of hybrid wars. To understand the linkage between civil affairs and military effectiveness in hybrid wars a new model was developed, offering a thorough approach with two pillars colored by hybrid environment. It was argued that the environment shaped by regular and irregular threats compels land forces to understand the chaos in which a vast array of contingencies blend, making the confrontation more complex. Then, civilian dimension was viewed in twofold. It was underlined that while the militaries that hold robust support domestically could be labeled as fortunate in terms of resource allocation, on the other hand the interaction with target population in human security, humanitarian assistance, cooperation and coordination aspects helps soldiers in force employment, force acceptance and force protection domains. It was put forth the argument that because asymmetrical actors in hybrid environment are obliged to exploit civilians for diverse reasons, it wouldn't be so assertive to claim that who wins the civilians wins the war.