- Poland
- Historical Linguistics, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Linguistics, Indo-European Studies, Proto Indo-European, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, and 16 moreClassics, Ancient Greek Language, Latin Language and Literature, History of Latin Language, Tocharian, The Thracian Dacian Language, Indo-Hittite, Balto-Slavic Linguistics, Balto-Slavic accentology, Celtic Linguistics, Germanic linguistics, Paleo-Balkan Languages, Greek Language, Classical Philology, History of Classical Scholarship, and Greek Epigraphyedit
Research Interests: Diachronic Linguistics (Or Historical Linguistics), Historical Linguistics, Comparative Linguistics, Comparative Historical Analysis, Word formation, and 5 moreDiachronic Syntax, Historical Semantics, Diachronic Phonology, Diachronic linguistics, and Semantic Change Historical Linguistics Diachronic Study
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The Indo-European nasal infix presents have not been explained so far from the semantic point of view. The present author argues that the infix *-n(e)- originally expressed the feature of durativity. Due to the diachronic externalization... more
The Indo-European nasal infix presents have not been explained so far from the semantic point of view. The present author argues that the infix *-n(e)- originally expressed the feature of durativity. Due to the diachronic externalization of inflection this nasal morpheme later evolved into a suffix added to the verbal root. Numerous durative verbs with the nasal marker -an- are attested as early as the 2nd millennium BCE in the Anatolian languages; cf. Hittite iy-ann-a/i- ‘to march, go a long distance’, Palaic iyannnai ‘he marches (a long distance)’ vs. Hitt. i- ‘to go’, Luw. i-, Hier.Luw. i-, Lat. eō, īre, Lith. eĩti, OChSl. iti ‘id.’ (< PIE. *h1ei- ‘to go’). The durative verbs in question, as well as the related nouns with the durative suffix *-ano-, also appear in other Indo-European languages, cf. Toch. B yaneṃ ‘they walk, go (for a long time)’. Numerous Greek present forms (e.g. ἁνδάνω, θιγγάνω, λαμβάνω, λανθάνω, λιμπάνω, μανθάνω, πυνθάνομαι and so on) document the same nasa...
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Lexical data demonstrate that no common term for ‘seal’ was attested in the Indo-European protolanguage, thus it is suggested that the Indo-European people originally knew no kind of seal. Also the Uralic tribes, living in their putative... more
Lexical data demonstrate that no common term for ‘seal’ was attested in the Indo-European protolanguage, thus it is suggested that the Indo-European people originally knew no kind of seal. Also the Uralic tribes, living in their putative homeland, were hardly acquainted with seals. The north-west groups of the Indo-Europeans and the northern tribes of Uralic origin, which have gradually settled down on shores of the Baltic Sea, the Northern Sea, the Atlantic Ocean, as well as the Arctic Ocean, introduced a number of innovative appellatives. Only the Slavs are deprived a common term for ‘seal’. It documents that the Slavic population have settled down relatively late on shores of the Baltic Sea. The East Balts use the common appellative *rōnjas m. ‘harbor seal, Phoca vitulina L.’, the Germanic tribes have one common name for ‘seal’ (Gmc. *selxaz m.) and two dialectal ones (West Gmc. *rubjō f. ‘seal’, North Gmc. *kōpaz m. ‘id.’), whereas the Insular Celts possess the common term *rōnos m. ‘seal’. On the other hand, the appellative *šülke ‘harbor seal’ is securely attested in the Balto-Finnic languages. The present authors discuss the origin of numerous terms for ‘seal’ attested in the Slavic, Baltic, Germanic, Celtic, Balto-Finnic and Saami languages, as well as a suggested relation between Gmc. *selxaz m. ‘harbor seal’ and Balto-Finnic *šülke ‘id.’. They agree with the traditional opinion that the Balto-Finnic term for ‘seal’ represents a borrowing from a Germanic source.
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... Georg Morgenstierne suggests convincingly that these Pamir lexemes connect with Iran. *gari-'mountain, stone' (cf. Shughni zïr f. 'stone', Khufi zar f, Roshani zer f, Yazghulami y or 'id.', Pashtoyar... more
... Georg Morgenstierne suggests convincingly that these Pamir lexemes connect with Iran. *gari-'mountain, stone' (cf. Shughni zïr f. 'stone', Khufi zar f, Roshani zer f, Yazghulami y or 'id.', Pashtoyar 'stone', Awestan ga'ri-'mountain').3 Thus they must go back to Iran. *gari-maska-. ...
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The paper examines the mysterious term al-wark, which – according to Maḥmūd of Kāşğari (11th cent. AD) – denotes a small animal similar to a badger (Turk. borsmuk) in the Xakani language. This animal was treated as a symbol of fatness. It... more
The paper examines the mysterious term al-wark, which – according to Maḥmūd of Kāşğari (11th cent. AD) – denotes a small animal similar to a badger (Turk. borsmuk) in the Xakani language. This animal was treated as a symbol of fatness. It is suggested that the term in question was borrowed from a Tocharian source. The Indo-European term *wṛḱos (m.) ‘badger’ (originally ‘fat animal’, cf. Hittite warkant- adj. ‘fat’) is reconstructed on the basis of Indic, Greek and Anatolian lexical data.
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The Arabic language was lauded in Poland as early as 1844 by M.D. Theodore Tripplin (1812?–1881) in his book entitled Wspomnienia z podróży (‘Memoirs of journeys’). Tripplin was a Polish physician and writer who visited many oriental... more
The Arabic language was lauded in Poland as early as 1844 by M.D. Theodore Tripplin (1812?–1881) in his book entitled Wspomnienia z podróży (‘Memoirs of journeys’). Tripplin was a Polish physician and writer who visited many oriental countries during his numerous journeys. He learnt Classical Arabic and Maghrebi Arabic in Morocco (1843). Later he travelled to and lived in Turkey (1859), Palestine (1859, 1873–1875), Egypt (1859) and Algieria (1843, 1859). In his praise of the Arabic language, Tripplin explains that it is ‘a beautiful and comprehensible language’ (Pol. piękny, zrozumiały język) and he believes that everybody should learn Arabic, as it is not possible to appreciate the Arabs and their culture without the knowledge of their mother tongue.
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The article deals with a Baltic etymology of the river name and place name Węgra, earlier Wągra (Northern Mazovia). It is suggested that the hydronym in question derives from Yatvingian *Wungrā and Baltic *wingrā f. ‘winding, tortuous,... more
The article deals with a Baltic etymology of the river name and place name Węgra, earlier Wągra (Northern Mazovia). It is suggested that the hydronym in question derives from Yatvingian *Wungrā and Baltic *wingrā f. ‘winding, tortuous, crooked [river]’. Yatvingian is the only Baltic language showing the depalatalization of palatalized syllabic resonants at an early period. Three examples of such an exclusive phonological process are carefully reviewed. Two glosses exemplifying the sound change are found in the so-called Polish-Yatvingian dictionary (PYD), also known as Zinov’s dictionary: Yatv. wułk∫ ‘wolf’ (PYD 25) < Balt. *wilkas, cf. Lithuanian vilkas, Latvian vìlks, OPrus. wilkis ‘id.’; Yatv. wułd ‘to want’ (PYD 3) < Balt. *wiltēi, cf. Lith. vìltis ‘to hope’, Latv. vilt ‘to cheat, swindle, delude’. The third instance, Yatv. wurszajtis ‘an aged priest offering a goat’ (cf. Lith. viršáitis ‘village-mayor, village-chief, elder in a village’, Latv. virsaitis ‘village-mayor’), is mentioned in the 16th century AD in Jan and Hieronim Malecki’s testimony on the Sudovians (i.e. Yatvingians) inhabiting the Sambia Peninsula.
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Traces of the dual number may be identified in the Gaulish language on the basis of the historical-comparative method. It is suggested that the Gaulish form SUIOREBE represents an instrumental dual with the sociative meaning 'with two... more
Traces of the dual number may be identified in the Gaulish language on the basis of the historical-comparative method. It is suggested that the Gaulish form SUIOREBE represents an instrumental dual with the sociative meaning 'with two sisters'. The conclusion is that the Gaulish SUIOREBE contains the dual base SUIORE-(< IE. *swesore 'two sisters') accompanied by the dual ending-BE (< IE. *-bhēm).
Research Interests: Celtic Studies, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Celtic Linguistics, Indo-European Linguistics, and 8 moreCeltic Languages, Celtic, Old Celtic languages, Gaulish, Indo-European, Epigraphy in Southern Gaul (iberic, greek, latin), Gaulish language, Inscriptions Gauloises, and Dual number
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The Lusitanian hydronym Limaia has been translated into both Classical languages as ‘the River of Oblivion’ (Greek L»qh, Latin Oblivio, -onis). This semantics is supported by many ancient sources (e.g. by Livy, Pliny, Florus, Salustius,... more
The Lusitanian hydronym Limaia has been translated into both Classical languages as ‘the River of Oblivion’ (Greek L»qh, Latin Oblivio, -onis). This semantics is supported by many ancient sources (e.g. by Livy, Pliny, Florus, Salustius, Silius Italicus, Strabo and so on), thus both Latin and Greek names represent the so called translational calques. It is possible that the word *limaiā (or a similar form) was a Lusitanian name for ‘oblivion, forgetfulness’, derived from the Indo-European root *ghleim- ‘to forget’, cf. ON. gleyma, Icel. gleyma, Dan. glemme, Swed. glömma ‘to forget’. However, the Lusitanian hydronym Limaia (Gk. Lima…a, Lat. Limaea) cannot be separated from the name of an Old Prussian lake *Limaiō, attested as early as in the fourteenth century AD (1362 inter hos lacum videlicet Lymaio; 1364 et versus lacum Lyma, 1386 inter lacus Lymaio). Both these water-names originate from IE. *leim- ‘to flood, inundate’, see Bret. liñva vb. ‘to flood, inundate, drown’, Welsh llif m. ‘flow, flood’, MBret. livat ‘flood’, Corn. lyf ‘flood, inundation’ (< Celt. *līmos), Toch. A lyam, B lyäm ‘lake’ (< *limen-), Alb. lumë, lumenj m. ‘river’ (< *limen-), Greek lim»n m. ‘harbour, haven, creek’, orig. ‘bay’, l…mnh f. ‘a pool of standing water; a marshy lake, mere; a large pool or basin’. The author believes that reflexes of the two different Indo-European roots *leim- ‘to flood’ and *ghleim- ‘to forget’ became conflated in Lusitanian. Thus the Lusitanian „flood-river” Limaia became „the River of Oblivion” as a result of folk etymology.
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In his work Deipnosophistae (IX 369b) Athenaeus discusses four Greek names for ‘turnip, Brassica campestris L., syn. Brassica rapa L.’, namely βουνιάς, γογγυλίς, Laconian γάστρα and Boeotian ζεκελτίς. Three first appellatives are clearly... more
In his work Deipnosophistae (IX 369b) Athenaeus discusses four Greek names for ‘turnip, Brassica campestris L., syn. Brassica rapa L.’, namely βουνιάς, γογγυλίς, Laconian γάστρα and Boeotian ζεκελτίς. Three first appellatives are clearly motivated by the Greek vocabulary. The fourth term is unclear etymologically. According to Athenaeus (IX 369b), two Greek writers, Amerias and Timachidas, refer to a dialectal (evidently Thessalian) term ζακελτίς f. ‘bottle gourd, Lagenaria siceraria (Molina) Standl’. In his lexicon Hesychius of Alexandria registers two related glosses: ζακελτίδες • κολοκύνται. ἢ γογγυλίδες (HAL ζ-24); ζακαυθίδες • κολοκύνται (HAL ζ-30). The former refers to the Thessalian item. The latter one (wrongly printed as ζακυνθίδες • κολοκύνται in M. Schmidt’s and K. Latte’s editions) demonstrates a change of the liquid stop λ [l] to [ṷ], which is explained as a Cretan phenomenon, attested also in the Hesychian lexicon, see e.g. [1] αὐκάν • ἀλκήν. Κρῆτες (HAL α-8277); [2] αὐκυόνα • ἀλκυόνα. Κρῆτες (HAL α-8280); [3] αὕμα • ἅλμη, ὑπὸ Κρητῶν (HAL α-8324); [4] αὖσος • ἄλσος. Κρῆτες (HAL α-8347); [5] θεύγεσθαι • θέλγεσθαι. Κρῆτες (HAL θ-427). The same phonological process of velarization of *λ [l] is securely confirmed in three towns of Central Crete (Gortys, Leben, Phaestus) by numerous epigraphic texts. It is highly probable that the Hesychian term ζακαυθίδες ‘calabash gourds’ (as if from *ζακαλθίδες) must be treated as a dialectal form typical of Central Cretan.
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The work by Publius Cornelius Tacitus entitled De origine et situ Germanorum is an inexhaustible source of knowledge about ancient Germanic peoples, their culture, beliefs and even their mythology. The proposed paper compares Tacitus’... more
The work by Publius Cornelius Tacitus entitled De origine et situ Germanorum is an inexhaustible source of knowledge about ancient Germanic peoples, their culture, beliefs and even their mythology. The proposed paper compares Tacitus’ information on the actions of Germanic *Askiz, identified with Greek-Roman Ulysses (Germ. 3, 2-3) and the Germanic myth of the creation of man (Germ. 2,2) with corresponding mentions from the Old Norse tradition (Voluspa, stanzas 17-18; Snorri Sturluson, Edda. Gylfaginning). The authors conclude that interpreting the stanzas 17-18 of the Old Norse Voluspa as a myth of the creation of man (widely accepted so far and supported by the authority of the 13th century Icelandic writer Snorri Sturluson) is groundless. The Old Norse text mentions only an accidental interference of three Gods: Odin, Hoenir and Lodur in the life of particular human beings. The Gods, strolling by the seashore find Ask and Embla lying unconscious and they bring them to life, giving them spirit, sense, blood and skin colour. The passage is most probably a description of one of the adventures of the mythical Germanic wanderer *Askiz, the founder of the town of Asciburgium on the left bank of the Rhine (today Moers-Asberg, near Düsseldorf), according to Tacitus’ informants.
The original Germanic myth of the creation of mankind is described in Tacitus’ work. The report of it is fully credible because it contains both elements directly attributable to the Indo-European tradition (Germanic Mannus as Indo-European *MonHus, the forefather of all mankind) as well as elements related to Proto-Germanic origins e.g. the eponymous ancestors of Ingvaeones and Herminones, whose existence is corroborated by later mythological data (e.g. Gmc. *Ingwaz / *Ingwōn, whence OE. Ing, ON. Ingwi; Gmc. *Ermenaz, whence OSax. Irmin).
The original Germanic myth of the creation of mankind is described in Tacitus’ work. The report of it is fully credible because it contains both elements directly attributable to the Indo-European tradition (Germanic Mannus as Indo-European *MonHus, the forefather of all mankind) as well as elements related to Proto-Germanic origins e.g. the eponymous ancestors of Ingvaeones and Herminones, whose existence is corroborated by later mythological data (e.g. Gmc. *Ingwaz / *Ingwōn, whence OE. Ing, ON. Ingwi; Gmc. *Ermenaz, whence OSax. Irmin).
Research Interests: Mythology, Nordic Studies, Norse mythology, Tacitus, Old Norse Religion, and 12 moreArchaeology of Germanic tribes (Roman period), Snorri Sturluson, Germanic Mythology, Poetic Edda, Nordic myth, Germanic myth, Voluspa, Völuspá, Old Norse mythology, Old Nordic/Germanic Religions, Ancient Origin of Man, Nordic Mythology, and Old Germanic Poetry
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Research Interests: Germanic linguistics, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Old Germanic Languages, Germanic Philology, and 9 moreIndo-European Linguistics, Germanic Studies, Proto-Germanic, Indo-European Etymology, European substrate and poorly attested languages, Germanic languages, pre-Indo-European linguistic substrate, Substrat, and Substrate
The paper contains the First Polish Translation of Dorotheos' Laudes Domini Iesu (Pap. Bodmer XXXII), an introduction and comments.
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Aglaias, an unknown physician from Byzantium, wrote a receipt for preparing his medicine for cataract as an poem of 14 elegiac couplets (28 verses). This drug contains 13 different ingredients. Aglaias’ receipt seems a typical Hellenistic... more
Aglaias, an unknown physician from Byzantium, wrote a receipt for preparing his medicine for cataract as an poem of 14 elegiac couplets (28 verses). This drug contains 13 different ingredients. Aglaias’ receipt seems a typical Hellenistic poem, as it is written in an obscure language and includes many puns, enigmatic puzzles and mythological references.
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Strato of Sardis and Rufinus (of Samos?) were two Ionic poets, writing the erotic epigrams and preparing two different erotic anthologies. The former was the maker of the so called Musa Puerilis (preserved in AP, book XII, ep. 1–258) and... more
Strato of Sardis and Rufinus (of Samos?) were two Ionic poets, writing the erotic epigrams and preparing two different erotic anthologies. The former was the maker of the so called Musa Puerilis (preserved in AP, book XII, ep. 1–258) and the author of an anonymous preface (AP XII 1), the latter was the most probable creator of the Sylloge Rufiniana (attested in Anthologia Palatina [abbr. AP], book V, ep. 1–103) and the author of an anonymous preface (AP V 1). There are numerous resemblances in their erotic poetry, which document clearly that the one was familiar with the other’s epigrams. The following similar items are compared and discussed in this article: (a) AP V 9 ~ AP XII 226; (b) AP V 12 ~ AP XI 19; (c) AP V 21 ~ AP XII 229; (d) AP V 35, 36 ~ AP XII 207; (e) AP V 75 ~ AP XII 205, 250; (f) AP V 92 ~ AP XII 186. The author’s analysis demonstrates that Strato of Sardis was the borrower in three cases (a), (c), (d). It is acceptable, however, that Rufinus and Strato lived in Ionia in the same time. It is suggested that Rufinus’ collection was published somewhat earlier than Strato’s Musa Puerilis. If it is firmly established that Strato published his anthology of the pederastic poems under Hadrian (117–138 AD), then the most probably conclusion is that the Sylloge Rufiniana was edited by Rufinus himself most probably in two first decades of the 2nd century AD.
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Hystrix in Greek. Dictionaries of the Ancient Greek language distinguish only two or three different meanings of the Greek word ὕστριξ. The present author analyses all the contexts and glosses where the word in question appears. On the... more
Hystrix in Greek. Dictionaries of the Ancient Greek language distinguish only two or three different meanings of the Greek word ὕστριξ. The present author analyses all the contexts and glosses where the word in question appears. On the basis of his own analysis he assumes that dictionaries of Ancient Greek should contain as many as seven different semantems: I. ‘swine bristle’, II. ‘whip of swine leather, the cat, used as instruments of punishment’, III. ‘porcupine, Hystrix cristata L.’, IV. ‘hedgehog, Erinaceus europaeus L.’, V. ‘sea urchin’, VI. ‘badger, Meles meles L.’; VII. ‘an unidentifiable or badly defined animal’.
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(1) The correspondences between Ionic σίδη or σίβδη, Aeolic ξίμβᾱ, Doric (Cyrenaean) σίβδᾱ f. ‘pomegranate, Punica granatum L.’, Boeotian σίδᾱ f. ‘pomegranate (tree and fruit)’, also ‘a water plant, probably water-lilly, Nymphaea alba... more
(1) The correspondences between Ionic σίδη or σίβδη, Aeolic ξίμβᾱ, Doric (Cyrenaean) σίβδᾱ f. ‘pomegranate, Punica granatum L.’, Boeotian σίδᾱ f. ‘pomegranate (tree and fruit)’, also ‘a water plant, probably water-lilly, Nymphaea alba L.’, Attic σίδη f. ‘water-lily’, are carefully discussed in the paper. It is concluded that the words demonstrate certain Pre-Greek features, which cannot be treated as native.
(2) The comparison of Greek words for ‘pomegranate, Punica granatum L.’ (Gk. σίδᾱ, σίδη, σίβδᾱ, σίβδη, ξίμβᾱ f.) with Hittite GIŠšaddu(wa)- ‘a kind of fruit-tree’ indicates a possible borrowing of the Greek forms from an Anatolian source.
(2) The comparison of Greek words for ‘pomegranate, Punica granatum L.’ (Gk. σίδᾱ, σίδη, σίβδᾱ, σίβδη, ξίμβᾱ f.) with Hittite GIŠšaddu(wa)- ‘a kind of fruit-tree’ indicates a possible borrowing of the Greek forms from an Anatolian source.
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Research Interests: Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Indo-European Prehistory, Proto-Nostratic, Nostratic, and 9 moreIndo-European, Nostratic, European substrate and poorly attested languages, pre-Indo-European linguistic substrate, Substrat, Indo-European Religion, Nostratic linguistics, Nostratic Theory, Substrate, and Indo European Culture
Research Interests: Indo-european language reconstruction, Ancient Indo-European Languages, Indo-European Studies, Anatolian Languages, Indo-European Linguistics, and 11 moreIndo-European Prehistory, Proto Indo-European, Indo-European, Comparative Indo-European Linguistics, Indo-European homeland, Indo-European Languages, Proto-Indo-European homeland in Macedonia, Proto-Indo-European language, Laryngeal theory, Indo European Migrations, and Indo European Problem
The Indo-European terminology for ‘sheep’ is plentiful and notable. J. P. MALLORY and D. Q. ADAMS (1997: 510-512), following J. POKORNY (1959), list as many as seven different names for ‘Ovis aries’, namely: 1. *h2ówis ‘sheep’; 2.... more
The Indo-European terminology for ‘sheep’ is plentiful and notable. J. P. MALLORY and D. Q. ADAMS (1997: 510-512), following J. POKORNY (1959), list as many as seven different names for ‘Ovis aries’, namely: 1. *h2ówis ‘sheep’; 2. *h2owikéha- ‘ewe’; 3. *haegwhnos ‘lamb’; 4. *wrh1en ‘lamb’; 5. *h1er- ‘lamb, kid’; 6. *moisós (or rather *maisós) ‘ram, sheep; fleece, skin’; 7. *(s)kegos ‘sheep/goat’. It is possible, however, to increase the number of the Indo-European names for ‘sheep’ to eleven. In his paper the author was able to reconstruct four new archetypes: 8. *h2owileha- f. ‘ewe’ (see OInd. avilā f. ‘ewe / Mutterschaf’, Prakr. avilā- f. ‘ewe’ and Lusit. oila f. ‘ewe’); 9. *haegwhn-lo-s m. ‘lamb up to one year old’ (see Lat. avellus m. ‘agnus recentis partus’ and Pamir *"gara- m. ‘male lamb up to one year old’); 10. *komhx-los m. ‘sheep, ram, wether’ (Khotan Saka kāmra-, kaura- ‘sheep’, m. ‘ram’, Auramani kawrä ‘sheep’; OHG. hamal ‘ram’, Du. hamel, G. Hammel m. ‘wether’; Cz. komola f. ‘she-goat / cow with one horn or with no horns’, Ukr. dial. комéль m. ‘cow without horns’; OPrus. kamstian n. ‘sheep’); 11. *saudhos m. ‘sheep, beast of sacrifice’ (see ON. sauđr m. ‘sheep’, Goth. sauÞs m. ‘beast of sacrifice’; Pashto ōla ‘flock of lambs’; Arm. awdi ‘sheep’; Alb. gjedh ‘cattle’).
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Research Interests: Indo-european language reconstruction, Indo-European Studies, Indo-European Linguistics, Proto Indo-European, Indo-European, and 7 moreComparative Indo-European Linguistics, Etymology Indo-European, Indo-European Etymology, Proto-Indo-European Morphology and Syntax, Indo-European Languages, Proto-Indo-European language, and Indo-European phonology and morphology
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The Indo-European term for 'elder-tree, Sambucus nigra L.' is reconstructed on the basis of Ancient Greek, Armenian, Dacian, Bessan, Albanian, Lithuanian and Yatvingian.
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Tho article deals with two questions: (1) whether there existed a Venetic community?; (2) if it did exist, what was its nature? The answer to the first question is positive, and it is basod on the following premises: (a) the Venetic... more
Tho article deals with two questions: (1) whether there existed a Venetic community?; (2) if it did exist, what was its nature?
The answer to the first question is positive, and it is basod on the following premises: (a) the Venetic ethnicon, occuring in areas of Tndo-European penetration, has an entirely Indo-European origin; (b) the salient identity of the phonetic form and uniformity of function; (c) the etymology of the tribal name (PIE. *WenH1-to-i nom. pl. 'Venetians' i.e. 'people on friendiy terms, relatives' from the Indo-European root *wenH1- meaning 'to love each other; to be a relative of').
Giving a positive answer to the first question the author discusses the problem posed by the second question. He proves that the so-called Venetic community is identical with the Indo-European language community in its late phase of existence. This argument is based on the following: (a) the Indo-European provenance of the Venetic tribal name; (b) language differentiation in Venetic groups in accordance with geographical position; (c) relict Venetic nomenclature, regular on the Indo-European ethnos periphery. The analysis offered in this artic1e has a considerable advantage over hitherto presented solutions to the Venetic problem because: (a) it does not stipulate the existence of a separate Indo-European people not attested historically; (b) it explains in a natural (i.e. genealogical) way language discrepancies among Venetic tribes, without resort to the hypothesis about language
assimiliation in different Venetic tribes dispersed from an alleged original motherland (situated freely in time and place by Pan-Venetists); (c) its evidence is consistent with data from prehistorical archeology, which point to 1500-800 B.C. (the time when, according to most researchers, the Venetians were to carry out mass and distant migrations) as a period of relative stability in colonization of Central Europe.
The answer to the first question is positive, and it is basod on the following premises: (a) the Venetic ethnicon, occuring in areas of Tndo-European penetration, has an entirely Indo-European origin; (b) the salient identity of the phonetic form and uniformity of function; (c) the etymology of the tribal name (PIE. *WenH1-to-i nom. pl. 'Venetians' i.e. 'people on friendiy terms, relatives' from the Indo-European root *wenH1- meaning 'to love each other; to be a relative of').
Giving a positive answer to the first question the author discusses the problem posed by the second question. He proves that the so-called Venetic community is identical with the Indo-European language community in its late phase of existence. This argument is based on the following: (a) the Indo-European provenance of the Venetic tribal name; (b) language differentiation in Venetic groups in accordance with geographical position; (c) relict Venetic nomenclature, regular on the Indo-European ethnos periphery. The analysis offered in this artic1e has a considerable advantage over hitherto presented solutions to the Venetic problem because: (a) it does not stipulate the existence of a separate Indo-European people not attested historically; (b) it explains in a natural (i.e. genealogical) way language discrepancies among Venetic tribes, without resort to the hypothesis about language
assimiliation in different Venetic tribes dispersed from an alleged original motherland (situated freely in time and place by Pan-Venetists); (c) its evidence is consistent with data from prehistorical archeology, which point to 1500-800 B.C. (the time when, according to most researchers, the Venetians were to carry out mass and distant migrations) as a period of relative stability in colonization of Central Europe.
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The Northern Pamir area differs from all the remaining Iranian languages in fact that Iranian velars *k, *g, *x were palatalized to *ḱ, *ǵ (*ɣ́), *x́, later to Shughni-Roshani č, ž, š, in the position before *a or *ā. The chronology of... more
The Northern Pamir area differs from all the remaining Iranian languages in fact that Iranian velars *k, *g, *x were palatalized to *ḱ, *ǵ (*ɣ́), *x́, later to Shughni-Roshani č, ž, š, in the position before *a or *ā. The chronology of the process is unknown. According to the present authors, the Pamir (Early Shughni-Roshani) cereal name *ǰæwærs (τζαβάρς) ‘Indic millet, Panicum miliaceum L.’ (< Iranian *gawarśa-) is attested as early as in a 15th-century document written in Medieval Greek: τζαβάρς ισχχιντί · κέχρος ἰνδικός (Parisinus Graecus 2419, 31.4.). The gloss in question clearly demonstrates that the so called “Pamir palatalization” was completed by the 15th century AD.
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The loss of the dual number in the early pre-literary phase of the development of Latin caused massive changes in the Latin declension. The dual forms of consonant stems, which in animate nouns (later masculine and feminine nouns) were... more
The loss of the dual number in the early pre-literary phase of the development of Latin caused massive changes in the Latin declension. The dual forms of consonant stems, which in animate nouns (later masculine and feminine nouns) were probably characterised by the ending *-ē, gen. du. *-ēs (< PIE nom. du. *-eh1, gen. du. *-eh1s), were generally reinterpreted as plurals (hence the secondary plural ending -ēs < nom. du. *-ē in Latin) and sometimes as collectives or singulars (nom. sg. -ēs < nom. du. *-ē). The latter process led to the formation of the fifth Latin declension with the characteristic -ē-. This category includes very numerous nouns that have no plural forms (singularia tantum). Also the Old Latin dual forms ending in *-ī (< PIE *-ih1) like viginti ‘twenty’ were transformed by regular morphological processes into singulative forms with -iēs, -iēi, which are also in the fifth declension. On the basis of these observations, the author advances the research hypothesis that the fifth Latin declension appeared already in the pre-literary period as a result of the loss of the earlier dual inflection.
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Ichthyonymia Graeco-Latina. The Importance of the Modern Greek and Romance Lexical Data for Correct Identification of the Latin Fish-Names. In his poem entitled Halieutica Ovid describes many Mediterranean fishes and sea animals. Most of... more
Ichthyonymia Graeco-Latina. The Importance of the Modern Greek and Romance Lexical Data for Correct Identification of the Latin Fish-Names. In his poem entitled Halieutica Ovid describes many Mediterranean fishes and sea animals. Most of them is firmly identified in the scientific literature. Other fish-names refer to unknown species of fish. It is necessary to discuss eight Latin fish-names of uncertain identification on the basis of the fish terminology attested in the Modern Greek dialects, as well as the Romance languages and idioms, in particular in the Italian dialects.
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Polonice pepigit Ioannes Brzechwa et in linguam Latinam transtulit Christophorus Thomas Witczak
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A translation of Jan Brzechwa's poem into Latin
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A Latin translation of Julian Tuwim's poetic work devoted to the Latin language
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A Latin translation of J. Tuwim's poem
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... d-and Classical -λ- is irregul r, though it is attested elsewhere, s in da-pU2-ri-to-jo po-ti-ni-ja KN Gg 702 = Λαβυρίνθοιο ποτνίαι "to the Mistress/Lady of the Labyrinth" (see PPS, 141). 3 I have recently learnt from Prof.... more
... d-and Classical -λ- is irregul r, though it is attested elsewhere, s in da-pU2-ri-to-jo po-ti-ni-ja KN Gg 702 = Λαβυρίνθοιο ποτνίαι "to the Mistress/Lady of the Labyrinth" (see PPS, 141). 3 I have recently learnt from Prof. Dr. Jose L. Melena of Vitoria (Spain), in his letter of 3.12. ...
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Two basic problems are discussed:
1. The Thracian graphem H is a reflex of PIE schwa.
2. Three guttural series are preserved in Thracian.
1. The Thracian graphem H is a reflex of PIE schwa.
2. Three guttural series are preserved in Thracian.
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The Proto-Slavic term for ‘dragon, big winged snake’, *smokъ, cannot be explained on the basis of the native, purely Slavic vocabulary of Indo-European origin. It was suggested many years ago that the noun in question has been borrowed... more
The Proto-Slavic term for ‘dragon, big winged snake’, *smokъ, cannot be explained on the basis of the native, purely Slavic vocabulary of Indo-European origin. It was suggested many years ago that the noun in question has been borrowed from a foreign source. The old hypothesis by Słuszkiewicz (1958: 211–214), according to which the Slavs borrowed it from a Germanic source (e.g. OE. snaca m. ‘snake’, E. snake ‘id.’, LG. Schnake m. ‘grass-snake’), specifically a Scandinavian one (see Nw. snåk m. ‘snake, viper’, Sw. snok, Dan. snog ‘id.’ < Gmc. *snēkaz m.), should be rejected for morphological and phonological reasons. The author suggests a new etymology, according to which PSl. *smokъ represents an Iranian borrowing (from Iran. *sušnaka- ‘dragon, winged snake’ via Sarmatian). The Indo-Iranian lexical data seem to confirm this hypothesis, cf. Vedic (RV) śúṣṇa- m. ‘a serpentine demon slain by Indra’ (originally *ćúšna- ‘hisser’ in Indo-Iranian); Shughni sāɣ̌(d) f., Bajui sāw f., Roshani sāw f., Khufi sāw f., Bartangi sāwn f. ‘a big snake (in folklore), dragon’ < Iran. *sušnā- (Morgenstierne 1974: 72–73).
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The paper presents a new hypothesis according to which Tugumir (Pol. Tęgomir), a Christian duke of the Stodorans (Havelians) beginning from 940, was a godfather of Mieszko-Dagome, the first Christian duke of Poland. It is suggested that... more
The paper presents a new hypothesis according to which Tugumir (Pol. Tęgomir), a Christian duke of the Stodorans (Havelians) beginning from 940, was a godfather of Mieszko-Dagome, the first Christian duke of Poland. It is suggested that Mieszko the First as a neophyte adopted Tugumir’s name as his official Christian name and therefore he used it in the document called Dagome iudex, who was sent to Rome ca. 990. The necrologium of the women’s cloister in Möllenbeck informs us that “duke Thugumir died” (Ob. Thugumir dux) on 25th May. It probably refers to Mieszko the First, who – according to Thietmar’s chronicle – died 25th May of 992, and not to Tugumir, the duke of Stodorians. It is finally suggested that the death-note of Mieszko-Thugumir-Dagome in this necrologium was introduced by the mediation of Oda, Mieszko’s second wife, who was expelled from Poland by Boleslaus the Brave. She spent her last years in a female cloister in Germany, most probably in Möllenbeck.
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Most historians and linguists agree that so-called service settlements, named after the occupation of their inhabitants (always a kind of service or craft, e.g. Kobylniki ‘mare-breeders’, Kuchary ‘cooks’, Szewce ‘shoemakers’, Woźniki... more
Most historians and linguists agree that so-called service settlements, named after the occupation of their inhabitants (always a kind of service or craft, e.g. Kobylniki ‘mare-breeders’, Kuchary ‘cooks’, Szewce ‘shoemakers’, Woźniki ‘cartmen’, Zduny ‘potters’, Złotniki ‘goldsmiths’), appeared as early as in the Middle Ages during the early phase of the feudal Polish State (10th–12th c. AD). There are eleven service settlements in the old Castellany of Ruda (later Wieluń Land) registered by the middle of the 16th century, namely: two villages called Bobrowniki (‘beaver breeders or hunters’, Lat. castorarii, custodes castorum), Czastary (orig. *Castary ‘roadworkers’, Lat. stratifices), Dzietrzniki (orig. *Dzierżniki ‘flax-makers’, Lat. linifices), Komorniki (‘tax-collectors’, Lat. camerarii), Kowale (‘blacksmiths’, Lat. fabri), Łagiewniki (‘vessel-makers’, Lat. lagenarii), Mączniki (‘flour-makers’, Lat. panifices), Rudniki (‘ore-miners’, Lat. metallifossores), Sokolniki (‘falconers’, Lat. falconarii), *Win(i)ary (‘wine-makers’, Lat. vinearii, vinitores). The analysis of the geographical distribution of the toponyms shows that most of the service settlements were concentrated around Ruda (near Wieluń), the seat of the castellan. Occupational names are also found in the Wieluń area, registered in official documents at a later time, e.g. Cieśle (‘carpenters’), Tokary (‘turners’). Two problematic toponyms (Czastary and Dzietrzniki) are discussed in the present study; the occupation of their inhabitants (belonging to the sphere of service settlements) is identified. A number of further place names of the Wieluń district are reviewed, some of which cannot be connected with service or occupational names, e.g. the lost village called Rekinczi.
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The present paper constitutes an attempt of shed new light on certain issues connected with onomastic eveidence for the native, i.e. purely Slavonic, origin of the Polish State (chapter 1) and with onomasic problems of the oldest Polish... more
The present paper constitutes an attempt of shed new light on certain issues connected with onomastic eveidence for the native, i.e. purely Slavonic, origin of the Polish State (chapter 1) and with onomasic problems of the oldest Polish document called "Dagome iudex" (chapter 2). The fundamental part of the paper (chapter 3) deals with the baptismal name of Mieszko the First (reigned ca. 960-992). It is suggested that the first Polish ruler received his second name, Dagome, at his baptism in honour of his holy father Tugumir, the prince of the Stodorians (reigned from ca. 940). The Latin form Tugumir renders the Slavonic bi-copoumd personal name *Tągomir while Dagome (i.e. Tągom) seems to represent a shortened (diminutive-respectful) version of the same anthroponym. This explanation is not only acceptable from palaeographical, philological an d linguistic points of view, but also well justified by all the preserved historical sources,
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This article reinterprets the question of identifying the king of the Slavonic tribe of Gebalim (mid-tenth century AD). The author arrives at the following conclusions: 1. The Biblical name Gebalim, as used by Hasday ibn Shaprut in his... more
This article reinterprets the question of identifying the king of the Slavonic tribe of Gebalim (mid-tenth century AD). The author arrives at the following conclusions:
1. The Biblical name Gebalim, as used by Hasday ibn Shaprut in his letter to Joseph, the khagan (king) of the Khazars, describes one of the Slavonic tribes or peoples occupying the territories north or north-west of Hungary. The Slavonic tribal name must have been similar to the biblical one, and therefore it can be related to the Havelians (also known as the Stodorians).
2. From Hasday's letter we know about the mission from the king of the Gebalim Slavs to caliph Abd ar-Rahman the Third of Cordoba (reigned 9Ż3-961). Arabic sources mention the same mission in the year 953 (or 954) from the Slavonic king named, Duku.
3. The Arabic version of the Slavonic king's name Duku can be easily identified with the Havelian prince's name - Tugumir (reigned 940-ca 97O).
4. This new interpreiaiion allows the identifying of two so far unexplained names: Gebalim = Havelians (Polabian *Hobuljane) and Duku = Tugumir (polab. *Togomir'). The previous analyses had problems with providing any satisfactory identifaction.
5. The above hypothesis can be justified not only on onomastic, but also on historical groulds, as in the mid-tenth century the Havelians' principality flourished under the rule of Tugumir. He restored the principality (940 AD), introduced Christianity (946-948 AD) and developed the national culture. In 966, he was also the god-father of the Polish Duke Mieszko the First (reigned ca. 960-992). On false principles Tugumir was accused of "beftaying Stodorians' independence''.
1. The Biblical name Gebalim, as used by Hasday ibn Shaprut in his letter to Joseph, the khagan (king) of the Khazars, describes one of the Slavonic tribes or peoples occupying the territories north or north-west of Hungary. The Slavonic tribal name must have been similar to the biblical one, and therefore it can be related to the Havelians (also known as the Stodorians).
2. From Hasday's letter we know about the mission from the king of the Gebalim Slavs to caliph Abd ar-Rahman the Third of Cordoba (reigned 9Ż3-961). Arabic sources mention the same mission in the year 953 (or 954) from the Slavonic king named, Duku.
3. The Arabic version of the Slavonic king's name Duku can be easily identified with the Havelian prince's name - Tugumir (reigned 940-ca 97O).
4. This new interpreiaiion allows the identifying of two so far unexplained names: Gebalim = Havelians (Polabian *Hobuljane) and Duku = Tugumir (polab. *Togomir'). The previous analyses had problems with providing any satisfactory identifaction.
5. The above hypothesis can be justified not only on onomastic, but also on historical groulds, as in the mid-tenth century the Havelians' principality flourished under the rule of Tugumir. He restored the principality (940 AD), introduced Christianity (946-948 AD) and developed the national culture. In 966, he was also the god-father of the Polish Duke Mieszko the First (reigned ca. 960-992). On false principles Tugumir was accused of "beftaying Stodorians' independence''.
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The Proto-Polish goddess of death, called Nyja, is compared with Greek Enyo. Both the theonyms seem to derive from the zero grade root *H1nuH- 'to yearn, languish', cf. Czech nyti 'to yearn', Pol. nyć 'to yearn, languish', Old Russian... more
The Proto-Polish goddess of death, called Nyja, is compared with Greek Enyo. Both the theonyms seem to derive from the zero grade root *H1nuH- 'to yearn, languish', cf. Czech nyti 'to yearn', Pol. nyć 'to yearn, languish', Old Russian nyti 'to grieve', Russ. nyt' 'to ache, mourn'. It is related to Proto-Slavic *navu 'dead man, corpse', also 'the other world, realm of the dead' (cf. Gothic naus m. 'dead man', Latv. nave f. 'death') and the verb *naviti 'to torment, tire'.
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In his article the author discusses the question of identifying seven Slavonic ethnonyms mentioned in the Hebrew Book of Josiphon (about 980-990 A. D.). Following Flusser (1949) he finds two series of ethnic names. According to the... more
In his article the author discusses the question of identifying seven Slavonic ethnonyms mentioned in the Hebrew Book of Josiphon (about 980-990 A. D.). Following Flusser (1949) he
finds two series of ethnic names. According to the declaration of the source, the first series refers to the Slavonic peoples of the Balkan Peninsulą, namely: the Balkanic Moravians (Mwr.wh), Croatians (Krw. tj), Serbians (Swrbjn) and Luchians (Lwcnjn) i.e. inhabitants of the Zachlumian territory Luka. Unlike Łowmianski (1963) and many others, the author concludes that this Hebrew text provides no evidence for the so-called White or Northern Croatians.
The second series records there Slavonic countries (or rather states) located, according to the same description, between Venice and the Baltic Sea, namely Poland (Lwwnn or better *Ljjkjn), the district and state of Cracow (Kr.kr) and Bohemia (Bzjm). The Book of Josiphon omits other Slavonic states such as Russia nad Bulgaria, for they were ruled by dynasties of non-Slavonic origin. The independent state of Cracow with Boleslas the Brave, the eldest son of Mieszko tbe First, as its ruler was a political ephemeral during the eighties of the tenth century A. D. Later (992), it was completely integrated with the Polish state by the same Boleslas, who was crowned as the first Polish king before his death in 1025.
finds two series of ethnic names. According to the declaration of the source, the first series refers to the Slavonic peoples of the Balkan Peninsulą, namely: the Balkanic Moravians (Mwr.wh), Croatians (Krw. tj), Serbians (Swrbjn) and Luchians (Lwcnjn) i.e. inhabitants of the Zachlumian territory Luka. Unlike Łowmianski (1963) and many others, the author concludes that this Hebrew text provides no evidence for the so-called White or Northern Croatians.
The second series records there Slavonic countries (or rather states) located, according to the same description, between Venice and the Baltic Sea, namely Poland (Lwwnn or better *Ljjkjn), the district and state of Cracow (Kr.kr) and Bohemia (Bzjm). The Book of Josiphon omits other Slavonic states such as Russia nad Bulgaria, for they were ruled by dynasties of non-Slavonic origin. The independent state of Cracow with Boleslas the Brave, the eldest son of Mieszko tbe First, as its ruler was a political ephemeral during the eighties of the tenth century A. D. Later (992), it was completely integrated with the Polish state by the same Boleslas, who was crowned as the first Polish king before his death in 1025.
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The text presents Henryk Kahane’s chess career in Czechoslovakia (1927–1931) and Poland (1932–1935). Henryk (Hersh Tsalel) Kahane was born at Tomaszow Rawski (Mazowiecki) in 1906. He learned to play chess in his home town. Later he... more
The text presents Henryk Kahane’s chess career in Czechoslovakia (1927–1931) and Poland (1932–1935). Henryk (Hersh Tsalel) Kahane was born at Tomaszow Rawski (Mazowiecki) in 1906. He learned to play chess in his home town. Later he studied chemistry at the Technical University in Brno in years 1927–1931. He was a chess master of Brno and a chess master of the Main Society of the Czechoslovakian Chess Players (Czech Ústřední jednota československých šachistů). After having come back home Kahane was a member of the Lodz Society of Adherents of the Chess Playing (Pol. Łódzkie Towarzystwo Zwolenników Gry Szachowej). He took part in two Chess Championship of Lodz (4th place in 1932; 3rd place in 1934) and was also a member of the Lodz team at the Polish Team Chess Championship in 1934. In 1935 he emigrated to Romania, later (1940) to Palestina via Bulgaria and Turkey. In Israel Henryk Kahane lived in the town Ramat Gan (Tel Aviv District) and was a director of the chemical factory “Avipun”.
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The Oldest Pharmacy in Tomaszów Mazowiecki was created in 1825 by Stanislaus Suchecki (1799–1833). He was a honoured alderman in the town Tomaszów Mazowiecki in years 1830–1833 and a chief of overpowering a epidemic of cholera in 1831.... more
The Oldest Pharmacy in Tomaszów Mazowiecki was created in 1825 by Stanislaus Suchecki (1799–1833). He was a honoured alderman in the town Tomaszów Mazowiecki in years 1830–1833 and a chief of overpowering a epidemic of cholera in 1831. After his premature death the pharmacy was managed by Adolf Henryk Lange (1809–before 1874), who married the widow Paulina Suchecka née Dzierzgowska (1809–1835), later Teresa Suchecka (born 1814).
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Two epigrams by Valerius Aedituus are translated in Polish.
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The Indo-European middle verbs can be formed with the middle marker *-ri or *-i. The most valuable and archaic material, attested in the Anatolian group of the Indo-European family, demonstrate most forms with -r(i) and same with -ti (and... more
The Indo-European middle verbs can be formed with the middle marker *-ri or *-i. The most valuable and archaic material, attested in the Anatolian group of the Indo-European family, demonstrate most forms with -r(i) and same with -ti (and even -ni), e.g. indic. med. 3th sg. -ari, -ttari in Hittite (e.g. Hitt. kittari ‘lies, is laid’, Palaic kitar, Hieroglyphic Luwian ziyyar, Lydian siyeni ‘id.’) next to -ati, -ttati in Old Hittite. The former forms seem to derive from the latter ones, which are characteristic of the Old Hittite period. It is demonstrated that the middle marker *-ri (attested in Anatolian, Celtic, Italic and Tocharian) was, in fact, more archaic than its variant *-i (attested in Greek, Indic and Iranian). Both derives from the middle marker *-Ďi, which is attested in Old Hittite as -ti.
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W pierwszym tomie Słownika etymologicznego języka polskiego Franciszek Sławski (1952–1956: 44) omówił prasłowiańską genezę polskiego apelatywu brud m. ‘brud, plugastwo’, dial. ‘robactwo’, a z kolei w pierwszym tomie Słownika... more
W pierwszym tomie Słownika etymologicznego języka polskiego Franciszek Sławski (1952–1956: 44) omówił prasłowiańską genezę polskiego apelatywu brud m. ‘brud, plugastwo’, dial. ‘robactwo’, a z kolei w pierwszym tomie Słownika prasłowiańskiego prof. Sławski (1974: 390) wprowadził rekonstrukcję prasłowiańskiego wyraz w postaci *brudъ, bruda dial. płn. ‘nieczystość, pył, kurz, błoto osiadłe na czym, sordes’. Należy jednak odnotować, że alternatywna praforma *bъrudъ jest także możliwa w świetle słowiańskiego materiału leksykalnego, gdyż jer twardy (*ъ) sylaby początkowej regularnie zanika w pozycji przed sylabą z wokalizmem pełnym (*u).
Autor proponuje objaśnić wyraz słowiański jako prastare złożenie indoeuropejskie zawierające w pierwszym członie *bhŭro- (‘mieszanina’, por. gr. φύρω ‘zmieszać coś suchego z czymś mokrym, zmoczyć, zrosić, zabrudzić, splamić’ < pie. *bhŭr-yō; stind. bhur- ‘poruszać coś, mieszać, drgać, kołatać’), a w drugim członie element *udo- (‘woda’) na stopniu zanikowym (por. pie. *wed- ‘woda’, gr. ὕδωρ n. ‘woda’, orm. get, het. watar, psł. *woda f. ‘aqua’). Bliskie odpowiedniki wyrazu prasłowiańskiego są poświadczone w innych językach indoeuropejskich, np. het. purūt- ‘gleba, błoto, muł, ziemia; cegła z wysuszonego mułu’ (< anat. *buraud- < pie. *bhuro-ud-), orm. brut (i-stem) ‘garncarz’, (< pie. *bhuro-ud-i-), także brteay adi. ‘gliniany’ (Martirosyan 2008: 528). Etymologia jest prawdopodobna z semantycznego punktu widzenia, gdyż brud może być pojmowany jako mieszanina pyłu, kurzu, gliny z jakąś substancją ciekłą (np. wodą, śliną, krwią lub potem). Wyrazy anatolijskie i ormiańskie wydają się wskazywać, że apelatyw indoeuropejski *bhuro-ud- (n.) ‘mieszanina [czegoś suchego] z wodą’ pierwotnie odnosił się do garncarstwa i dotyczył substancji powstałej z połączenia gliny oraz wody (Puhvel 1994: 255; Kloekhorst 2008: 682–683, słusznie podkreśla, że „‘mud’ is a mixture of water and clay”).
Autor proponuje objaśnić wyraz słowiański jako prastare złożenie indoeuropejskie zawierające w pierwszym członie *bhŭro- (‘mieszanina’, por. gr. φύρω ‘zmieszać coś suchego z czymś mokrym, zmoczyć, zrosić, zabrudzić, splamić’ < pie. *bhŭr-yō; stind. bhur- ‘poruszać coś, mieszać, drgać, kołatać’), a w drugim członie element *udo- (‘woda’) na stopniu zanikowym (por. pie. *wed- ‘woda’, gr. ὕδωρ n. ‘woda’, orm. get, het. watar, psł. *woda f. ‘aqua’). Bliskie odpowiedniki wyrazu prasłowiańskiego są poświadczone w innych językach indoeuropejskich, np. het. purūt- ‘gleba, błoto, muł, ziemia; cegła z wysuszonego mułu’ (< anat. *buraud- < pie. *bhuro-ud-), orm. brut (i-stem) ‘garncarz’, (< pie. *bhuro-ud-i-), także brteay adi. ‘gliniany’ (Martirosyan 2008: 528). Etymologia jest prawdopodobna z semantycznego punktu widzenia, gdyż brud może być pojmowany jako mieszanina pyłu, kurzu, gliny z jakąś substancją ciekłą (np. wodą, śliną, krwią lub potem). Wyrazy anatolijskie i ormiańskie wydają się wskazywać, że apelatyw indoeuropejski *bhuro-ud- (n.) ‘mieszanina [czegoś suchego] z wodą’ pierwotnie odnosił się do garncarstwa i dotyczył substancji powstałej z połączenia gliny oraz wody (Puhvel 1994: 255; Kloekhorst 2008: 682–683, słusznie podkreśla, że „‘mud’ is a mixture of water and clay”).
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The goal of the paper is to propose an explanation of the origin of the Latin fifth declension. The author's hypothesis is that Latin, like other Indo-European languages, had once had a separate dual number, which disappeared still in the... more
The goal of the paper is to propose an explanation of the origin of the Latin fifth declension. The author's hypothesis is that Latin, like other Indo-European languages, had once had a separate dual number, which disappeared still in the pre-literary period. The loss of the dual number disturbed the declension system existing at the time and caused the need for the creation of a new declension class (the fifth declension). Dual forms ending in *-ē, gen. du. *-ēs (< PIE *-eh 1 , gen. du. *-eh 1 s) referring to animate nouns as well as dual forms ending in *-ī, gen. du. *-iēs (< PIE *-ih 1 , gen. du. *-ieh 1 s) referring to inanimate nouns underwent the process of collectivization and/or singularization and thus most of them gained the status of typical singularia tantum and then formed a separate class of nouns which had-ē-as the common feature. It is this group of nouns that formed the Latin fifth declension. The process can be envisaged to have taken the following route: PIE *h 2 eḱ-ih 1 nom. du. n. 'two blades' > Proto-Italic *acī du. n. 'two-edged sword or knife', gen. du. *aciēs → Lat. aciēs,-ēi f. 'sharp edge, sharp point, blade, sword'. In the further discussion the author attempts to explain the phonological and semantic aspects of the forms with-(i)ēs according to the dual hypothesis.